Opinion
Thorn-filled journey through Law School, Lagos Campus | By Festus Adedayo
Published
7 years agoon
The temptation to comment today on the surfeit of political issues raging in our troubled country is very high. Ranging from the insipid, the insulting to the idiotic, a commentator has in them an overflow of what I term “commentarial materials.” There is nowhere you turn that you are not choked by the palpable fume of governmental irresponsibility that has become the poster of the Nigerian state. It is so disgusting that Nigerians have turned activists in their closets.
It is a malaise that signposts the fact that Nigeria is being governed by men without ears, literally and metaphorically, apology to Ifeoma Okoye’s Men Without Ears. It does even worse: Makes the writer feel very hollow, incomplete and little, as if he was on a barren weekly shuttle. How can you continue to talk to deaf and dumb people, men for whom blood-flow into their auditory nerves ceased since 2015? It is why the supine bereftness of logic and common sense in the Chief Driver of the Nigerian airplane’s call for full Sharia law in Nigeria, the very hollow cants of DSS over its shameful and obnoxious failed abduction of Omoyele Sowore in court, the very contradictory statements from the Press Office of the presidency, Aisha Buhari’s incongruent Save Our Soul to hapless Nigerians over her purely domestic dislocation, the “Major General” prefix that the Punch has aptly elected to tag Buhari with, Adams Oshiomhole’s shameful dance in Edo and sundry others, will not engage my attention today.
Instead, I have chosen to go Afghanistan. Not for fear of being Sowore-d; I have gone past that worry, but to focus attention on a tiny member of the Nigerian orbit that can be said to be the proverbial masquerade at the village square whose eclectic dancing steps are enthralling and fascinating to its minder – the Nigerian people. Rather than my choice of commentary today being escapist, it looks to me like a purifying therapy for, not only the writer, but the Nigerian public who may stumble on the piece. You, me and everyone are fast losing our sanity at this maddening emanations from Muhammadu Buhari’s Aso Rock. A piece like this may be a soothing balm against the current system’s plans to drive us mad. Though what I am about to delve into is a personal narrative, we could proceed from this specific into making a helicopter view judgment of the discourse at issue.
I was admitted to the Nigerian Law School, Lagos campus, in November, 2018. I had earlier completed a course of study in Law from Faculty of Law, University of Ibadan. I arrived UI – pardon the argot – pregnant with what had become a cliché among people of my generation and the ones before us, to wit that the present Nigerian educational system had gone to the dogs and the dogs, unable to stomach the stench, threw it to the swine. My classmates, the Class of 17, as we called ourselves, jolted me off this typecast. Exceptionally brilliant students, I knew from the outset that they would positively embarrass the university. And they did. By the time the final results were announced, 21 had First Class, a feat unprecedented in the history of the 71-year old university. Those boys and girls were very brilliant, thorough and painstakingly committed to their vision of being lawyers.
Whenever they stood up to pontificate in class, you would see a future for Nigeria; see in them the Gani Fawehinmis, Femi Falanas, Olisa Agbakobas and other great law titans.
The Lagos Campus’ “notoriety” predated my entrance into the school. Anyone who heard of your “bad luck” of being posted there, pitied you. You would think you had been sentenced to a term in Hades. The campus would not disappoint your fear and apprehension; it in fact did worse than that. From your first day in class, you had the feeling that you had come for dinner with Mephistopheles. The verses of the code of conduct spelled out by the lecturers at the induction programme were laced with scalding hot lines of the Salmon Rushdie’s fatwa kind. The school didn’t hide the fact that it could not stomach indolence and laziness, and that breaking of its rules tantamount a sting from its wasp.
It spells out in unmistakable lines that it would grill you, bend you over backwards and retreat only when you are about to snap. From that moment, you begin to create a space for those lecturers in your profile of hate. How could lecturers be consumed by such massive hatred for their students? How could they be that unfeeling?
If you ever doubted their resolve to follow the rigid codes with strict abidance, you were shocked the next day, the beginning of lectures. At the point of daily biometrics for attendance, a horde of girls with skimpy bikini-like black skirts as short as the morality of a whore, haughty-looking neck chains and seemingly revealing tops, were sent off the queue, back to their hostels. If you thought you could study part-time, you had chosen a wrong school in the Lagos campus; the second biometrics for the day is impromptu!
Now, the academics at the NLS. It was so manifestly thorough that at some point, I contemplated throwing in the towel. Indeed, some lily-livered students fell by the wayside. The lecturers taught as if their lives depended on the students passing in flying colours. The rigour of the academic work at the NLS was better imagined than confronted. Among us, we believed this approach was deliberate – get students to be captives of the mindset, ab initio and ultimately secure their daily scampering to catch up. From the Deputy Director of the school, Mr. Nasiru Tijani, who himself taught Criminal Litigation, Ugochukwu Kanu and the Late Mrs. Olabisi Ayankogbe, to Mrs. Gbemisola Odusote, Sylvester Udemezue, Mrs. James, (of the Property Law course) to Mrs. Yinka Odukoya, Mr. Sesan Orimogunje, Mrs Takuro (Civil Litigation), Mrs. Motunrayo Egbe, of the Corporate Law Practice and his crew of dedicated young lecturers assisting her – Monye and Ayo, as well as Titi Hameed of the Professional Ethics class, one thing linked them together – their selfless pursuit of excellence in the students and their commitment which, I must confess, I had never seen in any lecturer/teacher in my decades of interface with the academy. They inconvenienced themselves to the optimum to bring out the best in the students. If anyone told you they didn’t collect extra cash for the success of the students, their hyper dedication to the course of teaching would belie such a claim.
Of all of them, I want to single out three. One is Mr. Tijani, the DDG. Imbued with an unusual calmness, Tijani is a teacher’s teacher. If he taught you Charges which is the backbone of Criminal Litigation and you didn’t know it, you obviously never will. If he takes his time to explain a topic to you and you still find it obscure, you probably can never know it until you were in the presence of your Maker. He does his explanation with the presence of mind of a clergy and the clinical finish of a surgeon.
The second is Mrs. James. It is at the Law School that I learnt that if you could not commit words to memory and reproduce them by rote, you are half-failed. This young Christian woman comes in handy here. She teaches her students as if they were in a crèche lesson, backed up with release of Christian prophetic prayers into their lives. She is so matronly that if there was an avenue to vote the best teacher of the NLS, James would go home with awards in all the probable categories. I doubt if any of the students would not be waiting to repay her children someday.
Then the lecturer you will hate to love, Udemezue. Feared, dreaded for his hyper-abidance by the school’s code of conduct, the fear of Udemezue is the beginning of wisdom in the school. He seizes phones of students who take their eyes off the academy to fiddling with the small machine and didn’t see any qualms in being labeled a Law School sheriff. At the end of the whole exercise, it dawned on the students that their Number One friend was this brilliant, peripatetic law teacher whose name students insolently shortened to Udemz.
Having said the above, one cannot fail to bring out the drawbacks of the Nigerian Law School system. One is that the Lagos campus’ hyper-fascination with moral regeneration is misplaced. This is because, it forgets that it is dealing with students who are already formed and whose eight or nine months of fleeting sojourn on its campus cannot reshape. These are, for instance, girls many of whom have seen men’s nakedness more than an Ijaw fisherman can ever see shrimps. Though the school does this with eyes on excellence, it is regrettable that it merely scratches the surface of rots in students whose moral codes are as warped and turgid like a dried fish.
Second issue is that of the very long hours of teaching in the Lagos campus. I remember a day that we left the Corporate Law class at 7pm. Educationists would tell you of the period of the attention span of a listener and thus, students. From a 9amlecture, by that time, the teacher is talking to zombies and robots. The Lagos campus may want to slash these unfriendly long hours of teaching. And third is the Law School system in totality. It would be better to redraw the law course curriculum itself. Since the Law School is where the real architectonics of law is taught, it may not be a bad idea to reduce the five years spent in the university to, say four years and extend Law School period to two years. The curriculum is too wickedly cramped that what is taught in the eight months period far outweighs what is taught in five years in the university.
Not minding the above, you would be proud to have passed through the Lagos campus. No wonder it is the Premier of all other campuses and the place to be if you wanted to have a First Class. After a seemingly wicked run through an unpleasant mill, the probability of your having a distinction is very high, all things being equal. Its 77 First Class this year, out of 147 throughout Nigeria and the about the same quantum the previous year, are testimonies to this. How about cloning those dedicated and committed lecturers in all Nigerian schools, without exception? We surely will have a total rebirth in the Nigerian educational system.
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Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration
Published
6 days agoon
July 9, 2026By
Mega IconThe popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.
For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.
Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.
Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.
What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.
Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.
Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.
Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.
The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.
One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.
As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.
Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.
At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.
At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.
The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.
Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.
Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.
As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.
History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
Opinion
An Open Letter to Northern Leaders: Arewa Is Bleeding. Who Will Answer the Call?
Published
1 week agoon
July 7, 2026By
Mega IconI write this letter with a heavy heart to the sons and daughters of Arewa, particularly those entrusted with leadership and influence, concerning the painful reality confronting our region today. Once united in purpose and driven by a shared vision, Arewa now appears to be living in the shadow of its glorious past.
Our forefathers built this great region with one voice, setting aside differences of ethnicity and religion. They understood that unity was our greatest strength and that our diversity was not a weakness but a blessing. Their legacy was one of peace, mutual respect, visionary leadership, and collective progress.
Today, it is heartbreaking to witness how far we have drifted from those ideals. This letter is a sincere call for reflection, reconciliation, and a renewed commitment to rebuilding the unity, security, and prosperity that once defined our beloved Arewa.
Arewa Under Siege
Northern Nigeria has become widely known as a hotspot for multiple forms of insecurity. From the Boko Haram insurgency to widespread kidnapping, armed banditry, and violent attacks, fear has become part of everyday life. People no longer feel safe in their homes, workplaces, on their farms, or while travelling on the highways. Every journey is undertaken with uncertainty, with no guarantee of arriving safely.
Even more troubling is the perception that these security challenges have become normalised. Reports of abductions, killings, and attacks have become so frequent that they often receive far less attention than they deserve. This perceived indifference from those in positions of authority has contributed to a growing public belief that criminal groups now operate with confidence and relative impunity.
Consequently, many residents feel abandoned, while public trust in the government’s ability to protect lives and property continues to erode.
Addressing this crisis requires a coordinated and sustained response through stronger security operations, improved intelligence gathering, greater support for affected communities, and genuine accountability. Without decisive action, the cycle of violence and fear will continue to undermine the region’s stability, economic development, and the well-being of its people.
Beyond Insecurity: A Crisis of Leadership
The North’s challenges are not accidental. Poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment are the cumulative consequences of long-standing structural failures, weak governance, and policy choices that have compounded over decades.
Responsibility is shared across different segments of society—including the political elite, the educated class, and the business community—many of whom have possessed both the influence and the opportunity to intervene more decisively than they have.
Rather than being the result of a single coordinated agenda, what is evident is a persistent pattern of neglect, weak accountability, and recurring governance failures that have allowed social and economic conditions to deteriorate. These failures have contributed to rising unemployment, declining educational outcomes, inadequate healthcare, and the expansion of insecurity across much of the region.
Breaking this cycle requires more than assigning blame. It demands institutional reform, accountable leadership, strategic investment in human capital, and a renewed sense of public responsibility.
Where Are the Northern Elite?
This brings us to the most difficult question: Where are the Northern elite? Where are the governors, ministers, lawmakers, business leaders, scholars, and other influential voices? Many command enormous influence, considerable private wealth, and extensive international networks, yet too often appear unable—or unwilling—to meaningfully confront the conditions that continue to leave large parts of the region insecure, impoverished, and politically weakened.
Why does this gap persist?
Part of the answer lies in proximity to power. In political environments shaped by patronage, speaking boldly may threaten access, while silence preserves influence. Over time, self-preservation begins to resemble strategy.
Unfortunately, the cost is borne not by those in positions of privilege but by ordinary communities far removed from the rooms where decisions are made.
Reviving the North’s Industrial Legacy
Northern Nigeria was once the industrial powerhouse of the country. Cities such as Kano and Kaduna were thriving centres of manufacturing, commerce, and employment. Today, much of that industrial strength has faded.
This is, therefore, a respectful appeal to two of Nigeria’s most accomplished industrialists—Aliko Dangote and Abdul Samad Rabiu. Many people continue to ask why there is limited visible large-scale industrial reinvestment in Kano, your home state, and across Northern Nigeria.
As a Kano indigene, and to the best of my knowledge, neither Aliko Dangote nor Abdul Samad Rabiu currently operates major manufacturing facilities actively producing in Kano. Several facilities associated with their businesses are widely reported to have become inactive or to function primarily as warehouses rather than active industrial plants. For example, along Tafawa Balewa Road, two BUA facilities that previously operated flour and vegetable oil mills are reported to have ceased production. Likewise, several Dangote industrial sites stretching from Mai Malari Road to the Sharada Industrial Area are also widely reported to be inactive or operating far below capacity.
Kano and Kaduna, once renowned for their vibrant manufacturing sectors, have experienced decades of industrial decline, resulting in widespread unemployment and underutilised infrastructure. At the same time, a significant share of new private-sector industrial investment appears to have been concentrated in other parts of the country, particularly the South-West. This naturally raises important questions about balanced national development.
Philanthropy remains valuable and deeply appreciated. Scholarships, donations, and humanitarian support undoubtedly improve lives. However, charity cannot replace sustainable industrial development.
What the North urgently needs is long-term investment that revives manufacturing, creates employment, strengthens local supply chains, develops skills, and rebuilds industrial ecosystems across Kano, Kaduna, and neighbouring states. Strong factories build strong communities, while sustainable industries create lasting prosperity. The expectation, therefore, is not charity but a renewed commitment to the economic transformation of the region where many of Nigeria’s greatest industrial success stories first began.
The Responsibility of Business Leaders
The Northern business elite have watched insecurity, poverty, and displacement deepen while economic activity has increasingly concentrated elsewhere.
Insurgency, banditry, and weakened rural governance have disrupted agriculture, trade routes, and local markets. Investment naturally gravitates towards safer and more predictable environments. Yet public advocacy from many influential business leaders has often remained muted, constrained by commercial interests, political relationships, and regulatory considerations.
The region risks becoming divided into two realities: one integrated into national wealth and opportunity, and the other left to bear the consequences of persistent insecurity, economic stagnation, and neglect.
Business leadership extends beyond generating profits. It also entails helping to create an environment where enterprise can flourish, jobs can be created, and communities can prosper. Sustainable economic growth depends not only on private investment but also on the willingness of influential stakeholders to advocate policies and initiatives that promote stability, security, and inclusive development.
The North’s business community has historically played a significant role in shaping the region’s economic fortunes. That tradition of leadership remains essential today. While governments bear primary responsibility for governance and security, the private sector also possesses the capacity to influence development through strategic investments, partnerships, innovation, and constructive engagement with public institutions.
Rebuilding confidence in Northern Nigeria requires collaboration among government, businesses, civil society, and local communities. A more secure and prosperous region ultimately benefits everyone, creating new opportunities for investment, employment, and long-term economic growth.
A Message to Political Leaders
To the political leadership of Northern Nigeria: the contradiction has become increasingly difficult to ignore. The region remains one of the country’s most significant in terms of population and political influence, yet it continues to lag behind on key development indicators such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, employment, and security.
When communities are attacked, farmers are displaced, and schools are forced to close, silence from those entrusted with leadership is seldom interpreted as restraint. More often, it is perceived as detachment. Leadership is measured not only by electoral success or political influence but also by the willingness to confront difficult realities with courage, empathy, and decisive action.
The expectations of citizens go beyond promises. They seek visible commitment, practical solutions, and sustained engagement with the challenges affecting their daily lives. Rebuilding public confidence requires leadership that is accountable, responsive, and focused on the long-term development of the region.
A Message to the Educated and Professional Class
To our academics, professionals, and intellectuals: the evidence is neither hidden nor difficult to find. Reports, research, and lived experiences consistently reveal widening gaps in human development, education, healthcare, and security.
Yet, too often, expertise remains confined within institutions and professional circles that discourage open engagement with entrenched power. Knowledge should not merely describe problems; it should help solve them. Research should inform policy, enrich public debate, and contribute meaningfully to sustainable solutions.
Every society depends on courageous thinkers who are willing to engage constructively, challenge complacency, and place the public interest above personal convenience. The North possesses no shortage of intellectual talent. What is needed is a stronger connection between knowledge and action.
A Message to Cultural Influencers
To our musicians, artists, writers, actors, and other public figures: throughout history, art has served as a powerful instrument of truth, reflection, and social transformation. Cultural voices have inspired movements, preserved history, and given hope to communities during difficult times.
Yet, when economic survival becomes closely tied to political or commercial interests, critical voices often become subdued. Society benefits when its cultural figures speak with honesty, empathy, and a sense of responsibility. Their influence extends beyond entertainment; it helps shape public values, inspire civic engagement, and amplify the concerns of ordinary people.
A Shared Responsibility
Ultimately, this is not solely a Northern Nigerian problem. It reflects a broader question confronting societies everywhere: what happens when elite interests become disconnected from the well-being of ordinary people?
When access becomes more valuable than accountability, and proximity to power outweighs responsibility to the public, silence is rarely accidental—it becomes institutionalised.
The result is a widening emotional and political distance between leadership and the people. Unless that distance is narrowed through meaningful investment, principled advocacy, and courageous leadership, the same questions will continue to resonate:
Who speaks? Who benefits? Who bears the cost?
History will judge every generation by how it responds to the challenges of its time. Northern Nigeria possesses enormous human potential, entrepreneurial talent, agricultural resources, and a rich cultural heritage.
What it requires now is leadership marked by vision, courage, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the common good.
This letter is not intended to condemn but to encourage honest reflection and meaningful action. The future of Arewa depends not only on government but also on every leader, businessperson, scholar, professional, artist, and citizen willing to place the region’s long-term prosperity above personal or political interests.
May we find the wisdom to rebuild what has been weakened, the courage to confront uncomfortable truths, and the determination to restore Northern Nigeria to its rightful place as a region of peace, opportunity, and shared prosperity.
Abba Dukawa writes from Kano and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com.
Opinion
2027: Why Oyo APC Should Close Ranks Behind Sarafadeen Alli | By Adeniyi Olowofela
Published
2 weeks agoon
July 4, 2026By
Mega IconSince the emergence of Senator Sarafadeen Alli as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2027 election in Oyo State, I have listened to and read numerous reactions from party members and stakeholders. While some of his co-contestants have expressed disappointment, such feelings are understandable in every keenly contested democratic process.
Interestingly, many people have attempted to draw Senator Teslim Folarin into the controversy surrounding the party’s choice. However, he has remained silent. In my view, that silence is deliberate. I believe Senator Folarin understands the direction taken by the party’s national leadership regarding the choice of candidate.
Anyone who believes Senator Folarin was unaware of Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s governorship ambition does not fully appreciate his political experience. Senator Folarin is a strategic politician. In the 2023 governorship election, he pursued victory with determination and commitment. Personally, I had hoped he would emerge victorious, and I remain convinced that he gave his all in that contest.
Former Minister of Power, Chief Bayo Adelabu, also contested the 2023 governorship election on the platform of the Accord Party. Although I disagreed with that political decision, democracy guarantees every citizen the freedom of association and political choice.
Following the election, he was appointed into the Federal Executive Council, a development many interpreted differently based on their political perspectives.
Today, Chief Adelabu commands a substantial political following built over several election cycles. His support base remains significant, and if APC is to present a formidable front in 2027, Senator Sarafadeen Alli will undoubtedly benefit from the goodwill and backing of Adelabu and his loyalists.
Similarly, former Minister of Communications, Barrister Adebayo Shittu, has consistently demonstrated interest in Oyo State’s governorship over the years, even though he did not purchase the APC nomination form this time. His political experience and network remain valuable assets that should not be ignored.
My sympathy also goes to those aspirants who invested as much as ₦50 million each to purchase the APC governorship nomination form. That is no small sacrifice. Nonetheless, politics demands sacrifice in the collective interest. The pendulum could easily have swung in favour of any of them. Had that happened, the rest of us would equally have appealed to others to rally behind the eventual flag bearer.
I recall an incident during the 2022/2023 party activities when an official from Abuja, sent to supervise APC affairs in Oyo State, passionately appealed to stakeholders to embrace consensus. His message remains instructive. He warned that continued division within the party would only prolong its stay outside power and ultimately hurt everyone.
That warning remains relevant today.
For seven years, the APC has remained outside government in Oyo State. Can the party afford another four years in opposition? I do not think so.
This is why the task before us goes beyond the personal ambition of Senator Sarafadeen Alli. It is a collective struggle for every APC member, especially the foot soldiers who have remained loyal through difficult times. The Federal Government alone cannot provide opportunities for everyone. Regaining power in Oyo State is essential if the party hopes to broaden opportunities for its members at both the state and federal levels.
The challenge before us, therefore, is to build a larger political platform that accommodates everyone.
Senator Sarafadeen Alli is no political novice. Over the years, he has built relationships across virtually every ward in Oyo State. His political structure and grassroots appeal are undeniable. If party members unite behind him, APC stands a strong chance of returning to Government House.
Realistically, the 2027 governorship contest in Oyo State is shaping up to feature three major political forces. First is Senator Sarafadeen Alli of the APC, representing arguably the state’s most established political platform. Second is Hon. Bimbo Adekanbi, who many believe enjoys the backing of Governor Seyi Makinde and is expected to fly the flag of the APM. Third is Alhaji Hazmat Oriyomi of the Accord Party, whose growing popularity among many grassroots supporters cannot be dismissed.
The eventual winner is likely to emerge from one of these three political blocs. That reality alone should remind APC members that victory is far from guaranteed.
The surest path to success is unity.
This election should not be seen as Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s personal battle. It is the collective responsibility of every APC member who desires the party’s return to power in Oyo State.
The time has come to bury personal grievances, close ranks and work together. Only through unity can APC reclaim Oyo State in 2027.
Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, former Chairman of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Oyo State, former Chairman of Ido Local Government, former Commissioner for Education, Science and Technology in Oyo State, and former Federal Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.
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