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The trials of Brother Osinbajo | By Festus Adedayo

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Anyone who has access to a political barometer will see clearly that Aso Rock is quaking at the moment. The dusts the quake is provoking is so huge that it can block nasal passages. You only need to make use of the barometer and become Johnny Nash instantly. Nash?

 

John Lester “Johnny” Nash, Jr. was an American reggae and pop music singer-songwriter who was best known for his 1972 hit song he labeled I can See Clearly Now. In the song, Nash acknowledged his erstwhile inability to visualize critical occurrences but proclaimed thereafter that, “I can see clearly now the rain is gone// I can see all obstacles in my way//Gone are the dark clouds that had me blind//It’s gonna be a bright (bright) Bright (bright) sunshiny day.

 

In the last few weeks, there have been snippets of very disturbing news sneaking out of the Nigerian seat of power. They are indicative of the fact that Vice President Yemi Osinbajo has been under the buffeting of his boss, Muhammadu Buhari. The snippets, though seemingly hazy, are very glaring to those who understand the tone and tenor of presidential seat of power dissonances in a Third World like Nigeria. Most times, the dissonance does not obey the geography of such, all over the world, especially in mature democracies. It could be triggered by inane, mundane and very illogical indices. It could even be an insignificant, incorrigible and absolutely irresponsible allegation as the occupiers of the seats’ mutual spousal disagreements. In most cases however, the dissonances are founded on projected power calculus and perceived rupture of this calculation. The victim does not have to deliberately hurt the calculus. When the projections of power are shaken, they are stimuli for taking very sweeping jabs at the lower occupier of power seat.

 

When Buhari went on his earlier UK search for health remedy to an undisclosed ailment, it was a top gossip in the seat of power that Osinbajo, engrossed in a prayer session with his Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) accomplices in his home state of Ogun, and frantically being prayed for, for God to make him president by one of the pastors who starred at the prayer session, didn’t know that a strong ally of Buhari – unbeknown to the ally that such “prayer coup” was ongoing – had entered their midst, innocently there to pay obeysance to the VP. Still with their eyes closed, the prayer warriors nearly prayed that the ground should swallow them when, upon opening their eyes, they saw the president’s ally with them. If you were praying the VP into the office of the president, with the VP shouting thunderous “Amen” to your prayer, weren’t you praying for the boss’ death? That was the first infraction against the laws of power the VP was said to have committed. And one of the reasons Osinbajo hounded and still harangues the ally till today.

 

The second foot Osinbajo reportedly hit against the stone was said to be his role during Buhari’s AWOL shuttle to his infirmary. That Walter Onnoghen, allegedly primed to package Buhari inside a judicial casket during the 2019 elections, emerged acting Chief Justice of the Federation through his acting pen angered Villa power apparatchik, so much that they imputed a political Judas into Osinbajo’s act. The removal of Lawal Daura, erstwhile Director-General of Department of State Services on August 7, 2018 also rankled these owls.

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If Osinbajo stepped on their mamba’s tail by this act, he fiddled with their lion’s tail subsequently when, at a conference of Online Publishers Association of Nigeria (OPAN), he unabashedly said that, before Saturday, January 12, Buhari was not aware of Onogohen’s trial. What this did was to populate and give official imprimatur to the belief that Buhari was just a mere scarecrow decorating the patio of Aso Rock. As if wearing Omoyele Sowore’s activists’ bandana, the VP also told whoever was behind the Onnoghen trial that, “It has consequences such as we have today, such that people say how can such an important person be subjected to trial without the Federal Government.”

 

More stinging to this set of people known as the cabal, was the fact that Osinbajo sidelined all of them in his decision-taking during the period, was already strutting hither thither like an accursed turtle-dove which, to them, added to the coup-prayer session, was an apparent indication that he was sure Buhari wouldn’t come back and the clock was ticking for the cabals at the Villa.

 

Unforgiving and vengeful as the power vultures surrounding the president can be, they swallowed this rheum, even past the electioneering period. When they were sure that the VP believed it was peace and safety, they unleashed their dragons. The first in tow was the disbandment of the Economic Management Team (EMT) that he previously headed and its replacement with an Economic Advisory Council (EAC) under the chairmanship of Doyin Salami. Buhari was not done in his castration of his VP, he instructed him to thenceforth seek approvals for all the agencies under his suzerainty. Osinbajo was chair of National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), National Boundary Commission, Border Communities Development Agency and Niger Delta Power Holdings Ltd. Bothered by the impression that this calibration of a man who was aiming that if fate smiled at him, he could be a Buhari in 2023, his aides began a move to robe an Omoye whose madness, the Yoruba say, had reached the market-place in her disgraceful nakedness.

 

The most recent in the list of artillery fires shot at the VP is the removal of his aides, 35 in all. The ding-dong over the authenticity of this claim has been baffling. While government loyalists initially claimed that opposition was merely crying wolf, the press ferreted out the list. While the VP’s aide denied that there was a sack, Garba Shehu, his counterpart with Buhari, claimed that there was indeed a rout but it was in “our interest” – the people of Nigeria, that is.

 

On Thursday night, the VP aide had tweeted, “a list circulating in the media on the so-called sacked presidential aides is not genuine and ought to be ignored,” while his colleague, after a long-winding and circuitous merry-go-rounding, in one breath submitted that “the Presidency wishes to strongly deny rumours of a rift between President Muhammadu Buhari and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo,” but in another breath, said that, indeed, “there is, on-going, an unprecedented overhaul of the nation’s seat of government, arising from which a number of political appointments have either been revoked or not renewed in the Second Term,” but that it was in our interest as a people, so as “to streamline decision-making, cut down multiple authorities and reduce the cost of administration,” and that “the office of the Vice President, Yemi Osinbajo has, in compliance with the directive of the President, equally been shed of a number of such appointees.” As a parting shot, strictly for the birds, Shehu had said, “The streamlining was not personal or targeted to undermine the Vice President’s office, as the so-called insider sources quoted by the media appear to make it seem.”

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There are some issues of national concern in the shrouded brickbats between the VP and his boss. One is that, the two officers of the presidency are as dissembling and riotous as the lack of locus among their bosses, as well as the messages they communicate. If you take the dislocations in their messages as symptomatic of the presidency, then you would be acquitted by logic if you submit that the Villa is currently a house of commotion.

 

Common sense is on sabbatical, especially in the release by Shehu. If the presidency had been cutting cost, how many aides were relieved of their jobs in Buhari’s office?

 

Nigerians will like to know. If they had been relieving people of their jobs, “cut(ting) down multiple authorities and reduce the cost of administration,” how come that a few weeks ago, the wife of the president got, according to her, unsolicited, six more aides in the offing? If you go to the brass-tacks, you will even discover that the said sacked aides of Osinbajo were just offerings to the gods of nepotism and cronyism. You would find on that list the names of children of friends and all that, who, professionally, are just emerging from diapers.

 

Until this purported sack, Nigerians didn’t know that there was such a Babelian number of aides attached to one man. Since Buhari is the maigaskia, can he come clean with the people who purportedly voted him into office and tell them how many of such aides their national sweats sustain their voyeuristic excitements at the Villa? Since they have a website at the Villa, how come this list is not there? This is how low Nigeria has sunken under her current taskmasters.

 

This most pitiable sight in the sorry equation at the Villa is the VP. A very sound academic, I still remember one of the students he supervised her PhD thesis, now a professor of law and SAN, who waxes lyrical whenever talks come to Osinbajo’s academic excellence. Upon coming to Aguda House however, Thomas Jefferson’s eternal quip, to wit that, “whenever a man has cast a longing eye on (an) office(s), a rottenness begins in his conduct” becomes very apt to describe his actions. He has given intellectual abetment to Buhari’s draconian governance, carried his can of spittle smilingly and frightened off his own kinsmen in the course of doing all that. Now that he has entered the belly of the dragon, Osinbajo has these people behind him seldom. The situation became so bad that a man with such lustering academic laurels tumbled down to becoming a butt of jokes all over, described unflatteringly as VP in charge of condolence matters and VP academics.

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The most cogent lesson in the trial of Brother Osinbajo is the need to build home base. Rolling into the fifth year of his vice presidency, except for an army of recruited Alsatian dogs on Twitter paid to bay for blood and bark at genuine concerns over his groveling before a cow so as to eat beef in 2023, Osinbajo is as bereft of a base as floating ojuoro and osipata – hyacinths – on the river top. Those waiting to clear their 2023 river of such hyacinths are finding it so easy to shovel Osinbajo off their space.

 

If you ask me, however, I will queue behind Osinbajo. The few sparkles of governance Nigerians have had thus far came from him when Buhari was infirm and vacillating in the UK. Nigerians know that Buhari is just a ceremonial figurehead who “does not know” and has no whiff of what is going on in his surroundings. That hogwash from Shehu, to wit that, “the President is in absolute control of his government,” that “the media should stop attributing non-existent powers to some people” and that “there cannot be anyone too powerful for President Buhari to control” should be the most laughable cant Nigerians have heard this year.

 

Osinbajo should continue to pray to his God. If he comes out unscathed, he will be our modern day three Hebrew boys. Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, that these people are have sold their souls to Mephistopheles for a farthing. They have ordered him thrown into a fiery furnace.

 

 

Source : tribuneonlineng

 

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Opinion

OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

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The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

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‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

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‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

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For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

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Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

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I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

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There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

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Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

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Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

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Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

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It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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