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Tinubu; the man they couldn’t ‘cancel’

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File photo of the National Leader, APC, Sen. Bola Ahmed Tinubu

 

 

“Never hate your enemy it destroys your judgment “ – Mario Puzo

 

Our desire to flog, destroy, and write other off often cast a log of wood in our eyes to see issues for what it’s rather than resolving them in character assassination, twisting and tailoring a given fact to fit our primordial sentiment that does not fit reality, and consequently prediction and theory that will eventually go wrong.

Sometimes, when David Hundyen describes Nigeria’s elite as a toilet elite without class, I thought such overgeneralization was too harsh but now I understand better. Rather than pay attention to real issues and ask pertinent questions that can help make an informed opinion on the road to 2023, again, we have made the subject of our debate about the men and not issues base discussions that are of utmost relevance to the nation’s building.

And, our parody of double standards, hypocrisy, and arm-twisting of obvious facts beat my imagination. I have seen those I held in highest esteem fall into this muckraker, especially the latter-day apostle of new Nigeria. I think the problem with many of those who dress in intellectual garb is their juvenile obsession to see the Nigeria of their dreams work which is a valid aspiration but we seem to forget so soon that this is a democracy, and we must all participate in equal measure.

It’s too late to cry a river, the faith of over 200 million Nigerians has been bestridden in the hands of party delegates across the political party divides who decide the faith of millions of Nigeria through party primaries, and not wishful thinking through social media that doesn’t go beyond our circle of Influence, who likely may not be a part of delegate in any of the two dominating political party.

Maybe, if this nation will work, the intellectuals need to come down from their high heaven comfort zone to the wards level where the faith of over 200 million Nigerians is being decided by common men and women rather than gaslighting others on social media or forming an elite club of spectators and rubbing shoulders.

Of course, like the main character in The Godfather by Mario Puzo, Michael Corleon, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu is a paradigmatic strategy and he will dwarf men of his contemporaries when placed side by side especially considering his foresight, network, and intelligence.

In many ways, like many of his contemporaries, Tinubu has many sins, so also there are many things to appreciate and celebrate about the man, for a man who surrounded himself with thousands of thinkers can’t be said to suffer from inadequacies or be daft of the intellectual philosophical premise.

Perhaps, the most exceptional thing about Tinubu is how to fish for the best of hands, a strategic maneuver that enables him to win many political battles and lose a few through his ability to predict others’ intentions, which has been the paradox of his character as Capo Dei Capi as he rose through many challenges posed by time, age, and power to become Nigeria’s most powerful and sought-after Godfather in the political equation of this country and beyond but interestingly, adding the garb of a president to the garb of Godfather role seems to be more life-ambition to Asiwaju than being a Godfather alone.

And, so it seems this particular move has further opened him up for biting and attacks from all angles at this unprotected moment in his political chess. Interestingly, Osinbajo and many of his godsons want the same thing: they all think it’s wiser to contest for the exalted office now rather than give Tinubu the benefit of the godfather.

Italians have a little joke, that the world is so hard a man must have two fathers to look after him, Tinubu is not just a godfather, to his credit he has redefined Nigeria politics by the judicious way in which he wields power in raising men of enviable academic pedigree in the altar of power through the institution of governance. Tinubu no doubt has raised a leader and this singular trait has continued to endear him to people at the grassroots.

Poignantly, Tinubu has proven to be a prolific and magnetic wartime strategist, revered and feared by so many. One may not agree with everything about the man. For example, many see him as a big-time extortionist who dresses in a garb of a democrat but there is no question that Bola Ahmed Tinubu is a unifier, a strategist out of box thinker, and perhaps his ability to think clearly under fire, and to be decisive makes him the most significant factors in the history of democracy in Nigeria influencing who gets what, where, when and how to say the least. To say otherwise amounts to dishonesty.

In many ways, Asiwaju has shown to be both a ruthless fighter and a sacrificial hero when need be, slaving away for the rest of his political family, sacrificing his ambition over the years for political well-being and elevation of those around him. Such a man cannot be ruffle feathers, without putting the party under the bus. In many ways, he has proven to be a hard nut to crack. Trying to crack him, or to make him a sacrificial lamb, may spell doom for not just the party but all candidates on the platform of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) may become the sacrificial lamb as well. To what ends?

Perhaps, I don’t know anyone else in recent times that has gotten his hands dirty in preparation to become the president of the federal republic of Nigeria other than Asiwaju. For a man who has invested in his dream for so long even when it was not wise to do so tells the quality of his mind. In the APC trilogy merger, where men separate themselves from boys, Asiwaju occupies a pride ground.

No doubt Asiwaju is a man of strong will, appetite, and passion when others are scared, he’s already in the field consulting the length and breadth of Nigeria. If Asiwaju is too ambitious to be a president, perhaps, others would fail for the opposite reason. Make no mistake, this is not to say it’s only Asiwaju that’s most qualified for the party’s nomination. Nonetheless, prosperity has put him in a position it’s impossible to scheme him unfairly out of this race without destroying the party. Certainly, he may not be among the best orator but he remains the most prepared to take over from President Muhammadu Buhari and maybe Yemi Osinbajo owing to the benefit of being the nation’s number two and Peter Obi of the Labour party (LP).

As the All Progressives Congress (APC) prepares to elect its party candidate for next year’s presidential election, the web of anti-Tinubu conspiracy, an ambush orchestrated within the presidency, and the recrimination of June 12, led to the abrupt collapse of the third republic must be avoided at all cost. If this orchestration does not whistle down by President Buhari, the vision to undo one man wouldn’t only blind everyone, it will make every man so stupid not to see the pit of downfall ahead.

Merely a supremely egotistical power wielded by those in the corridor of power is making them mistake it to be more potent than it was. Should a free and fair primary election be held today, the chances that Tinubu would win are more likely than not. So the fact that achieving conquest against Tinubu is impossible without putting the party at a great disadvantage or destroying the party by the following consensus should be enough warning to those toying with this idea if APC wishes to remain relevant in the next election

The party must not create the false illusion that we can win without Tinubu. Any attempt to toy with the ideas will spell doom for the APC and a win for the main opposition party, which has positioned itself to benefit from the ruling party’s fallout. Therefore, such a perilous and egotistical move has to be smashed. It must never be allowed for the greater good of men and women who had labored for the APC to stand but “those whom the gods wish to destroy they first make mad”.

 

Adediji Wasiu writes from Oyo State, Southwest Nigeria

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Opinion

Nigeria’s Insecurity: Why the System Rewards Reaction, Not Prevention

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The most foolish person in a burning house is not the one who cannot find the exit. It is the one who knew the house would burn, watched it happen, and only ran when the ceiling collapsed. That is Nigeria’s governance posture toward insecurity—a pattern so consistent that it has become normalized.

“Ikú tó pa ojúgbà ẹni, òwe ló fi pa. (The death that kills your neighbour is a proverb directed at you).

The bandits did not simply arrive. They sent warnings ahead of them through a trail of violence that crossed state lines and appeared in every massacre headline we filed away as someone else’s problem.

When Insecurity Was Still “Someone Else’s Problem”

When the North was burning and the Middle Belt bleeding, the South West treated it as distant noise. Kwara became the first warning sign—the bridge between North and South—slowly slipping under the shadow of insurgency. The question every serious observer should have asked was simple: what happens when it crosses the border?

South West governors issued statements—careful, brief, and reactive. None moved with the urgency the threat demanded. Before long, violence arrived at our doorstep: herder brutality in Oke-Ogun, attacks in Oyo and Ekiti, kidnappings along the Ibadan–Ijebu-Ode expressway, and forest camps emerging in Ondo.

The warning signs had matured into reality, yet we were still searching for an exit strategy that should have been built years earlier.

The Problem: We Only Count the Dead

In safety performance management, there is a critical distinction between lagging indicators—outcomes after failure (deaths, destruction, losses)—and leading indicators, which measure prevention before failure occurs.

Aviation, oil and gas, and other high-risk industries understand this clearly: a system that obsesses over lagging indicators will always arrive after the accident.

Nigeria’s security governance is built almost entirely on lagging indicators. We count attacks after they happen. We rebuild after a collapse. We mourn after preventable deaths.

We rarely ask:

How many attacks were prevented this quarter?

How many threats were neutralized before execution?

How many cells were dismantled at the planning stage?

We do not know the answers—because we are not measuring them. The system was never designed to prevent. It was designed to respond: loudly, visibly, expensively, and always too late.

Another Base. The Same Question Nobody Asks

The presidency is reportedly considering a military base in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo state. It is a familiar pattern: a major security incident, public outrage, and an institutional response designed to signal seriousness.

But the critical question remains unanswered: what has been the leading-indicator performance of existing bases?

How have long-standing military formations in places like Jos, Benue, and Zamfara—some active for over two decades—actually shifted the security outcome?

A military base without actionable intelligence is a stationary slaughter ground for soldiers. It does not prevent attacks; it often becomes a reactive outpost in a repeating cycle: attack, deployment, statement, investigation, and then silence—while underlying threat networks remain intact.

The Incentive Structure Behind the Chaos

The deeper issue is not the capability of security forces. It is the incentive structure of the system.

When leadership is judged only by incidents that have already occurred, governance shifts from prevention to performance management of failure. The objective becomes managing optics, not reducing probability.

Nigeria’s security budget has grown significantly over the past decade, yet insecurity has worsened. Kidnappings have become more brazen. Why? Because funding is justified by the persistence of the crisis, not its resolution.

If the problem is solved, what justifies the next budget cycle?

For years, decentralization has been proposed as the structural reform that could change the system—but it remains trapped in political rhetoric. Why? Because decentralization disperses power, and power in Nigeria’s political economy is not dispersed. It is concentrated.

Sixteen Days. Full Stop.

Forty-six children and teachers were kidnapped in Oriire. It reportedly took sixteen days for the presidency to authorize a specialized rescue framework.

Sixteen days before the Commander-in-Chief treated the abduction of forty-six human beings as a crisis requiring formal executive activation.
But responsibility in moments like this is not singular.

The Oyo State Governor, by constitutional convention regarded as the Chief Security Officer of the state and a recipient of security votes, also occupies a central coordinating role in the security architecture of the state. Within a crisis of this scale, expectations of rapid intergovernmental coordination, visible command urgency, and sustained pressure on federal response mechanisms are not optional, hey are inherent to the office.

Yet, the response cycle, from abduction to high-level coordinated action and physical engagement with affected communities, unfolded at a pace that raised legitimate public concern about the speed and intensity of institutional reaction.

By the time visible field visits and coordinated engagements occurred, the delay had already become part of the public record of the crisis itself—shaping perception as much as the incident shaped fear on the ground.

In a functional security system, crisis response is measured in hours, not days. Not for symbolism, but because time directly affects outcomes: every passing hour in an active kidnapping reduces the probability of safe recovery and increases the leverage of perpetrators.

Sixteen days, therefore, is not merely a lapse in timing. It reflects a deeper structural problem—where urgency is often declared after pressure builds, rather than operationalized when intelligence first breaks.

And in that gap between incident and action, citizens are left to absorb the consequences of delayed coordination across all tiers of authority.

The Verdict

Nigeria does not primarily need more military bases. It needs a new security measurement architecture—one that prioritizes intelligence conversion rates, early-warning response times, and pre-emptive disruption metrics over post-incident operations.

Every threat must be treated as time-sensitive, where minutes and hours determine outcomes—not weeks and statements.

Most importantly, citizens must shift the accountability question:

Not only “why did the attack happen?”

But “why was it not prevented?”

Nigeria’s security challenge is ultimately a leadership and systems failure—an institutional preference for reaction over prevention, because prevention is politically invisible.

You cannot hold a press conference about the attack that never happened.

Until this reality is named and confronted with precision, the cycle will continue.

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Opinion

Why Ibadan North youths are rooting for Repete

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Growing support has continued to trail a youthful politician and technology advocate, Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, popularly known as Repete, as many youths in Ibadan North Federal Constituency expressed confidence in his leadership style and vision for development.

Across several communities within the constituency, residents, particularly students, artisans and young professionals, described Repete as one of the emerging political figures with strong grassroots appeal and a passion for youth empowerment.

Supporters said his growing popularity stems from his consistent advocacy for innovation, entrepreneurship and skills development aimed at addressing unemployment and creating opportunities for young people.

As an engineer and technology enthusiast, Repete is also said to possess a deep understanding of the evolving digital economy and the need to position youths for global competitiveness.

Many of his supporters noted that his approach to leadership focuses on practical solutions, mentorship and capacity-building initiatives capable of helping young people become self-reliant and economically productive.

Some community stakeholders who spoke on his rising profile said his humility, accessibility and relationship with the grassroots have continued to endear him to many residents within the constituency.

They added that Repete’s engagement with youths and community groups reflects his commitment to inclusive governance and people-oriented representation.

Observers within the constituency also maintained that the increasing support for the politician reflects a growing desire among residents for a new generation of leaders driven by innovation, competence and accountability.

According to them, many young people see Repete as a symbol of hope and progressive leadership capable of contributing meaningfully to the development of Ibadan North Federal Constituency.

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Opinion

Repete or Regret: APC’s Moment of Truth in Ibadan North

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File photo of Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega (Repete)

The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State stands on the edge of a consequential decision—one that may define not only its fortunes in Ibadan North Federal Constituency but also its broader political relevance in the state.

As the countdown to the party primaries intensifies, the question before APC leaders is no longer routine. It is strategic. It is urgent. And it is decisive: will the party align with the clear preference of the people or risk repeating costly political miscalculations?

At the centre of this debate is Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, widely known as Repete—a name that has, over time, evolved from a political identity into a grassroots phenomenon.

A Candidate Rooted in the People

In contemporary Nigerian politics, where voter awareness is rising and expectations are shifting, candidates are increasingly judged not by promises but by presence. On this scale, Adegboyega stands tall.

His political journey is marked by consistent engagement with constituents—far beyond the optics of election seasons. From youth empowerment initiatives that provide practical skills and startup support, to sustained interventions in healthcare access for the elderly and indigent, his footprint across Ibadan North reflects a model of leadership anchored on service.

Unlike the transactional approach that often defines political relationships, Adegboyega’s connection with the people appears organic—built on trust, accessibility, and continuity. These are not mere campaign attributes; they are political assets.

The Danger of Political Disconnect

History offers the APC a clear lesson: parties that ignore grassroots sentiment often pay a heavy electoral price. The imposition of candidates perceived as distant or untested has, in several instances, resulted in voter apathy, internal dissent, and eventual defeat at the polls.

Ibadan North presents no exception.

With opposition parties closely monitoring the APC’s internal dynamics, any misstep in candidate selection could provide a ready opening. A divided house, coupled with a candidate lacking widespread acceptance, is a formula the opposition is well-positioned to exploit.
The implication is straightforward: this is not merely about party loyalty; it is about electoral viability.

Echoes from the Grassroots

Across the length and breadth of Ibadan North—markets, motor parks, religious centres, and community gatherings—a consistent pattern emerges in political conversations. The name “Repete” resonates with familiarity and acceptance.

Such organic support is not easily manufactured. It is cultivated over time through visible impact and sustained presence. For a party seeking electoral certainty in a competitive environment, this level of grassroots validation is not just desirable—it is critical.

A Test of Leadership and Judgment

For the APC leadership in Oyo State, the moment calls for clarity of purpose. Decisions driven by narrow interests, personal alignments, or short-term calculations may carry long-term consequences.

The task, therefore, is to balance internal considerations with external realities. Elections are ultimately decided by voters, not by party caucuses. A candidate who commands public confidence offers the strongest pathway to victory.

The Stakes Are Clear

Ibadan North is too strategic a constituency for experimentation. The cost of error is not limited to a single seat; it extends to party cohesion, credibility, and future positioning within the state’s political landscape.

In this context, the argument for Adegboyega is less about sentiment and more about strategy. His visibility, acceptability, and record of engagement place him in a strong position to consolidate support and mobilise voters effectively.

Conclusion: A Choice with Consequences

As the APC moves closer to its primaries, the decision before it is both simple and significant: align with a candidate who reflects the mood of the electorate or risk conceding advantage to a watchful opposition.

In politics, moments such as this often separate foresight from hindsight.
For APC in Ibadan North, this may well be one of those defining moments.

 

Aderibigbe Akanbi, a political analyst, writes from Ibadan.

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