Opinion
It Is Now Time To Create More States | By Taiwo Adisa
In the March 16, 1975, edition of The New York Times, Colin Legum broke down the comment earlier attributed to the then Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon which read like this: “Nigeria has the money, our problem is how to spend it.” Gowon’s remark, back then, might have been interpreted in different ways, but I think it is not only apt about Nigerian situation but also philosophical. Collins had reported that Nigeria’s trade surplus rose from $1.5 billion in 1973 to $6 billion in 1974 and that while crude oil accounts for 92 per cent of her earnings, the country’s oil supply to the United States doubled the volume of Saudi Arabia.
Back then, the leaders debated the options that could enable the country to spend its way out of the problem of “too much money.” These, according to Legum included the debates on the increase in the number of states from 12 to 20 or 24, adoption of the Udoji Commission Report, introduction of the free universal primary education for all school age children, and the increased spending on defence ahead of education and agriculture. Somehow, successive governments have succeeded in spending Nigeria out of prosperity into economic doom. Fifty years down the line, the country now stands to be counted amongst the comity of poverty-stricken nations.
In deference to the postulations of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the administration of President Bola Tinubu adopted the twin policy of subsidy removal and floating of the naira in May 2023. The argument of the global financial conductors was that the Nigerian currency was “overvalued.” But when it shed weight, it was so massively done that local experts are already saying that the naira is undervalued to the tune of 26 per cent. Somehow, the twin Tinubu policies have returned Nigeria to the state it was when the statement credited to Gowon was made. Now, the tiers of government have money, but they are having problems managing it for future prosperity. But unlike the Gowon’s situation when Nigeria as a country had money, today, only the tiers of government are buoyant, while the people languish in economic travails. Pius Mordi, writing in his “Front Row” column in the Southerner on June 25 saw through the statement credited to the former Head of State when he wrote: “There is race among the state governors on who will build the most expensive and ineffectual and, perhaps, useless edifices. At first, it was airports in their capital cities. It costs a lot of money to build one, and only the Federal Government built new ones in the Second Republic.”
Mordi gave an example of Governor David Umahi of Ebonyi State, who built a N53 billion airport in Abakaliki, only for the terminal to be turned into a Pentecostal assembly until the first ever commercial flight landed there on June 13, 2025, two clear years after it was commissioned with fanfare. Meanwhile, Abakaliki is a distance of 68 kilometres to Enugu, which has an existing airport.
Since President Bola Tinubu made the famous ‘subsidy is gone’ statement on May 29, 2023, the Federal Government, the states and the local governments have had their monthly allocations from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) tripled from around N500 billion monthly under President Buhari, to more than N1.6 trillion. So, like Mordi said, the states are in a race to spend the money accruing from FAAC.
One way I think we can address the anomaly identified in Mordi’s “Frontrow” is to create more states across the six geopolitical zones. When government is closer to the people, there would be a sense of belonging and rather than collect money to cast votes, (amounting to sale of birthright), each citizen would see himself as a potential Rep member, senator, governor, or president. The state creation exercise this time should take the number of states to at least 50 and a corresponding increase in the number of local governments, which could rise to 1,000. The logic here is that we will reduce the amount of money available to be wasted. Luckily, the National Assembly is presently undertaking a constitution review exercise, where at least 31 requests for states have been submitted. It is a chance for the lawmakers to take the agitators for state creation through the process as contained in Section 8 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). My preference is that the states to be created should be made contiguous to tribal/ethnic/dialect orientations, such that can guarantee political self-determination by each tribe or dialect. For instance, if you take the South-West Nigeria, the Ibadan in the present Oyo State should own a state, while Ogbomoso can also choose to stand alone or seek alliance with neighbouring Oyo and Iseyin. The Oke-Ogun and Ibarapa people can jointly own a state. The Ijebu people of Ogun State have been seeking a state for years; nothing should stop that from coming into reality. The same should go for the people of the South-East. The Ukwa/Ngwa people of the present Abia State can own a state, while the Old Bende axis can unite in another. In the South-South, the people of Warri had designed the city as a potential state capital, and this exercise can bring that to pass. Ethnic groups and tribes in the South-South, North- Central, North- East, and North-West can come together to form states. In a state like Kogi, the Okun people should be given the option of either merging with Ekiti State or standing alone, while in Benue State, the Utukpo people of Benue South and their neighbouring communities shouldn’t find it difficult to form a state.
The Tiv in that state have already shown their capability to stand alone. Our people should be given the freedom to unite with those they see as their true kit and kin. One advantage of this is that it will help us solve the series of ethnic tension that usually erupt in different states and massively help ethnic nationalities control their political fortunes. There is also this reality that at least three types of political actors seek/grab power at the sub-national level in Nigeria these days. These include those who seek power for personal aggrandizement, those who seek power to develop themselves and the community, (of course this group has the fewest people on the line) and those who seek power as a business venture. They invest and must make their gains. These are the people who make it a duty to siphon the funds, which they relocate to some places they believed their fortunes are guaranteed. So, if these are the categories of people that would keep exchanging the batons of power among themselves in the states, why retain the IMF/World Bank model of amassing money in the hands of the states and expect a miracle.
Of course, the argument would be raised about the cost of governance and about the viability of new states. I will insist till tomorrow that every state is viable in Nigeria. The political actors are either lazy or spoilt by the feeding-bottle federal system or are insincere. If we create more states, it will enable the sub-nationals to explore the neglected sources of revenue and also spread the available resources among the citizens.
There would be less money to be packed in some mysterious boxes and landed in unknown locations outside our shores. If more states are created, there would be more government staff to be employed, more government secretariats to build, more Government Houses, more roads to dualise in the capital city and more public buildings to house government’s departments and agencies. A homogeneous state would allow the elders to speak to the office holders in the language of the ancestors (apologies here to the revered monarch, Omo N’oba N’Edo Eku Akpolokpolo, Oba Erediauwa) about development and if they fail to do so, they will have nobody to blame.
While no one can argue that government’s money is meant to be spent for the welfare of the people and infrastructural projects, because governments are not established as Profit and Loss (P& L) centres, it is equally undeniable that the resources are to be used to guarantee good governance. That is why different layers of government (in sane climes) ensure that they use the money accruing to the coffers to generate wealth and ensure a certain future for their people. The Yoruba would say owo laa fi peena owo (you use money to create more wealth). That may be the thinking behind IMF’s policy framework on subsidy removal. The drift should be that the government should make more money, and use is to transform the lives of its people. But merely seeking to translate European or American policy trust to an African setting cannot achieve the desired result. Here, with our kabiyesi mentality to governance, any money the government generates first goes to service the welfare of those in government. And the people would readily hail the government for doing so.
Yes, IMF has succeeded in amassing money in the hands of governments in Nigeria, but that is yet to translate into a good life for the citizens.
This is because, with more money in the hands of African governments, the leaders think more of how to dispense the funds, starch some away in foreign lands, and fritter the balance on frivolities. That is why one of the first steps the Nigerian Governors Forum took when the Tinubu government started the implementation of its IMF-inclined policies was a trip to Rwanda for a retreat on democratic governance. You want to ask what 36 state governors in Nigeria want to learn about democratic governance in Rwanda that would warrant them landing in that country with huge entourage. What is the nature of that retreat that can not be held in Transcorp, Abuja or Obudu Cattle Ranch, Port Harcourt, or Lagos? Some states even sponsored the entire members of their houses of assembly on tours of different countries, just to create avenues to spend the money. Meanwhile, the citizens have continued to languish under the pangs of skyrocketing inflation, rising consumer goods, debilitating insecurity, and an apartheid-like power supply policy.
Emeritus Professor of Communication, Andrew A. Moemeka, writing on the topic: “Development, Social Change, and Development Communication: Background and conceptual Discussion,” in a book of readings he titled Development Communication in Action, submitted that the Marshall Plan, used to rebuild Western Europe after the Second World War was hugely successful and that in less than ten years, it “turned destruction and devastation into construction and industrialization.” He stated that: “Europe was not just brought back to life, but given a higher standard of living than it had before the war.” He admitted, however, the Marshal Plan failed when applied in the developing countries in 1960s because the former colonial masters failed to see the peculiarities in the different societies and apparently confused information as a synonym for communication. He said that “in a cultural environment, where socio-cultural and material aspects of life are treated as a holistic entity, it is impossible to succeed with attempts to improve the material with little or no regard to the socio-cultural.” This is the same foul IMF/World Bank policy experts are committing with the implementation of their policies in Nigeria, especially. In the Western world, and largely Asia, these days, when governments make money, it translates to a good life for the citizens. But in Nigeria and Africa, government money is first meant for the good of the government and its system. The few people who benefit from the crumps are those who can roll at the feet of the power holders. That perhaps answers why the many years of implementation of IMF/World Bank policies have failed to redeem the aches of African economies.
Growing support has continued to trail a youthful politician and technology advocate, Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, popularly known as Repete, as many youths in Ibadan North Federal Constituency expressed confidence in his leadership style and vision for development.
Across several communities within the constituency, residents, particularly students, artisans and young professionals, described Repete as one of the emerging political figures with strong grassroots appeal and a passion for youth empowerment.
Supporters said his growing popularity stems from his consistent advocacy for innovation, entrepreneurship and skills development aimed at addressing unemployment and creating opportunities for young people.
As an engineer and technology enthusiast, Repete is also said to possess a deep understanding of the evolving digital economy and the need to position youths for global competitiveness.
Many of his supporters noted that his approach to leadership focuses on practical solutions, mentorship and capacity-building initiatives capable of helping young people become self-reliant and economically productive.
Some community stakeholders who spoke on his rising profile said his humility, accessibility and relationship with the grassroots have continued to endear him to many residents within the constituency.
They added that Repete’s engagement with youths and community groups reflects his commitment to inclusive governance and people-oriented representation.
Observers within the constituency also maintained that the increasing support for the politician reflects a growing desire among residents for a new generation of leaders driven by innovation, competence and accountability.
According to them, many young people see Repete as a symbol of hope and progressive leadership capable of contributing meaningfully to the development of Ibadan North Federal Constituency.
The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State stands on the edge of a consequential decision—one that may define not only its fortunes in Ibadan North Federal Constituency but also its broader political relevance in the state.
As the countdown to the party primaries intensifies, the question before APC leaders is no longer routine. It is strategic. It is urgent. And it is decisive: will the party align with the clear preference of the people or risk repeating costly political miscalculations?
At the centre of this debate is Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, widely known as Repete—a name that has, over time, evolved from a political identity into a grassroots phenomenon.
A Candidate Rooted in the People
In contemporary Nigerian politics, where voter awareness is rising and expectations are shifting, candidates are increasingly judged not by promises but by presence. On this scale, Adegboyega stands tall.
His political journey is marked by consistent engagement with constituents—far beyond the optics of election seasons. From youth empowerment initiatives that provide practical skills and startup support, to sustained interventions in healthcare access for the elderly and indigent, his footprint across Ibadan North reflects a model of leadership anchored on service.
Unlike the transactional approach that often defines political relationships, Adegboyega’s connection with the people appears organic—built on trust, accessibility, and continuity. These are not mere campaign attributes; they are political assets.
The Danger of Political Disconnect
History offers the APC a clear lesson: parties that ignore grassroots sentiment often pay a heavy electoral price. The imposition of candidates perceived as distant or untested has, in several instances, resulted in voter apathy, internal dissent, and eventual defeat at the polls.
Ibadan North presents no exception.
With opposition parties closely monitoring the APC’s internal dynamics, any misstep in candidate selection could provide a ready opening. A divided house, coupled with a candidate lacking widespread acceptance, is a formula the opposition is well-positioned to exploit.
The implication is straightforward: this is not merely about party loyalty; it is about electoral viability.
Echoes from the Grassroots
Across the length and breadth of Ibadan North—markets, motor parks, religious centres, and community gatherings—a consistent pattern emerges in political conversations. The name “Repete” resonates with familiarity and acceptance.
Such organic support is not easily manufactured. It is cultivated over time through visible impact and sustained presence. For a party seeking electoral certainty in a competitive environment, this level of grassroots validation is not just desirable—it is critical.
A Test of Leadership and Judgment
For the APC leadership in Oyo State, the moment calls for clarity of purpose. Decisions driven by narrow interests, personal alignments, or short-term calculations may carry long-term consequences.
The task, therefore, is to balance internal considerations with external realities. Elections are ultimately decided by voters, not by party caucuses. A candidate who commands public confidence offers the strongest pathway to victory.
The Stakes Are Clear
Ibadan North is too strategic a constituency for experimentation. The cost of error is not limited to a single seat; it extends to party cohesion, credibility, and future positioning within the state’s political landscape.
In this context, the argument for Adegboyega is less about sentiment and more about strategy. His visibility, acceptability, and record of engagement place him in a strong position to consolidate support and mobilise voters effectively.
Conclusion: A Choice with Consequences
As the APC moves closer to its primaries, the decision before it is both simple and significant: align with a candidate who reflects the mood of the electorate or risk conceding advantage to a watchful opposition.
In politics, moments such as this often separate foresight from hindsight.
For APC in Ibadan North, this may well be one of those defining moments.
Aderibigbe Akanbi, a political analyst, writes from Ibadan.
As the road to 2027 gradually unfolds across Oyo State, political conversations are shifting from routine permutations to deeper questions about competence, generational leadership, and measurable impact. In Ibarapa East, that conversation has found a new voice in Yusuf Abiodun Ramon — a Lanlate-born technocrat whose entry into the race for the State House of Assembly is redefining what representation could mean for the constituency.
In a political environment often dominated by familiar faces and conventional calculations, Ramon presents a profile shaped by technical discipline, structured thinking, and solution-driven engagement. His professional background, anchored in analytical precision and systems management, forms the foundation of his public service aspiration.
For him, representation must move beyond ceremonial presence to practical responsiveness — laws that reflect local realities, oversight that protects public resources, and advocacy that translates into visible development.
Ramon argues that the future of Ibarapa East lies in leadership that listens deliberately, plans strategically, and delivers measurably. He speaks of strengthening rural infrastructure, expanding youth-driven economic opportunities, and institutionalising transparency as core pillars of his agenda. In his view, governance must not merely be symbolic; it must be structured, accountable, and people-centred.
Rooted in Ile Odede, Isale Alubata Compound, Ward Seven of Ibarapa East Local Government, and maternally linked to Ile Sobaloju, Isale Ajidun Compound, Eruwa, Ramon’s story is not one of distant ambition but of lived experience. He is, in every sense, a son of the soil — shaped by the same roads, schools, and economic realities that define daily life in Ibarapa East.
“I was born here. I grew up here. I understand our struggles, our strengths, and our untapped potential,” he says. “Representation must go beyond occupying a seat; it must translate into preparation, competence, and genuine commitment to development.”
His academic journey mirrors that philosophy of steady growth. He began at Islamic Primary School, Lanlate (1995–2001), proceeded to Baptist Grammar School, Orita Eruwa (2001–2007), and later earned a National Diploma in Mechanical Engineering Technology from Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro, between 2009 and 2011. Refusing to plateau, he advanced his intellectual horizon and is now completing a Bachelor of Science in Business Administration at the University of Lagos. “Education,” he reflects, “is continuous capacity building. Leadership today requires both technical knowledge and administrative insight.”
That blend of engineering precision and managerial training has defined a professional career spanning more than a decade. Shortly after his diploma, Yusuf joined Mikano International Limited as a generator installer, gaining hands-on experience in industrial power systems — a sector central to Nigeria’s infrastructural backbone. He later transitioned into telecommunications at Safari Telecoms Nigeria Limited, where he received specialized training in Industrial, Scientific, and Medical radio bands, strengthening his expertise in network operations.
In 2013, he became a Field Support Engineer at Netrux Global Concepts Ltd., then a leading ISM service provider in Nigeria. Over four formative years, he immersed himself in telecom infrastructure deployment and maintenance, mastering field coordination, logistics management, and real-time technical problem-solving.
Since July 2017, he has served as a Field Support Engineer with Specific Tools and Techniques Ltd., a power solutions firm providing services to major operators including MTN Nigeria and Airtel Nigeria. In that capacity, he operates at the frontline of ensuring energy reliability and network uptime — responsibilities that demand discipline, accountability, and systems thinking.
For political observers in Ibarapa East, this trajectory matters. It reflects more than résumé credentials; it speaks to a mindset anchored in efficiency, coordination, and measurable outcomes — qualities increasingly demanded in legislative representation.
Beyond the private sector, Ramon’s political exposure is neither sudden nor superficial. A loyal member of the progressive political family in Lagos, he once served as a personal assistant to a former lawmaker, gaining practical insight into legislative procedure and constituency engagement. Within his community, he has quietly extended financial support to small-scale entrepreneurs and students — modest but consistent interventions rooted in personal responsibility.
“My interest is my people,” he states firmly. “Ibarapa East deserves strategic, responsive, and capable leadership at the State Assembly. We must move from rhetoric to results.”
Across the constituency — from Lanlate to Eruwa — development priorities remain clear: youth employment, vocational empowerment, rural road rehabilitation, stable power supply, agricultural value-chain expansion, improved educational standards, and stronger lawmaking that directly reflects community needs.
Political analysts argue that Ramon’s technocratic background positions him uniquely at the intersection of policy formulation and practical implementation. At a time when national discourse increasingly favours competence over grandstanding, his profile resonates with a broader generational shift toward performance-driven governance. His engineering discipline reinforces problem-solving; his business training strengthens administrative understanding; his grassroots roots anchor his empathy.
For Ibarapa East, the 2027 election cycle may represent more than a routine democratic exercise. It may mark a recalibration of expectations — a demand for representation that understands both the soil beneath its feet and the systems that drive modern development. As political alignments gradually crystallize in Oyo State, Yusuf Abiodun Ramon’s declaration signals the arrival of a candidate seeking to translate private-sector structure into public-sector impact.
One thing is clear: the conversation about the future of Ibarapa East has begun — and it is now framed around competence, credibility, and capacity.
Oluwasegun Idowu sent in this piece from Eruwa, Ibarapa East LG, Oyo State
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