Opinion
Will Buhari learn from Zuma in Estcourt Prison?
Published
5 years agoon
In ex-President Jacob Zuma’s jailing for 15 months by South Africa’s Constitutional Court, Africa and humanity in general are dragged to school by the nape of their dresses. Author of celebrated Yoruba classic, Igbi Aye Nyi – Life swivels like a wind – Chief T. A. A. Ladele, had earlier taught the world one or two of the Zuma lessons. Written in 1978.
Ladele, an Okeho, Oyo State-born History teacher at Durbar College, Oyo and pioneer Headmaster of Baptist School, Iwere-Ile, was one of Nigeria’s early writers. In, Igbi Aye Nyi, the 1920-born writer sought to teach us all about the ephemeral worth of political power and the unenduring texture of raw brawn.
Set in a town called Otolu at the outset of colonial incursion into Nigeria, Oba Bankarere, the Otolu king, in concert with his sons, inflicted huge terror on his subjects through excessive wielding of power. He flaunted the wealth that accrued from power and defied all known societal norms. Two of Oba Bankarere’s subjects however rose to save the sanity of the traditional institution and the lives of the people.
In the end, the colonial government waded in to curtail these excesses in a manner that rubbished the king and curtailed his outlaw sons.
Though it is not known whether Zuma’s son, Emmanuel shared same outlawry with the sons of Oba Bankarere while he was in power from 2009 to 2018, Zuma was the Oba reincarnate in profligacy and amassment of ill-gotten wealth. He deployed his grips on political power as an enabler of access to the purse and wealth of the state.
The former president was also showcased as a moral dis-advertisement with his amoral relationship with the opposite sex. It began with his charge in 2005 for raping AIDS patient and activist, Fezekile Ntsukela Kuzwayo via unprotected sex.
The 31-year old family friend of his, who used the alias Khwezi during trial to protect her identity, had alleged that the rape took place in Zuma’s Forest Town, Johannesburg home but the court eventually freed Zuma, ruling that the sex was consensual.
In 1999, Zuma faced a multi-billion dollar arms deal charge and in the same year, a court-ordered 18-count corruption charge. In 2016, a court ruled that he diverted government money to upgrade his Nkandla private property which he later repaid to government coffers. Yet another 2017 inquiry came up alleging that Zuma unduly profited from an incongruous relationship with the renowned and wealthy Gupta family. In all these, Zuma wore a coat of many blemishes, apology to American singer, Dolly Parton.
This is not to talk of an inquiry set up to look into allegations that he looted the South African treasury in 2018. Another National Prosecuting Authority’s 12-count charges against him for fraud, racketeering, corruption, money laundering and arms deal threatened to unseat him. The height of it all was his sentencing for 15 months for his refusal to honour a commission’s invitation to him to testify in matters of state looting. He is right now in the Estcourt Prison, a jailhouse he built. It also must be noted that many of these trials took place while he was president.
Zuma’s jailing is a double-edged sword for Africa. While it disclaimed Trevor-Roper and other imperialist historians who said Africa had no history and insinuated that the continent’s gene was deleteriously different from the rest of the world’s, his sentencing shows the world that Africa also possesses strong institutions that can deal with its reprobates.
However, on the other hand, arguments are canvassed to state that, but for the presence of whites and supremacists in Pretoria, left to Africans, South Africa would have gone bonkers like the rest of its ilk like Nigeria. Zuma acted this script when he refused to honour the court’s invitation and blatantly declined to hand himself over upon conviction. His son, Emmanuel, led a revolt against the state when he kept vigil by Zuma’s Nkandla homestead in rural KwaZulu-Natal province with a stick, threatening that there would be “blood on the floor” if the state attempted to arrest his father.
South Africa’s institutions have always been Rock of Gibraltar-imposing and solid. Not minding the global renown of her husband, Nelson Rolihlahla, as anti-apartheid revolutionary and political leader, who was by then imprisoned, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela underwent trial for murder on December 29, 1988 for the abduction and murder of 14-year old James Seipei (known as Stompie Sepei).
Seipei and three other youths, members of the Mandela United Football Club, were said to have been alleged by Winnie of sexual abuse by Methodist church minister, Paul Verryn. They were tortured to admit same. In real terms, however, Winnie allegedly accused Seipei of being an informant, had him beaten to death and his battered body, pockmarked with stab wounds on his throat, was found on a football field on January 6, 1989.
Winnie was also in 1991 accused of murdering prominent Soweto doctor, Abu Baker Asvat, who examined Sepei. She was jailed six years and found culpable later in 1998 by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) for being “politically and morally accountable for the gross violations of human rights committed” and “responsible, by omission, for the commission of gross violations of human rights.” Winnie’s marital relationship with Mandela, South Africa’s iconic freedom fighter, did not swing the trials in her favour.
Of all the lessons Zuma’s term at Estcourt teaches or should teach Nigeria and its power wielders, two jut out. One is same conveyed by Ladele’s Igbi Aye Nyi and the other being that, until Nigeria begins to build strong institutions that can resist the Kabiyesi mentality of Nigerian political class, Nigeria will continue to regress on the ladder of social justice and equality.
These have within them the kernel of what drives development in the world.
It is no longer a mere cant to submit that Nigerian political class seeks power to oppress fellow countrymen. In what has been posited as a flow into and carryover from traditional African cultural history which turns mere mortals into despots, the political class’ impunity with power is unimaginable. Elected and appointed men clone the imperial powers of the monarchical system, extort the state and live the unquestionable – Ka bi e o si – life of gross impunity lived by kings of yore.
Their oppressive convoys and retinue of aides also reflect this carte blanche.
As William Golding’s Lord of the Flies was used to mirror the innate bestiality in man, Zuma’s greed, tendency to pervert laws and obscene acquisition are natural gravitation by the human flesh. In countries that jealously built their institutions to be above the whims of anyone, this human propensity is effectively tamed. In Nigeria, Smart Alecs that Nigerian political class are, have found clever ways to sidestep and subordinate laws, while manipulating them for their selfish usage.
Today in Nigeria, there is a set of laws for the rich and the powerful and another for the lowly and ordinary. Coupled with the unspeakable corruption in the Nigerian judiciary, the political class has literally castrated institutions, making Nigeria a perfect plot for George Orwell’s Animal Farm.
The Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission was set up by President Olusegun Obasanjo shortly after he was elected in 1999 and headed by Justice Chukwudifu Oputa. The panel summoned the trio of former military rulers, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, and Abdulsalami Abubakar, to answer allegations bordering on rights abuses, summonses they flagrantly defied.
Obasanjo had cloned similar one in South Africa, the TRC, which produced therapeutic healings from the trauma of Apartheid rule.
As Babangida refused the summons to answer questions on the 1986 parcel-bombing of Newswatch magazine editor, Dele Giwa, Buhari was found culpable, liable and accountable for his 1984 execution by firing squad of three suspected drug traffickers. They were 30-year old Lawal Ojuolape, 29-year old Bernard Ogedengbe and 26-year old Bartholomew Owoh, executed for an offence which, at the time it was committed, did not carry a capital punishment. World religious, civil rights, political, trade union leaders cried to Buhari, to no avail.
Abubakar was equally summoned to explain the murder in detention of billionaire winner of the June 12, 1993 election, MKO Abiola. The three former Heads of State subsequently approached the Appeal Court which voided the Oputa panel as strange to law. However, underground searchlight into the panel’s recommendation, like the judgment on Zuma, was that the three authoritarian military rulers should “be considered to have surrendered their right to govern Nigeria” having failed to honour subpoenas to appear before the commission. Buhari nevertheless went ahead to become Nigeria’s president. Babangida, on the other side, is convalescing in his imperial castle in Minna and Abdulsalami is junketing all over the world as Nigeria’s peace envoy to Liberia, Ivory Coast and Sudan. The three alleged clones of Zuma are today living happily ever thereafter.
Rather than build institutions, Nigeria builds persons whose representations die prematurely as soon as they crash politically or exit their high offices. We built Attahiru Muhammadu Jega, Dora Akunyili, Nuhu Ribadu and Ibrahim Magu, rather than building electoral, drug sanitizing and crime-fighting institutions. Yes, we can afford to have in power rotten cabbages like the Zumas, even with brimming maggots crawling all over their babanriga and agbada apparels, we however cannot afford a judiciary that has become bendable and pliable in the hands of politicians and the well-heeled. South Africa just demonstrated this by sending its former president to the Estcourt Prison.
The moment the judiciary as an institution becomes totally subsumed as it is as a tool in the hands of the powerful, then we can as well throw our hands unabashedly in the air in hopeless submission, close shop and call it a day. Give it to it, the Nigerian political class sometimes goes into purgatory once in a while by pushing tokenism as narrative of its redemption. This it does with the likes of Joshua Dariye, Orji Kalu, Farouk Lawan and a few others who were sent to our own Estcourt Prison. The larger narrative is however that Nigeria is a home of gross impunity which the judicial institution abets, with reckless abandon.
The other lesson that the Zuma travail teaches, as I said earlier, is that, as the holy writ sermonizes on human life, power is like vapour which whooshes in a moment but cannot be traced the next moment. When power-wielders build castles in the air as if life is their inheritance, they exhibit a palpable ignorance of life and lack of understanding of even the power in their hands.
The perishability of the human life should ordinarily teach leaders that they are not made of stronger stuff than the beggar on the street. Once breath vacates their nostrils and that of the beggar today, maggots will feed on the body of the beggar as it will on theirs. When they both go to the restroom to ease themselves, their excrements emit same foul odour, suggestive that they are both future venisons for maggots.
If we reckon with the above, why then do we confer unearned supremacy on life by tormenting our fellow man? As I have always maintained, of all human endowments – wealth, power, beauty and others – the most ephemeral is power. When it leaves, it leaves in totality. That is why the Yoruba would say, no one scurries off the road for a man who once drove a horse, except at the approach of one who is currently riding it. Power is that proverbial horse and it is spiritually structured to be used to benefit humanity and not to torment it. That is the lesson of Zuma in Estcourt prison.
Dr Festus Adedayo, is a Scholar, Author and ; Journalist
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Opinion
Doctors’ Strike and the Price of Human Life | By Olusegun Hassan
Published
5 days agoon
October 23, 2026The popular Yoruba saying, “Ẹni kan l’ọmọ,” meaning that only the person wearing the shoes knows where they pinch, recently took on a deeper meaning for me. Just last week, I experienced its true significance beyond its familiar place as an aphorism.
Popular sayings often remain mere expressions in our consciousness until we find ourselves at the receiving end of the experiences they describe. Similarly, systemic flaws and structural deficiencies in society may seem distant until we become victims of them. News of kidnapping is just another newspaper report until a loved one is abducted and the family is thrown into a desperate search for money to pay a ransom. In the same vein, the news that “doctors are on strike” may appear to be just another headline until someone close to us dies because urgent medical attention was unavailable as a result of the strike.
Nigeria’s story is replete with such unfortunate experiences, which have given rise to another familiar expression: “May Nigeria not happen to you.”
While the media landscape was still reeling from reports of the death of popular gospel singer Toluwanisings, who reportedly died on October 14, 2026, following an alleged lack of urgent medical attention during a doctors’ strike, I also lost a close relative two days later, on October 16, under circumstances involving the same lack of timely medical care.
She was an asthma patient who suffered an attack in the middle of the night. After receiving first aid, she was rushed to the nearest hospital, a teaching hospital, only to be turned away because doctors were on strike and none was available to attend to her. By the time the family reached the nearest private hospital, she had died. Her death left the entire family, myself included, traumatised.
These are only two cases among many similar tragedies that have occurred over the years. They raise a painful question: how many of these deaths could have been prevented if essential medical services had remained accessible?
I cannot help but wonder: what is the value of human life in this country? At what point did the sanctity of human life become secondary to demands for improved welfare by medical unions?
This is not to suggest that the grievances of doctors are illegitimate. Far from it. Medical professionals deserve fair remuneration, adequate facilities, safe working conditions and an environment that enables them to perform their duties effectively. The question, however, is whether the pursuit of these legitimate demands should come at such a devastating cost to human life, particularly when the fundamental purpose of the medical profession is to preserve life through the provision of appropriate healthcare.
It is a troubling paradox.
Doctors undoubtedly have the right to demand fair treatment and safe working conditions. However, that right must be exercised in a manner that protects patients from abandonment and avoidable harm. When patients die because essential medical services have been withdrawn without adequate safeguards, the ethical justification for the action becomes a serious matter for scrutiny.
The World Medical Association (WMA), an international body that promotes widely recognised ethical standards for physicians, upholds principles that include respect for human life and the dignity of patients. These principles underscore the responsibility of doctors to protect the health and well-being of those under their care, provide competent and timely treatment, prevent avoidable harm and act in their patients’ best interests.
These are not merely ideals about compassion. They are professional obligations that must continue to guide medical decisions, including during industrial disputes.
In Nigeria, the Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria (MDCN) addressed this issue in January 2024, reportedly directing the heads of teaching hospitals, federal medical centres and specialised hospitals to ensure that industrial action did not result in the abandonment or premature discharge of patients.
Among the safeguards outlined were the following:
- Accident and emergency departments must remain open and adequately staffed.
- Emergency paediatric services, labour wards, neonatal units and intensive care units must continue to provide emergency and critical care.
- Patients already admitted to hospital must not be discharged merely because a strike has commenced.
- Patients with scheduled appointments before the strike must be attended to in accordance with the applicable directives.
These safeguards reinforce an important principle: the right to pursue employment-related demands does not extinguish a doctor’s professional obligation to protect patients from preventable harm.
Where emergency patients are turned away, critically ill patients are abandoned, or essential services are shut down without adequate arrangements for emergency care, the circumstances warrant investigation. Where evidence establishes a breach of professional obligations or applicable regulations, appropriate disciplinary or legal action should follow.
Similarly, when a patient dies after being denied emergency treatment during an industrial action, the circumstances surrounding the death deserve a thorough and impartial investigation. Where negligence, professional misconduct or a breach of applicable directives is established, appropriate sanctions should be imposed in accordance with the law and relevant professional regulations.
The point is simple: no legitimate grievance should justify abandoning a patient whose life is in immediate danger.
At this juncture, it is equally important to acknowledge the government’s share of the blame. While this article emphasises the ethical obligation of doctors to preserve human life, the government must also recognise that poor remuneration, unpaid allowances, inadequate medical facilities, excessive workloads and unsafe working conditions undermine doctors’ morale and their ability to provide quality healthcare.
The consequences are increasingly evident in Nigeria’s continuing loss of medical professionals to other countries.
In 2025, the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Professor Muhammad Ali Pate, reportedly disclosed that more than 16,000 Nigerian doctors had emigrated over the preceding five to seven years, largely in search of better opportunities abroad. Furthermore, a 2025 report on Nigeria’s health statistics reportedly indicated that 4,193 doctors and dentists left the country in 2024 alone.
These departures deepen staffing shortages, increase the pressure on the doctors who remain and expose patients to longer waiting times and potentially avoidable deaths.
The government must therefore move beyond repeated negotiations and implement sustainable reforms. These should include the prompt payment of salaries and allowances, improved working conditions, adequate funding for public hospitals, transparent career progression and the effective implementation of agreements reached with medical unions.
The Federal Ministry of Health and relevant hospital authorities must also strengthen monitoring and oversight during industrial disputes to ensure that emergency and critical care services remain available in public hospitals. Patients in life-threatening conditions must not be turned away simply because doctors are on strike.
Ultimately, responsibility for Nigeria’s healthcare crisis cannot be placed entirely on one side. Doctors must uphold their professional and ethical obligations, while the government must fulfil its responsibility to create conditions in which those obligations can be discharged effectively.
Medicine is not an ordinary occupation. It carries a profound moral responsibility because, in certain circumstances, the timely intervention of a medical professional can make the difference between life and death. No employment grievance should be used to justify abandoning a patient whose life is in immediate danger.
The sanctity of human life demands responsibility from the doctors entrusted with treating patients and from the government authorities responsible for ensuring that appropriate treatment remains available.
A functional healthcare system depends on cooperation between these two critical stakeholders. When they fail to find common ground, it is the ordinary citizen who suffers the consequences. As the familiar saying goes, when two elephants fight, the grass suffers.
And trust me, I know what that suffering feels like. I have just experienced it.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D.
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
Opinion
Oyo, Osun Petrol Price War: Why Fair Competition Should Matter
Published
6 days agoon
October 22, 2026By
Mega IconThe decision by some filling stations in Oyo and Osun states to sell petrol at lower prices than their competitors has brought renewed attention to pricing practices in Nigeria’s downstream petroleum sector and, more importantly, to what consumers stand to gain when competition is allowed to work.
Investigations and enquiries into petrol prices in the two states revealed differences in pump prices, with some independent petroleum marketers (IPM) selling Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), popularly known as petrol, for about ₦1,375 per litre, while some competing stations charged about ₦1,385 per litre.
Although the difference is just ₦10 per litre, the savings are meaningful for motorists, commercial transport operators, artisans, traders and other residents who depend on petrol to earn a living.
For a commercial driver buying 40 litres, for instance, the price difference amounts to ₦400. For small businesses that rely on petrol-powered generators, repeated purchases at lower prices could provide some relief amid the rising cost of living. Across thousands of consumers and multiple purchases, modest savings can become a substantial reduction in household and business expenses.
However, findings from the enquiries suggest that some independent marketers who had previously sold petrol at relatively lower prices later adjusted their pump prices to match those of competing stations.
The development has prompted questions about what influences pricing decisions in the two states and whether consumers are being allowed to benefit fully from competition among petroleum marketers.
Information obtained during engagements with some marketers, who spoke on condition of anonymity, also indicated that the leadership of the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) in the two states had expressed displeasure over the decision by some members to sell petrol below the prices charged by other filling stations.
The circumstances surrounding the reported position of the association’s leadership, however, require clarification from the relevant IPMAN officials. Their response is necessary to establish the facts, understand the basis of the reported concerns and give the association an opportunity to state its position.
THE CASE FOR FAIR COMPETITION
At the heart of the matter is a question that directly affects consumers: should a petroleum marketer who can legitimately sell petrol at a lower price be discouraged from doing so simply because competitors are charging more?
The answer should be guided by evidence, legality and consumer welfare. In a competitive market, businesses generally make pricing decisions based on their operating costs, supply arrangements, margins and commercial objectives. Where a marketer can sustainably offer a lower price while meeting all applicable regulatory, product-quality and safety requirements, consumers should be able to consider that option.
Fair competition is not merely a benefit to individual buyers. It creates pressure on businesses to control costs, improve efficiency and offer better value. A lower price from one marketer can encourage others to review their own costs and pricing decisions, potentially producing wider benefits for customers.
This does not mean that every low-priced offer is automatically sustainable or that marketers should ignore the economic realities of running their businesses. Differences in supply costs, transportation, location and other expenses may legitimately result in different pump prices.
The issue, therefore, is not whether every filling station should sell petrol at the same price. It is whether businesses can compete fairly, transparently and within the law, without undue pressure to abandon commercially viable prices that benefit consumers.
Any intervention that prevents legitimate price competition should be supported by clear evidence and a lawful, consumer-focused justification. Otherwise, the likely result is a narrower range of choices and less pressure on sellers to offer better prices.
THE BURDEN ON ORDINARY RESIDENTS
For many households and small businesses, petrol prices go beyond what appears on a filling station’s price board. Higher fuel costs can increase transportation fares, the cost of moving goods and the expense of running generators and other equipment.
Traders may have to spend more transporting their goods to markets, while commercial drivers face pressure from rising operating costs. Such expenses can eventually be passed on to consumers through higher prices for goods and services.
Against this background, any legitimate opportunity to reduce fuel expenses deserves serious attention.
Allowing genuine competition among petroleum marketers could offer some relief, particularly where consumers have access to reliable information about prices and can choose where to buy their fuel. The ability to compare prices is itself an important part of a functioning market.
At the same time, price differences should be examined in context. A lower pump price alone does not establish wrongdoing by competing stations, just as a higher price does not automatically amount to exploitation. Reliable evidence about supply costs, market conditions and the conduct of the parties concerned is needed to reach a fair conclusion.
The central point remains clear: where lower prices are lawful, sustainable and supported by quality and safety compliance, consumers should not be deprived of the benefit merely because uniformity is more convenient for sellers.
STAKEHOLDERS MUST CLARIFY THE ISSUES
The reported concerns over lower pump prices in Oyo and Osun call for open engagement among IPMAN leadership, independent marketers and other relevant stakeholders.
IPMAN officials in both states should be given the opportunity to explain whether any concerns were raised about members selling petrol below prevailing local prices and, if so, the reasons behind those concerns.
Independent marketers, on their part, should be prepared to explain how they arrive at their pump prices and demonstrate that their pricing practices are commercially sustainable and comply with relevant requirements.
The relevant regulatory authorities also have a role to play in ensuring that petroleum products meet quality and safety standards and that market participants operate within the applicable legal framework. They should also remain alert to any conduct that unlawfully restricts competition or misleads consumers.
No stakeholder should be condemned solely on the basis of an unverified allegation. Equally, concerns that could affect consumers’ access to competitively priced fuel should not be dismissed without proper examination.
A balanced approach requires both scrutiny and restraint: lower prices should be tested against evidence, while attempts to suppress legitimate competition should also face appropriate questions.
CONSUMERS SHOULD NOT BE LEFT OUT
Ultimately, the debate over petrol prices in Oyo and Osun should not become a contest between filling station owners. The interests of consumers must remain central.
Petroleum marketers need a business environment in which they can operate sustainably, recover legitimate costs and earn reasonable returns. Consumers, however, also deserve a marketplace where they can make informed choices and benefit from genuine competition.
If a filling station can lawfully and sustainably sell quality petrol at a lower price, that decision should be assessed on its merits rather than opposed simply because neighbouring stations charge more. Competition should not be treated as a problem merely because it exposes differences in pricing.
The way forward lies in transparency, fair competition and constructive engagement among stakeholders.
For residents struggling with the cost of transportation, food and other necessities, even modest savings matter. Ensuring that legitimate competition is allowed to work could help ease some of that pressure, while proper oversight can protect consumers from unsafe products and unsustainable practices.
The relevant question is whether all parties are prepared to put a fair and transparent marketplace ahead of unnecessary disputes over pricing. Consumers should not be asked to pay more simply to preserve uniformity where lawful competition can deliver better value.
Opinion
Governor Seyi Makinde’s Media Chat: A Hundred And Twenty Minutes Of Trash Talk | By Sola Abegunde
Published
2 weeks agoon
October 13, 2026By
Mega IconI knew that Governor Makinde would provide us with a hundred and twenty minutes of comic relief and at the same time, I knew he is bound to commit unforced errors which would further expose his shenanigans.
The outgoing Governor of Oyo state did not disappoint on both fronts.
Personally, I understand the need for him to have one final valedictory Media Chat.
The atmosphere might be too hot for him to even think of such luxury after the general election in 2027. So, if he’s got the opportunity now, why not take a shot at it?
I must however say that the Governor displayed his insensitivity right from the choice of the Studio the Chat was aired.
Shortly before the Media Chat commenced, I came across a release signed by the Chairman of the Nigeria Union of Journalist, NUJ, BCOS Chapel, Com. Ademola Balogun.
Com. Balogun was full of lamentations concerning the very terrible state of the Oyo state Broadcasting Corporations, BCOS.
He was of the very strong opinion that the BCOS should have meaningful opportunities to cover Government activities.
He also called on Governor Seyi Makinde to empower the BCOS to invest in modern studio, transmitting equipment, digital broadcasting facilities and online platforms.
Com. Ademola spoke extensively about Staff welfare and other issues.
Sadly, while Governor Seyi Makinde has been consistent in empowering a particular Radio station, the Broadcasting Corporations of Oyo state, BCOS has been dying slowly.
Unfortunately, I have no good news for Com. Ademola. His lamentations will definitely fall on stone deaf ears. It is too late for Governor Makinde to change his ways. I just pray that the Governor would not wake up one day and sold off whatever remains of the Corporation.
That is just by the way. Let me address Governor Makinde’s Media Chat for whatever it is worth. The Governor spent a whole two hours venting anger and spreading outright lies and half-truths.
I am surprised that Governor Makinde has not seen any reason for him to have a second thought about his awkward and reckless comments about the Law Profession.
I am saying this because, for the second time, his Deputy was sitting closely beside him and yet, he felt like it was humorous for him to take a dig at Senator Sarafadeen Abiodun Alli, the All Progressives Congress, APC Gubernatorial candidate, regarding his misconceived failure as a Law practitioner.
He repeated the ignorant and reckless comments about Senator Alli, not being a Senior Advocate of Nigeria and for that reason, according to Governor Seyi Makinde, the Oyo South Senator is not an accomplished Legal Practitioner.
He had made that same reckless comments a couple of weeks ago and at that time also, the Deputy Governor was beside him!
The respectable man is an accomplished Lawyer of many years of experience, who had trained a lot of successful Lawyers.
I also wonder, how people like Dr. Nureni Adeniran and Olasunkanmi Olaleye, who are also Lawyers and have been working with Governor Seyi Makinde over the years would feel about those reckless comments coming from their Boss.
If you want to follow Governor Seyi Makinde’s reasoning, if you are a teacher and you did not rise to the status of a School Principal or Head teacher, then, you’re a failure.
If you are a Military Personnel and you didn’t rise to the position of a General, you’re a failure!
Any time I saw the Governor arguing in this regard, I always asked myself if he was actually himself, because, for me, only a drunkard is capable of reasoning in that manner, or, perhaps, some young elements who had taken so much banned substances.
I have carefully analyzed the 120 minutes Media Chat and I saw that Governor Seyi Makinde spent so much time treating two issues.
The first, being his frustration about his perceived betrayal by president Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the second being his failed attempt to rewrite the Constitution of Nigeria regarding the financial autonomy for Local Governments.
The birthday boy tried to work him through the crisis at the Circular Road, but it was obvious that the main reasons behind Governor Makinde’s Media Chat were grounded on his firm beliefs that Tinubu breached certain agreements with him and others in 2023 and his warped opinion about how the Local Governments should operate within our Federation.
Let’s start with Governor Seyi Makinde’s allegations against Tinubu.
According to him, in 2023, an agreement was signed between certain individuals, including himself.
He said there was an agreement that a Government of National Unity would be formed by president Tinubu after he won the presidential election of 2023 and that he and the Governor of Lagos state, Babajide Sanwo-Olu were signatories to that agreement.
According to him, president Tinubu was not a signatory to the agreement but he was informed after the agreement was signed!
He went further to say that on the strength of that agreement, he presented Bimbo Adekambi as a Ministerial nominee because the president had earlier told him that he wanted to appoint the Minister for Budget and Planing from Oyo state.
To his chagrin and disappointment, president Tinubu settled for Bayo Adelabu and asked him to own the nomination of the former Minister for power, a request he claimed he rejected.
He therefore concluded that all the Ministers nominated from the South West are from Bourdilon.
I have carefully analyzed this confession by Governor Seyi Makinde and I have a few questions for him.
Why is it that Governor Seyi Makinde is the only one complaining about a breached agreement?
Why did it take him all these long to come out with this fact?
What was the criteria for the nomination of Bimbo Adekambi? Did he just take a random decision to choose Adekambi without a prior relationship between the two of them or what?
How does Governor Seyi Makinde want to convince any right thinking person that he believed an agreement would be binding on Tinubu on the strength of Governor Sanwo-Olu’s alleged signature?
For me, that doesn’t make any sense, most especially, for an ” accomplished Engr” like Seyi Makinde!
I am surprised that Governor Makinde leaves out what he benefited from the alignment with Tinubu in 2023.
Remove the alignment with Tinubu in 2023, Seyi Makinde was a goner and the fact that he was able to secure a second term in office ought to have been enough for him.
I am also surprised that Governor Makinde didn’t understand that he was advertising his penchant for serial betrayal and greed when he was relating the events that shaped his re-election in 2023.
It was all about him and the decisions he took, not only affected the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP alone, it also affected certain candidates of his party during the first ballot in 2023.
Now, to the issue of Local Government Autonomy.
Governor Seyi Makinde is a very funny individual. He was very clear about his position on Local Government Autonomy in 2023.
His position was that he never even believed in their existence and I was amused when the birthday boy was saying that despite his position on Local Government Autonomy in 2023, he was still able to win in 31 Local Governments, signifying the fact that the people of Oyo state believed Governor Makinde’s explanations.
I am extremely happy that Governor Seyi Makinde has not changed his opinion on how Local Governments should operate within the Federating units.
He is still stuck on the fact that the 33 Local Governments in Oyo state should be appendages to the State Government, even, in spite of the Judgment of the Supreme Court granting them full financial autonomy.
I am shocked that Governor Seyi Makinde could attempt to confuse what happened between the Lagos state Government when Tinubu was Governor of the state and the Federal Government during Obasanjo’s period, with the illegalities he has been perpetuating with the resources 33 Local Governments.
There is a clear distinction between both scenarios.
In the case of Tinubu as Governor of Lagos state, the Lagos state Government created more Local Governments and the Federal Government was of the opinion that the state Government was wrong to have done so.
As a result of this misunderstanding, the Federal Government stopped the monthly allocations for the Local Governments in Lagos state and it led to a Judicial dispute.
In the end, the Supreme Court held that the Local Governments created by the Lagos state Government were incohate, but it faulted the Federal Government for withholding the monthly allocations belonging to the Local Governments in Lagos state.
Lagos state Government thereafter recognized and administered the newly created Local Governments as Local Government Development Areas and many states have since copied the template, including Oyo state.
In the present scenario, the president, through the Attorney general of the Federation approached the Supreme Court and sought to secure full financial autonomy for the 774 Local Governments and the Supreme Court agreed to the request.
I have been asking myself, why is it that Governor Seyi Makinde is having problems with that judgement?
The monthly allocations released to the 33 Local Governments are released against their names.
Is Governor Seyi Makinde saying that it is proper for a Governor to still be the supervisor for the 33 Local Governments?
How does the judgment of the Supreme Court translate to the Federal Government trying to take control of the 774 Local Governments?
Yorubas will always say that a dog can not stand watch over two different buildings. ( Aja kii roro, ko so ojule meji po).
I was also surprised to hear Governor Seyi Makinde talking about the fact that, instead of full financial autonomy for the Local Governments, he preferred to discuss about how the Local Governments could be empowered to survive without monthly allocations from Abuja.
Haba! Governor Makinde!! Gently now.
You are depriving the Local Governments of their entitlements and you except them to thrive. How would that happen?
Why didn’t we start with the state? Can Oyo state survive without monthly allocations?
I think everyone can now see that Bimbo Adekambi as Governor, would never allow the Local Governments to breathe.
On the other hand, Senator Sarafadeen Abiodun Alli has promised to guarantee full financial autonomy for the 33 Local Governments and the implementation of the policy requires no rocket science. All it requires is the will.
There is an existing judgment of the Supreme Court which has outlined the steps to be taken by any willing state Government.
Sarafa Alli only needs to direct relevant stakeholders at the Local Governments to comply with the judgment and that is the end of the matter.
What is so difficult in that, if you are not covetous?
I might have to do this piece in series but I will like to warn the residents of the Circular Road.
You heard Governor Seyi Makinde. He is promising you nothing.
My only problem with him is his attempts to shift the blame of the chaos he orchestrated at the Circular Road on the late Governor Abiola Ajimobi.
He even said that that the Government of Ajimobi defrauded residents of the Circular Road!
Sometimes, people like Governor Seyi Makinde needs no one to enchant them. Their character is an enchantment on itself.
If you’re saying that the Governments of the late Ajimobi defrauded residents of the Circular Road, is Bimbo Adekambi not an integral part of that Government and that is before you begin to ask the Governor for proofs.
I enjoyed Governor Seyi Makinde’s valedictory Media Chat, while looking forward to the new era awaiting him next year.
My father used to tell us that the mouth of the liar does not ooze blood. ( Enu opuro kii seje).
By the way, I saw that Governor Seyi Makinde never mentioned anything about the report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the abduction of Teachers and Pupils of Yawota and Esinele communities of Oriire Local Government.
How far now?
Sola Abegunde.
MEGAICON TV
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