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Kyari: Some tears for Nigeria Police

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The trending story in Nigeria, outside politics, is about Nigeria’s nationally celebrated and decorated supercop, Abba Kyari. He was in the news last year courtesy of the American FBI on a 419 case. This time, his troubles are from Nigeria’s NDLEA which last week accused the supercop of being connected to a global hard drug ring. Before his scandals, there was no one like him. He was loud, very loud in operation and lousy in social (media) engagements. He is now in detention, still innocent until his accusers prove the contrary. When he is charged to court, we may have other details, particularly his side of the story. But whatever happens in this case, Nigeria should have learnt at least a lesson. Never create what you can’t control. Never rear a pet you cannot tame -pets do go wild. My people say if you shoot a racing antelope and you do not trace the game, it will become food for maggots. Eighteenth century London created Jonathan Wild, indulged him with adulation and discovered very late that he was an arsonist disguised as a firefighter. Here, it appears we’ve always had a succession of firemen whose expertise is in quenching fires with top grade petrol.”

There was a man in London 300 years ago called Jonathan Wild. He lived at a time robbery and violent crimes were rampant in the city – day and night. The people were helpless and the police were largely absent. And because nature abhors a vacuum, this man, a civilian, filled that void. He started hiring himself to government to capture thieves and get them hanged. He was very effective in catching thieves and in retrieving stolen goods back to their owners. He set up what he called ‘Lost Property Office’ which became a house of relief for traumatized victims of theft and robbery. Jonathan Wild did everything for a fee, became wealthy and was London’s toughest guy of his time. He was so astoundingly successful in nabbing criminals that he got the media to crown him ‘Thief-Taker General of Great Britain and Ireland’ and he rejoiced in that name and fame. He had no rival. English crime and legal historians recorded him as having very uncanny ability to locate stolen goods and those who stole them. Records say Jonathan Wild, between 1721 and 1723, destroyed all criminal gangs that formed “the hardcore” of the London underworld and stabilised the city. He cleansed London and cleared it of criminals and their criminality. The people could, once again, work during the day and sleep at night. He was celebrated in the castles of the rich and in the crevices of the poor. Without being a policeman, Wild was valourized as London’s super-cop. Even the Privy Council applauded and consulted with him. And the state, by an Act of Parliament, increased the cash reward from £40 to £140 per highwayman caught – by him.

He was arrested on February 15, 1725, tried and sentenced to death for taking £10 as a reward for returning some stolen lace to the owner. It turned out that he himself was the mastermind of the lace theft. Then the press dug deeper. Then it was revealed that “far from combating the crime wave, Jonathan Wild had been the principal driving force behind it; that he himself was the virtual ‘Regulator’ of the underworld he was supposed to be suppressing; that the Lost Property Office was simply a clearing house for the huge quantities of stolen goods his own gangs (each allocated an area in London) supplied to him; and that the hundreds of criminals he had ‘brought to justice’ were casualties, or fall guys… in a dark and hidden gang-warfare waged against enemies, rivals, and ‘rebels’” (see Gerald Howson’s ‘Thief-Taker General: Jonathan Wild and the Emergence of Crime and Corruption as a Way of Life in 18th Century England’, 1985, page 6). There was no supercop anywhere, if anything, an analyst said, he was the world’s first super-criminal whose life helped to draw a “fresh picture of the birth of modern organized crime families as part of modern organized political systems.” The Thief-Taker General was actually a Thief-Maker, “an aider, abettor, and encourager of felons” (see Alexander Smith’s ‘Memoirs of the Life and Times of the Famous Jonathan Wild’, 1726; page 16). The man had an empire of felons, recruited and trained by him to steal for him. But he was a sensible man. He had the stolen goods but never sold them, nor attempted to. He had the sense to know that selling stolen goods might fetch him greater riches, but it would burn him out too soon. So, what did he do? Jonathan Wild simply asked his men to rob for him, got the items and then informed the owner that what was lost had been found; then he was rewarded with cash which he dictated to the owners. His exploits were so phenomenal that three centuries after his execution by hanging, James Caterer (2009) says he and another sleek felon have remained “archetypal figures” who have “been repeatedly reincarnated as fictional antiheroes across literature, theatre, film and popular music.”

The trending story in Nigeria, outside politics, is about Nigeria’s nationally celebrated and decorated supercop, Abba Kyari. He was in the news last year courtesy of the American FBI on a 419 case. This time, his troubles are from Nigeria’s NDLEA which last week accused the supercop of being connected to a global hard drug ring. Before his scandals, there was no one like him. He was loud, very loud in operation and lousy in social (media) engagements. He is now in detention, still innocent until his accusers prove the contrary. When he is charged to court, we may have other details, particularly his side of the story. But whatever happens in this case, Nigeria should have learnt at least a lesson. Never create what you can’t control. Never rear a pet you cannot tame -pets do go wild. My people say if you shoot a racing antelope and you do not trace the game, it will become food for maggots. Eighteenth century London created Jonathan Wild, indulged him with adulation and discovered very late that he was an arsonist disguised as a firefighter. Here, it appears we’ve always had a succession of firemen whose expertise is in quenching fires with top grade petrol.

A character in Maria Edgeworth’s 1800 fiction, ‘Tales of Fashionable Life’ asks another character: “You have all your life been evading the law and very frequently breaking the peace. Do you think this has qualified you peculiarly for being a guardian of the law?” And the other replies, “Yes, sure, set a thief to catch a thief is no bad maxim.” Is that what we’ve always done with our policing system? And will things ever change? The Wild story might have taught some lessons to 18th century London and its officials, but were those lessons strong enough to stop nursing criminals while fighting crimes? For instance, a hundred and twenty years after Wild, the state of policing in London showed that what Wild did as a private citizen, the police subsequently did using official cover.

The Puppet Show was a 19th century newspaper published in London. On Saturday September 26, 1848, it ran an editorial on the sorry state of the police in that city. If you search well, you will find that content well preserved online. I read the newspaper’s lamentation and thought it was about 2022 Nigeria. It described policemen as “the guardians of the peace of the country” who ironically had become “the only villains unpunished in it.” I reproduce part of the editorial here: “It is with shame and disgust that we have observed in the newspapers, of late, how fast the Police Force is becoming an organised brutality. Scarcely a week passes without their committing some offence which disgusts everybody but the magistrates. Boys are bruised by their ferocity, women insulted by their ruffianism; And that which brutality has done, perjury denies and magisterial stupidity suffers to go unpunished. Something must be done to check this growing nuisance, for it is utterly impossible that it can be tolerated in a civilised town.” It is not finished. If you are a Nigerian young man whose phones and laptops are daily serially abused and violated by street-corner cops, you will connect with the next paragraph from that newspaper: “The whole body is corrupt. A policeman may be seen setting himself up as a judge in the corners of the streets, and calling on men of the lower orders for evidence. They may further be seen as executioners thrashing the boys and if any humane person interferes, he at once becomes the object of their ferocity in the street, and of their lies in the court. They are open to bribery, as is well known, and may all be bought – like so much manure- by a liberal purchaser. No night passes in London that some offence is not compromised by their venality, nor a morning that some other is not exaggerated by their falsehood. They are the natural enemies of the poor, and the festering discontent of the masses is kept at fever pitch by the provocation they administer.” That was London two centuries ago sounding very much like Nigeria of the pre-EndSARS period – and, even, of today.

 

Celebrated columnist, Dr. Lásisi Olagunju writes 

 

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Opinion

Nigeria’s Insecurity: Why the System Rewards Reaction, Not Prevention

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The most foolish person in a burning house is not the one who cannot find the exit. It is the one who knew the house would burn, watched it happen, and only ran when the ceiling collapsed. That is Nigeria’s governance posture toward insecurity—a pattern so consistent that it has become normalized.

“Ikú tó pa ojúgbà ẹni, òwe ló fi pa. (The death that kills your neighbour is a proverb directed at you).

The bandits did not simply arrive. They sent warnings ahead of them through a trail of violence that crossed state lines and appeared in every massacre headline we filed away as someone else’s problem.

When Insecurity Was Still “Someone Else’s Problem”

When the North was burning and the Middle Belt bleeding, the South West treated it as distant noise. Kwara became the first warning sign—the bridge between North and South—slowly slipping under the shadow of insurgency. The question every serious observer should have asked was simple: what happens when it crosses the border?

South West governors issued statements—careful, brief, and reactive. None moved with the urgency the threat demanded. Before long, violence arrived at our doorstep: herder brutality in Oke-Ogun, attacks in Oyo and Ekiti, kidnappings along the Ibadan–Ijebu-Ode expressway, and forest camps emerging in Ondo.

The warning signs had matured into reality, yet we were still searching for an exit strategy that should have been built years earlier.

The Problem: We Only Count the Dead

In safety performance management, there is a critical distinction between lagging indicators—outcomes after failure (deaths, destruction, losses)—and leading indicators, which measure prevention before failure occurs.

Aviation, oil and gas, and other high-risk industries understand this clearly: a system that obsesses over lagging indicators will always arrive after the accident.

Nigeria’s security governance is built almost entirely on lagging indicators. We count attacks after they happen. We rebuild after a collapse. We mourn after preventable deaths.

We rarely ask:

How many attacks were prevented this quarter?

How many threats were neutralized before execution?

How many cells were dismantled at the planning stage?

We do not know the answers—because we are not measuring them. The system was never designed to prevent. It was designed to respond: loudly, visibly, expensively, and always too late.

Another Base. The Same Question Nobody Asks

The presidency is reportedly considering a military base in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo state. It is a familiar pattern: a major security incident, public outrage, and an institutional response designed to signal seriousness.

But the critical question remains unanswered: what has been the leading-indicator performance of existing bases?

How have long-standing military formations in places like Jos, Benue, and Zamfara—some active for over two decades—actually shifted the security outcome?

A military base without actionable intelligence is a stationary slaughter ground for soldiers. It does not prevent attacks; it often becomes a reactive outpost in a repeating cycle: attack, deployment, statement, investigation, and then silence—while underlying threat networks remain intact.

The Incentive Structure Behind the Chaos

The deeper issue is not the capability of security forces. It is the incentive structure of the system.

When leadership is judged only by incidents that have already occurred, governance shifts from prevention to performance management of failure. The objective becomes managing optics, not reducing probability.

Nigeria’s security budget has grown significantly over the past decade, yet insecurity has worsened. Kidnappings have become more brazen. Why? Because funding is justified by the persistence of the crisis, not its resolution.

If the problem is solved, what justifies the next budget cycle?

For years, decentralization has been proposed as the structural reform that could change the system—but it remains trapped in political rhetoric. Why? Because decentralization disperses power, and power in Nigeria’s political economy is not dispersed. It is concentrated.

Sixteen Days. Full Stop.

Forty-six children and teachers were kidnapped in Oriire. It reportedly took sixteen days for the presidency to authorize a specialized rescue framework.

Sixteen days before the Commander-in-Chief treated the abduction of forty-six human beings as a crisis requiring formal executive activation.
But responsibility in moments like this is not singular.

The Oyo State Governor, by constitutional convention regarded as the Chief Security Officer of the state and a recipient of security votes, also occupies a central coordinating role in the security architecture of the state. Within a crisis of this scale, expectations of rapid intergovernmental coordination, visible command urgency, and sustained pressure on federal response mechanisms are not optional, hey are inherent to the office.

Yet, the response cycle, from abduction to high-level coordinated action and physical engagement with affected communities, unfolded at a pace that raised legitimate public concern about the speed and intensity of institutional reaction.

By the time visible field visits and coordinated engagements occurred, the delay had already become part of the public record of the crisis itself—shaping perception as much as the incident shaped fear on the ground.

In a functional security system, crisis response is measured in hours, not days. Not for symbolism, but because time directly affects outcomes: every passing hour in an active kidnapping reduces the probability of safe recovery and increases the leverage of perpetrators.

Sixteen days, therefore, is not merely a lapse in timing. It reflects a deeper structural problem—where urgency is often declared after pressure builds, rather than operationalized when intelligence first breaks.

And in that gap between incident and action, citizens are left to absorb the consequences of delayed coordination across all tiers of authority.

The Verdict

Nigeria does not primarily need more military bases. It needs a new security measurement architecture—one that prioritizes intelligence conversion rates, early-warning response times, and pre-emptive disruption metrics over post-incident operations.

Every threat must be treated as time-sensitive, where minutes and hours determine outcomes—not weeks and statements.

Most importantly, citizens must shift the accountability question:

Not only “why did the attack happen?”

But “why was it not prevented?”

Nigeria’s security challenge is ultimately a leadership and systems failure—an institutional preference for reaction over prevention, because prevention is politically invisible.

You cannot hold a press conference about the attack that never happened.

Until this reality is named and confronted with precision, the cycle will continue.

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Opinion

Why Ibadan North youths are rooting for Repete

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Growing support has continued to trail a youthful politician and technology advocate, Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, popularly known as Repete, as many youths in Ibadan North Federal Constituency expressed confidence in his leadership style and vision for development.

Across several communities within the constituency, residents, particularly students, artisans and young professionals, described Repete as one of the emerging political figures with strong grassroots appeal and a passion for youth empowerment.

Supporters said his growing popularity stems from his consistent advocacy for innovation, entrepreneurship and skills development aimed at addressing unemployment and creating opportunities for young people.

As an engineer and technology enthusiast, Repete is also said to possess a deep understanding of the evolving digital economy and the need to position youths for global competitiveness.

Many of his supporters noted that his approach to leadership focuses on practical solutions, mentorship and capacity-building initiatives capable of helping young people become self-reliant and economically productive.

Some community stakeholders who spoke on his rising profile said his humility, accessibility and relationship with the grassroots have continued to endear him to many residents within the constituency.

They added that Repete’s engagement with youths and community groups reflects his commitment to inclusive governance and people-oriented representation.

Observers within the constituency also maintained that the increasing support for the politician reflects a growing desire among residents for a new generation of leaders driven by innovation, competence and accountability.

According to them, many young people see Repete as a symbol of hope and progressive leadership capable of contributing meaningfully to the development of Ibadan North Federal Constituency.

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Opinion

Repete or Regret: APC’s Moment of Truth in Ibadan North

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File photo of Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega (Repete)

The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State stands on the edge of a consequential decision—one that may define not only its fortunes in Ibadan North Federal Constituency but also its broader political relevance in the state.

As the countdown to the party primaries intensifies, the question before APC leaders is no longer routine. It is strategic. It is urgent. And it is decisive: will the party align with the clear preference of the people or risk repeating costly political miscalculations?

At the centre of this debate is Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, widely known as Repete—a name that has, over time, evolved from a political identity into a grassroots phenomenon.

A Candidate Rooted in the People

In contemporary Nigerian politics, where voter awareness is rising and expectations are shifting, candidates are increasingly judged not by promises but by presence. On this scale, Adegboyega stands tall.

His political journey is marked by consistent engagement with constituents—far beyond the optics of election seasons. From youth empowerment initiatives that provide practical skills and startup support, to sustained interventions in healthcare access for the elderly and indigent, his footprint across Ibadan North reflects a model of leadership anchored on service.

Unlike the transactional approach that often defines political relationships, Adegboyega’s connection with the people appears organic—built on trust, accessibility, and continuity. These are not mere campaign attributes; they are political assets.

The Danger of Political Disconnect

History offers the APC a clear lesson: parties that ignore grassroots sentiment often pay a heavy electoral price. The imposition of candidates perceived as distant or untested has, in several instances, resulted in voter apathy, internal dissent, and eventual defeat at the polls.

Ibadan North presents no exception.

With opposition parties closely monitoring the APC’s internal dynamics, any misstep in candidate selection could provide a ready opening. A divided house, coupled with a candidate lacking widespread acceptance, is a formula the opposition is well-positioned to exploit.
The implication is straightforward: this is not merely about party loyalty; it is about electoral viability.

Echoes from the Grassroots

Across the length and breadth of Ibadan North—markets, motor parks, religious centres, and community gatherings—a consistent pattern emerges in political conversations. The name “Repete” resonates with familiarity and acceptance.

Such organic support is not easily manufactured. It is cultivated over time through visible impact and sustained presence. For a party seeking electoral certainty in a competitive environment, this level of grassroots validation is not just desirable—it is critical.

A Test of Leadership and Judgment

For the APC leadership in Oyo State, the moment calls for clarity of purpose. Decisions driven by narrow interests, personal alignments, or short-term calculations may carry long-term consequences.

The task, therefore, is to balance internal considerations with external realities. Elections are ultimately decided by voters, not by party caucuses. A candidate who commands public confidence offers the strongest pathway to victory.

The Stakes Are Clear

Ibadan North is too strategic a constituency for experimentation. The cost of error is not limited to a single seat; it extends to party cohesion, credibility, and future positioning within the state’s political landscape.

In this context, the argument for Adegboyega is less about sentiment and more about strategy. His visibility, acceptability, and record of engagement place him in a strong position to consolidate support and mobilise voters effectively.

Conclusion: A Choice with Consequences

As the APC moves closer to its primaries, the decision before it is both simple and significant: align with a candidate who reflects the mood of the electorate or risk conceding advantage to a watchful opposition.

In politics, moments such as this often separate foresight from hindsight.
For APC in Ibadan North, this may well be one of those defining moments.

 

Aderibigbe Akanbi, a political analyst, writes from Ibadan.

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