Opinion
The CJN on wheelchair
“If you are unlucky not to have a representative in the judicial council, even if you are innocent, you can be found guilty – B’eyan o l’eni ni’gbimo, bo ro’jo are, ebi lo mi a je.” This very profound saying of the Yoruba, translated into a pithy musical line in one of the tracks of Alhaji Ayinla Omowura, late Yoruba Apala musician, point unmistakably to the fact that corruption and favouritism predate colonialism in Africa. When you jointly read this line and D. O. Olagoke’s 1962-written play entitled The Incorruptible Judge, you will understand why it is almost an impossibility for Nigeria to operate an impartial and corrupt-free system.
Nigeria’s latest narration on corruption is the allegation that the 2023 election, especially the presidential election, was corruption-ridden. Three major Nigerian politicians, Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi and Bola Tinubu jostled for the presidency in the February 25 election. At the end of the exercise, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) declared Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) winner. Since then, his two opponents have inundated the system with complaints of vote-rigging. The most recent narrative in the back-and-forth allegations was a riveting story which claims that the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Kayode Ariwoola, had sneaked out of the country to hold a meeting with Tinubu. He was pictured on wheelchair. The purpose of the meeting, it was alleged, was to get Ariwoola to quash the gossamer of electoral corruption allegations against Tinubu.
Olagoke’s The Incorruptible Judge is a tip of the ice-berg in the cancer that corruption has become since the author penned the book. It is a story of a young school-leaver who, upon submitting his application to fill an advertised vacancy, was asked to pay a bribe of Five pounds. Rather than gratifying the request, he filed a report with the police and his corrupt employer was arrested. As usual in Nigeria, influences were thereafter spun to ensure that the corrupt employer did not go to jail. The applicant’s father-in-law, who was a notable chief, was used to attempt to pervert the course of justice. However, the trial Judge stuck his ground as an incorruptible judge. At the end of the day, the corrupt officer was got convicted, sentenced to a term in the prison.
If you go into historical exposes on corruption in Nigeria like Karl Maier’s This House Has Fallen or Stephen Ellis’ This Present Darkness, it may be difficult not to agree that the problem of corruption in Africa or Nigeria is genetic. In Maier’s is an audacious, brazen and disturbing report of how corruption and favouritism have destroyed the fabric of Nigeria, bellwether of Africa. Told with baffling statistics, you could smell putrid odour emitting from the lines of the book. It is a distressing story narrated with a depressing consistency. Ellis, on the other hand, traced the roots of Nigeria’s fraud-prone system to the immediate colonial era, plotting the graph to the present and why Nigeria is globally perceived as global headquarters of fraud.
With the definition of corruption as “an abuse of entrusted power for personal gains,” you will realize that Nigeria is roiling right inside a puddle of stench. It is glaring that it may even be difficult to acquit any Nigerian of corruption. This is because there is hardly any distinction between the public and private and their purses, as well as public and personal gains.
Since the exit of the colonialists in 1960, the structures of governance they left behind have proved incapable of withstanding the greater pre-colonial structure of corruption that they inherited. Hard as the British tried to battle the cankerworm with institutions of the police and the judiciary, not long after they left, corruption swam ashore with a baffling notoriety. The political class that took power from them was utterly reckless, showing open disdain for accountability and process.
It was the same story with the military who took over power from 1966. Major Kaduna Nzeogwu put the problem of corruption in perspective when he, remarked: “the country’s enemies are the political profiteers, swindlers, the men in high and low places that seek bribes and demand 10 per cent, those that seek to keep the country divided permanently so that they can remain in office as ministers or VIPs at least; the tribalists, nepotists, those that make the country look for nothing before international setting, those that corrupted our society and put the national political calendar back to their words and deeds.”
The Yakubu Gowon military government decorated the Dodan Barracks seat of power with maggots. Though generally perceived as incorrupt due to his austere lifestyle, Gowon was swamped all over by perceptibly corrupt people. His governors owned properties and assets that were far higher than their incomes. Indeed, it was estimated that, on the average, the governors owned commercial properties and farming estates of at least eight houses each, an amount that averaged between N49,000 to N120,000 by 1975 when Murtala Mohammed took over. Same 1975, a corruption scandal surrounding importation of cement called the Cement Armada erupted which engulfed many officials of the Ministry of Defence and the Central Bank of Nigeria. They were accused of falsifying ship manifestos and that many of them inflated figures of cements purchased.
To stave off this public perception, Gowon promulgated the Investigation of Assets Decree No. 37 of 1968, while frenetically engaging in the process of arresting the inexplicable post-war wealth of Nigerian soldiers, mostly accumulated during the three-year civil war. To achieve this, in 1973, Gowon appointed Alhaji Kam Salem to head the “X-Squad,” a fraud investigation arm of the Police, which unearthed many scandals within the Force.
In the July of this same 1974, buffeted on all fronts by the press, Gowon had to harangue his fellow Middle-Belter, Federal Communications Commissioner, Joseph Tarka, to resign from his position, after Godwin Daboh, allegedly in concert with Paul Unongo, accused Tarka of mind-blowing corruption. Tarka’s resignation was child’s play when placed side-by-side his snide comments, which indicated far more humongous corruption in the Gowon government. Tarka had said in a Daily Times newspaper interview, which revealed that he resigned under pressure, that “If I resign, it will set off a chain of reactions of various events, the end of which nobody could foretell.” This was followed by an affidavit sworn to on August 31, 1974 at the Jos High Court by Mr. Aper Aku, who was a known protégé of Tarka. The affidavit contained accusations against the Benue-Plateau Governor, Police Commissioner Joseph Gomwalk, of corruption. Gowon, in a state visit to China, publicly exonerated Gomwalk but public uproar against this police big gun seemed to have just begun afresh. He was eventually later executed by firing squad for his involvement in the 1976 Lt. Col Buka Suka Dimka coup against Murtala Mohammed.
The Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) has been held to be a bastion of corruption under both military and civilian governments and this is so due to the fact that oil and gas exports account for over 90% of Nigerian revenues. Apart from using their positions to filch huge sums of money from this corporation and many others, Nigerian politicians’ corruptive tendencies are most adept in the area of vote rigging and falsification of results by political parties, with corruption waltzing through virtually every facet of the Nigerian government. This is perpetrated and perpetuated through sizeable chunks of fraudulent contracts, petty bribery, money laundering schemes, embezzlement and seizing salaries of a people called ghost workers, a roulette that costs Nigeria billions of dollars yearly. In 2012, it was estimated that Nigeria lost over $400 billion since independence.
In spite of this avalanche of corruption cases that involve the high and mighty and the lowly in Nigeria, if the Nigerian judicial system was above board, Nigeria would not be in the mess it found herself today. The judiciary has not fared better herself. The havoc that judicial corruption has wreaked havoc on its victims is remarkable and mind-boggling. For instance, in cases where litigants return from the court in utter repulsiveness and mental agony simply because the courts collected bribe and ensured a miscarriage of justice, one can imagine the distress such litigants go through. It is such that the chronicity of judicial corruption in Nigeria is taken for granted. Lawyers themselves know corrupt judges and can distinguish them from the sparse incorruptible ones. It is so rampant that finding a judicial officer who is above board is akin to seeking a virgin in a brothel.
Litigants pay bribes to agents of judges and magistrates, or even directly to registrars of courts if they wanted their cases to receive positive judicial attention. In Bori, Khanna local government area of Rivers State some years ago, a chief magistrate was arrested by the criminal investigation department (CID) upon tipoff. He had demanded bribe as condition to sign an accused bail bond. Marked money provided by the CID was then given to him and the magistrate was caught in the act. Land grabbers are also alleged to have specific judges who they give kickbacks and who give them favourable judgments in court. These are just a minuscule of judicial corruption cases that Nigeria is grappling with.
Election petition tribunals are where judicial corruption tied to politicians is most notorious. Under the guise of nocturne, judges collect kickbacks that run into billions of naira and millions of dollars to subvert the will of the people. In 2016, State Security Service (SSS) conducted multiple raids on residences of some senior Nigerian judges in Abuja, Port Harcourt, Gombe, Kano, Enugu and Sokoto. SSS said it did this consequent upon months of investigations where its secret police credibly got evidence that the affected judges were involved in questionable financial dealings. Documents linking some judges to estates that were worth over N1.5 billion were said to have been recovered, while in the residence of another, the sum of $400, 000 and N39 million in cash, in addition to documents of landed properties belonging to a federal judge, were retrieved. Ditto the residence of a federal judge in Port Harcourt who was believed to be in possession of $2 million.
So when allegation that the current CJN, Ariwoola, was in dalliance with the president-elect to pervert justice in the matter against the APC candidate was spun, it seemed to synchronize with the now-becoming-familiar trend of corruption scandals of previous two CJNs. Though he eventually resigned his appointment, Justice Tanko Muhammed was subsumed in corruption allegations of mismanagement of funds leveled against him by 14 justices of the Supreme Court. Before him, CJN Walter Onnghen, who assumed that office in March 2017, got slammed with corruption charges too, specifically asset declaration offences. The Code of Conduct Tribunal claimed that it was only in 2016, after the controversial crackdown on judges, that the CJN declared his assets and it was partially done. He was also accused of failing to declare his assets in series of bank accounts which were denominated in local and foreign currencies at the Standard Chartered Bank branch in Abuja.
Then, Minister of State for Labour, Festus Keyamo, in a release issued yesterday, went off the handle. He claimed in the release that “some persons and groups who are desirous of truncating our democracy” because they were embittered that APC “was declared winner of the 2023 General Elections” and the “misguided individuals” were calling for “either the cancellation of the results or that the President-elect should not be inaugurated on the 29th of May, 2023.” Keyamo said he found it perplexing “that those contesting the results want to be in the courts and on the streets at the same time.” He denounced these people who he referred to as “stoking the embers of hate, division and falsehoods” and like General Sani Abacha once warned NADECO, he bellowed “enough is enough” threatening that “we are not lacking in capabilities and capacities. Our silence should not be taken for cowardice.”
Pray, how can approaching the court and protesting peacefully amount to “truncating democracy”? It is on record that both methods were how Keyamo got his legal notoriety. If some people were convinced that their votes were stolen through one of the crudest electoral heists ever, don’t they have the right to approach the court for its resolution? What is wrong if they back it up with a peaceful protest? Who are the “we” that Keyamo is threatening to unleash – his ministry of labour, the yet-to-be-installed government or the police? Do these approximate the “we” of Keyamo?
If you add all antecedents and precedents of the CJN office, it is very tempting to pronounce Ariwoola as guilty as charged. The allegations are so salacious and riveting that it will be difficult not to agree with those leveling them. However, inconsistencies and inchoate ordering of the allegations are proving very damaging to the substance of the allegations. If you have ever been a victim of mob-lynching and the irreparable damage it has done to the names of personalities in the past who were later found to be innocent of allegations by Nigeria’s Roman mob, one would tarry awhile before queuing behind salacious allegations. This is more so when these pieces of “evidence” were ones that obviously lack substance, except their trolling contents.
In the thick of his despotic rule, I remember an allegation of monumental heist against the administration of military president, Ibrahim Babangida that shook it to its foundation. It was later found out to have been concocted. It was allegedly published in the May 1989 issue of American Ebony magazine. This revved students’ riots that month. Renowned educationist, columnist and critic, Tai Solarin, was the most available scapegoat and veritable object for deconstruction by the allegation. Pronto, Babangida’s security goons alleged that Solarin circulated the allegation. The SSS did two things. First, it got the publisher of Ebony to denounce such publication and to claim that Ebony had not published anything on Nigeria since 1977. Second, the SSS got an asthmatic Solarin to climb a multiple-storey building and immediately upon arrival, set him up for an NTA-covered interrogation. Panting and looking miserable, the interrogator was heard asking, “Dr. Solarin, if I was your student and I did what you just did, will you award me an A, B, C or F?” It spoke to getting concrete evidence before leveling allegations.
I will implore those leveling allegation of judicial corruption against Ariwoola for being in cahoots with those who wanted to judicially to subvert the people’s will to provide irrefutable evidence of this. Mindful that we may be throwing an innocent man under a bus, hefty allegations as this have to go beyond beer parlour gossips. They have to be concrete evidence. To provide, as the only credible evidence linking Ariwoola with bribe, that he, a man who those who know him claim limps, arrived or was about to board an aircraft, and was found to be on wheelchair, is very tepid and cannot stand rigour of scrutiny.
Nigeria must never allow electoral corruption to go into unholy mis-matrimony with judicial corruption. They also must never allow this marriage to influence the final decision of who is their president from May, 2023. It must however never be done by the martyrdom of an innocent man. Since those who gave the wheelchair evidence claim to have details of the meeting, why not provide them? For instance, CCTV evidence of Ariwoola’s arrival at the venue of the meeting; immigration arrival and departure evidence and more substantial tissues of evidence that we can use to crucify him?
Dr. Festus Adedayo, a journalist, lawyer and columnist, writes from Ibadan, Oyo state
Opinion
NASS Pensioners: How Akpabio, Abbas Should Not Treat The Elderly
On Monday and Tuesday last week, workers and political operatives within the precincts of the new Senate building in the National Assembly complex, Abuja, were treated to a replica of the Theatre of the Absurd. This type of drama originated in Europe and later spread to America in the 1950s. It was influenced by existential philosophy and Albert Camus’s essay The Myth of Sisyphus.
In that work, Camus captured the fundamental human needs and compared the absurdity of man’s life with the situation a figure of Greek mythology, Sisyphus found himself, where he was condemned to repeat forever the task of pushing a boulder up a mountain, and repeatedly sees the same roll down the hill as he approaches the top.
He, thereafter, juxtaposed life’s absurdities with what he called the “unreasonable silence” of the universe to human needs and concluded that rather than adopt suicide, in frustration, “revolt” was required.
82-year-old Dr. Muhammed Adamu Fika, former Clerk to the National Assembly and former Chairman, of the National Assembly Service Commission (NASC), who calls himself the “smaller Adamu Fika,” must have come across the Camus essay in deciding to lead an emergency meeting of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries of the National Assembly on November 18. The emergency meeting, which was jointly held with members of the Association of Retired Staff of the National Assembly was meant to salvage the pathetic plights of the National Assembly retirees.
Eighty-two-year-old Fika can hardly gather the pace to navigate round the corners of the National Assembly, but he insisted on making the trip to enable him to preside over the meeting as the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries. As his retiree colleagues, many of whom are far younger, saw him struggling to walk the required distance from the Bola Ahmed Tinubu Library, originally fixed as venue to the new Senate building, they had to provide some shoulders to lean on. At one stage, an office chair was converted to a wheelchair to ensure the elderly Fika got to certain locations. It was a sad tale, especially if you look at the essence of Fika’s trip to the National Assembly. He was there to preside over a meeting to press home the need for the payment of the entitlements of National Assembly retirees. An alarm had earlier been sounded on the different Whatsapp platforms of the retired workers of the National Assembly to the effect their members were dying in numbers. It was revealed that no fewer than 20 retired workers had died awaiting the payment of their entitlements in the recent past. Another set of retirees numbering 12 were said to have been bedridden in different hospitals across the land. That alarm was more than enough to prompt Fika and his retiree colleagues to an emergency meeting. But the sight of an elderly man, fighting a just cause on an improvised wheelchair was more than absurd.
Payment of the entitlements got stalled after former President Muhammadu Buhari assented to the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023, which mandated the National Pensions Commission (PENCOM) to hand over assets of the staff of the National Assembly in its custody after the passage of the National Assembly pension law.
In the beginning, there were no signs that things would go south on the implementation of the Act. Three months after the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act came into effect, PENCOM had written the management to convey its decision to hand off the pension assets of the staff of the National Assembly, while requesting the National Assembly management to provide it with account details to remit the accrued funds. The 10th Senate and the House of Representatives also provided hope for the retirees by providing a take-off grant to the tune of N2.5 billion in the 2024 budget. However, the NASS management could not comply with the request from PENCOM because the Pensions Board had not been inaugurated. Months after months, the retirees waited. Those who were already enjoying their benefits when PENCOM was administering had the payments terminated, while the waiting game ensued.
In trying to fast-track the implementation of the Act, Fika, as the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries had forwarded a letter to the President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, intimating them of the council’s recommendations for positions in the National Assembly Service Pensions Board.
Fika said in the letter, dated February 27, 2024, that “Considering the pathetic health conditions of our retired colleagues, Your Excellency will agree with me that the establishment of the National Assembly Pensions Board is overdue five (5) months after Mr. President’s assent.” He said that his letter was premised on the provisions of Sections 2 and 17(3) of the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023, which indicate that the presiding officers of the National Assembly shall make the appointments subject to recommendations of the Council of Clerks and Secretaries. But some persons are insinuating that the undue delay might have been instigated by two strange bedfellows-politics and money. Where the two are involved, simply things hardly follow a straight course. However, nothing justifies the nearly 20-month delay in inaugurating the Pensions Board.
At the end of the emergency meeting on Monday, further meetings were said to have been scheduled at the instance of the Senate President, Akpabio, his deputy, Jibril Barau and others but there were no conclusive steps, yet.
A communique released after the meeting indicated that the retirees observed that the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023 went through full legislative process in the 9th National Assembly and was assented to by President Muhammad Buhari. It further noted that the delay in implementing the Act has caused undue and untold hardship to the retirees who are unable to access their retirement benefits, adding that while a number of the retired Staff have died, many others are bedridden due to sufferings occasioned by the non-payment of their entitlements.
According to the communique, the meeting decried the pains the retired staff have been subjected to and recalled that appropriate recommendations as per the composition of the Pensions Board have been made to the Presiding Officers of the National Assembly, in line with the enabling Act.
Opinion
The Fuji Music House Of Commotion
Like every lover of Yoruba traditional music, language and culture, I have of recent been inundated with requests to lend a voice to the newest raging fire in the Fuji music genre. Since the passage of Alhaji Sikiru Ayinde Balogun, popularly known as Ayinde Barrister or Agbajelola Barusati, there have been longstanding tiffs on whom of the trio of Ayinde Omogbolahan Anifowose, KWAM 1; self-named King Saheed Osupa (K.S.O.) and Wasiu Alabi Pasuma, was the “King.”
These musicians’ recent quest for supremacy is not new. From time immemorial, supremacy battles have been part and parcel of Yoruba music. Apparently now tempered by modernity, in the olden days, the battles were fought with traditional spells, incantations and talisman aimed at deconstructing and liquidating their rivals. Mostly fought on genre basis, I submit that pre and post-independence entertainment scene would have been livelier, far more robust than it was but for the acrimonious liquidating fights of those eras.
In the Sakara music, Abibu Oluwa, a revered early precursor of this Yoruba musical genre, who reigned in the late 1920s and 1930s, had Salami Alabi Balogun, popularly known as Lefty Salami, Baba Mukaila and Yusuff Olatunji as members of his band. Oluwa praise-sang many Lagos elites of his time, especially Herbert Macaulay to whom he sang his praise in the famous track named “Macaulay Macaulay.” In it, he sang the foremost Nigerian nationalist’s alias of Ejonigboro – Snake on the Street and prayed that he would not come to shame.
Sakara also produced the likes of S. Aka Baba Wahidi, Kelani Yesufu (alias Kelly). It was sung with traditional Yoruba instruments like the solemn-sounding goje violin whose history is traced to the north, and the roundish Sakara drum, beaten with stick and whose appearance is like that of a tambourine. Sakara music is often called the Yoruba variant of western blues music because of its brooding rhythm though laced with a high dosage of philosophy.
When Oluwa died in 1964, he literally handed over to Lefty who, born on October 1913, died December 29, 1981. Lefty, a talking drummer under Oluwa, churned out over 35 records before his demise, one of which was a tribute to Lagos monarch, Oba Adele (Adele l’awa nfe – Oba Adele is the king we want) and another to the Elegushi family. I dwelt considerably on Sakara because it is believed to have had considerable influence on other genres of traditional African Yoruba music, especially Apala and Fuji, with the former sometimes indistinguishable from Sakara.
Apala music, whose exponent is said to be Haruna Ishola, originated in the late 1930s Nigeria. Delivered with musical instruments like a rattle (Sekere) thumb piano, (agidigbo) drums called Iya Ilu and Omele, a bell (agogo) and two or three talking drums, Apala and Sakara are the most complex of these genres of traditional Yoruba music, due to their infusion of philosophy, incantations and dense Yoruba language into their mix. Distinct, older and more difficult in mastery than Fuji music which is considered to be comparatively easy to sing, Ayinla Omowura, Ligali Mukaiba, Kasumu Adio, and many others were Apala leading lights of the time. The three genres have very dense Islamic background.
The latest entrant of all the three genres is Fuji. Pioneered by Ayinde Barrister no doubt, for an Apala musician biographer like me, I am confused that Omowura, as far back as early 1970s, asked listeners in need of good Fuji music to come learn from him – “Fuji t’o dara, e wa ko l’owo egbe wa…” Sorry, I digressed.
While KWAM 1 emerged with his Talazo music from the ashes of his being a music instrument arranger for Barrister’s musical organization in the early 1980s, the feud in the house after Barrister’s death erupted when narratives allegedly oozed unto the musical scene that KWAM 1 referred to himself as the creator of Fuji music. He however promptly denied the claim. For decades, Osupa and Pasuma were locked in horns over supremacy of the Fuji music genre. In August 2023, the two however seemed to have decided to thaw their feud as they shared stage with Wasiu Ayinde, at Ahmad Alawiye Folawiyo, an Islamic singer’s 50th birthday celebration in Lagos. KWAM 1 glibly acted as their senior colleague at the event.
As an indication that they are no bastards of the teething and recurrent supremacy battles that emblemize traditional Yoruba music, the three Fuji music icons seem to have gone into the trenches again. It first started with Taiye Currency, an Ibadan-based alter-ego of Pasuma picking a fight with the musician who self-styled himself Son of Anobi Muhammed’s Wife. In a viral video, Currency had disclaimed reference to Pasuma as his “father” in the music industry. In another video not long after, KWAM 1, like some kind of father figure, was shown asking Currency to apologize to Pasuma.
A few days ago, a video of Osupa went viral. Therein, he was chastising a particular hypocrite he called “Onirikimo” and “alabosi”, who is “stingy and is ready to shamelessly collect money from those under him.” Osupa also claimed that this “shameless elder” had strung a ring of corn round his waist and should be ready to be made fun of by hens. Watchers of the endless tiffs among these Fuji icons swear that KWAM 1 was the unnamed Fuji musician Osupa was casting aspersion on.
The trio of Sakara, Apala and Fuji music also witnessed such petty squabbles. While many claim that the fights were promotional gambits aimed at having their fans salivate for their hate-laced musical attacks against one another, some others claim that the rivalries were genuine. In the Apala music scene, Haruna Ishola and Kasumu Adio fought each other to the nadir, with Adio, who sang almost in the same voice and cadence as Ishola, suddenly vamoosing from the musical scene. Rumours and speculations had it then that a mysterious goat bit Adio and rendered him useless. While Ayinla Omowura also fought Fatai Olowonyo, Fatai Ayilara, among others in the Apala genre, the duo of Yusuff Olatunji and S. Aka also feuded till their last days. This is not to mention the interminable fight between Kollington Ayinla and Barrister.
If the tiff between the trio of KWAM 1, Osupa and Pasuma is about age and Yoruba traditional respect for elders, KWAM 1 would easily go away with the trophy of the best of the three. However, if philosophical depth, musical elan, research of lyrics and deployment of Yoruba language are at issue, none of the other two musicians can unbuckle Osupa’s sandals. Osupa began his musical career in 1983 as a teenager and has gone through the mills, his late father being a musician, too and Awurebe music lord, Dauda Epo Akara’s musical contemporary.
Unlike their predecessors, the three Fuji musicians are literate and should thus address their musical issues in more mature manner. Osupa even recently bagged a degree from the department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. One thing they should know is that, whether one is supreme to the other or not, their fans will readily queue behind the brand that delights them.
Opinion
Almajiri: Why Northern Leaders Must Look Themselves in the Mirror
Two incidents happened during the 1994/95 NYSC service year, which I was part of in Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State, and they gave me profound culture shocks that I still remember till today. I would equally say that those incidents probably justified the Federal Government’s decision to float the scheme.
We were told that part of the reasons General Yakubu Gowon floated the NYSC was to ensure national integration, cohesion and exposure of young Nigerians to cultures of other parts of the country other than where they were born.
First was the shock of seeing a director that I was attached to in the then Government House, who had just taken a new wife, and sat among drivers, gate men and other junior staff to dine. I saw them seated round a huge iron pot of Koko, a local delicacy, exchanging one big spoon made of calabash, as each took turns to use the spoon to eat the delicacy. It was as if I was witnessing a scene where children of a big family were struggling to catch a portion of food or where people were eating Saara, as they say it in Yorubaland.
As I walked past the noisy crowd, I was transfixed seeing the newly-wedded director among the lot. He saw me standing still, as I couldn’t comprehend what he was doing there, and he got the message. ‘Taiyo, (as he used to call me) you won’t understand,’ he said as he waved to me to keep going. When we later saw, he explained that what he just did was a way of assuring the commoners that ‘we are all one,’ as they felicitated him on the new bride. But I could not fathom how the occupant of a ‘huge office’ as that of a director in a Government House , would sit among “commoners” on a tattered mat to share a single spoon and eat in public.
The other incident was quite pathetic. My friend, Tunde Omobuwa, was posted to a school in Yauri, in the southern part of the state, for his primary assignment. But he found the place boring on weekends. So, he arranged to always be with me on weekends.
One such weekend, we decided to take a stroll round the streets near the Government House. We took off from the place of my primary assignment, the Federal Information Centre; bought corn beside the office, and started ‘blowing’ the ‘mouth organ’ as we strolled. We were too engrossed in our gist and the sweetness of the corn to note that some young boys were trailing us, praying that some leftovers of the corn would drop for them to scavenge. Somehow, the two of us dropped the corn cob almost simultaneously. We were more than taken aback by a commotion that erupted at our back. Four eight or nine year-olds had descended on the supposed leftovers and broken the corn cobs into pieces. I was again transfixed as if one was hit by an electric shock. Remember that feeling when you play with electric fish?
I was moved to tears as I had never ever seen a group of children scavenging on nothing as it were. I beckoned to the kids and offered them N20, which was the highest denomination at the time, and with some smattering Hausa words told them to go buy their own corn from the same place we got ours. As they left, heading to the corn seller, I couldn’t erase that ugly sight from my mind. Was it really possible that some people scavenge on nothing this way? I was later to see incidents of children swarming around restaurants and pouncing on near empty plates.
These incidents told me clearly that the North was a different place and that the life of the boy child is not only risky and endangered but sold to stagnation and deprivation, unless you are one of the lucky few.
Having benefited from the free education policy of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) between 1979 and 1983, when the Second Republic was terminated, I knew that there is a lot the government can do in educating the children. In my secondary school days, I was the Library Prefect at one point, and so I saw an excess of books supplied by the government to our school. So, I was an example of the feasibility of free education. It was the same way the Action Group government had handled education in the years preceding Nigeria’s independence and the First Republic.
So why can’t the state governments in the North declare free and compulsory education for the young ones out there? Why should children be made to scavenge on empty corn cobs just to see if they can find pieces of seeds left over?
And why was my director giving drivers and gate men in the Government House false hope that they were all the same, instead of him to challenge them to seek to lift themselves up the social ladder?
I think there was no excuse for the North not to have adopted a free education policy, just as Chief Obafemi Awolowo did in the South-West. And if we say the North needs to look itself in the mirror, you again remember the efforts by President Goodluck Jonathan to educate the multitude of Northern children through the Almajiri Schools. That government built more than 400 of such schools, which were abandoned because it could upset the oligarchy. The oligarchs forgot the truism that the children of the poor they refuse to train today won’t let their children sleep peacefully.
But the governor of Borno State, Prof Babagana Zulum, appears to have got the message. Last week, I was thrilled to see him organise a summit to reform the Almajiri system.
The Almajiri education system is a traditional Islamic method of learning widely obtained across states in northern Nigeria. Through that system, which is tied to Islamic teaching, youths, especially boys are kept out of the formal western education system. I don’t know why the teachings by Islamic scholars cannot go alongside that of Western education as it obtains in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq and other Islamic countries that are doing well economically and in the world of science, technology.
While addressing the summit, Zulum had mentioned the need to address the root causes of insecurity through the provision of education for citizens of Borno, adding that improper teaching of Islamic studies has contributed to the emergence of Boko Haram insurgents in the state.
According to him, to curtail whatever is the adverse effect of Almajiri education; the Borno State Government has established the Arabic and Sangaya Education Board to introduce a unified curriculum for Sangaya and Islamic schools. He said that the reform would include establishing Higher Islamic Colleges to cater for Almajiri children and blending the religious teachings with the secular curricula as well as skills.
He said: “The Sangaya Reform is a great development. It will give Almajiri a better chance in life, particularly the introduction of integrating western education, vocational, numeracy, and literacy skills into the centres, which are also described as Almajiri and Islamic schools.
“Distinguished guests and esteemed educationists, government’s intention was to streamline the informal and formal education systems to quality integrated Sangaya School for admission into colleges and universities.”
One would have thought that governors with radical postures like Nasir el-Rufai and others before him would have proposed this type of reform, but it is better late than never. Zulum should be supported to get something out of this.
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