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Alaafin Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi as a marvel

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Since Friday night that Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III joined his ancestors, there have been different write-ups on people’s perceptions of the late Alaafin depending on which sides of the divide each of the assessors stands in judging his actions, decisions on issues, and his entire reign. His sudden passage not only brought an end to his 52 years old illustrious reign on the throne, but the Alaafin also died at age 83 on the throne at the Afe Babalola University Teaching Hospital, Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State. This is a mark of a new beginning for the people of Oyo and the Yoruba race in general. Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III was the longest-serving Alaafin of Oyo and his reign was eventful and full of intricacies. Having been privileged to know the Kabiyesi and work closely with him over the years, no single piece is sufficient to capture his parental background, ascendancy to the throne, personal accomplishments, challenges that characterized his reign, and his contributions to the socio-economic and political developments in Nigeria.

Alaafin Adeyemi could be a perfect example of a gentleman and could, at other times, be brutal depending on the circumstance, his perceptions of the issue before him, and other exigencies. To those that succeeded in currying his favours, he was among the best when it came to service to humanity and mankind, but to those who had been unfortunate to step on his toes, he was deadly and brutal. He was feared by both friends and foes for his unpredictability.

There were limitless adjectival phrases and eulogies that people used to describe his aristocratic background and the supernatural powers of the Alaafin, being a phenomenon. That is why the late Alaafin of Oyo was given names such as death, disease, infirmity, and other nomenclatures that are associated with calamity. Yet, all these negative attributes were seen as a pride rather than being derogatory by a typical Oyo man.

 Alaafin Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III was an excellent performer of oral Yoruba Poetry and a poet and he was always at home with ijala renditions, panegyrics, Ifa divination, liturgical Yoruba which is the language used among the diviners to express transcendent ideas.

He was therefore adored by the traditional worshippers for his mastery of divinity, mysticism, Yoruba folktales, and folklores with perfect tonal resonance used in the traditional societies to access the powers of the spirits. That explains the reasons why the late Alaafin of Oyo was regarded as a deity by some traditional worshippers.

Although Alaafin was not an academic scholar by certificate acquisition and academic qualifications, his research outputs particularly on Yoruba histories, African philosophy, politics, social development, and cultural studies. He was indisputably an erudite scholar and public intellectual.

Whoever has had the privilege of being close to him, will attest that he was a philosopher-king, a universalist, and a polemicist, all in one, having been blessed with an independent critical mind. Of course, Alaafin knew little about everything learnable.

Given his love for books, with the volumes of his book collections and his everyday desire to increase his collection of books across disciplines, I can say that he lived his life as a bibliophile. Before Alaafin’s palace was engulfed by inferno in 2013, the palace housed thousands of books across disciplines. The Alaafin was indeed a ‘walking library’ as he was being described by those that knew his intellectual ability. To some, he was an encyclopedia of knowledge. In a recent tribute written by Dr. Festus Adedayo, he affirmed that “an apt analogy that can explain Oba Adeyemi’s passing is a huge library burnt down”. Similar to that was contained in a post on the social media by Prof. Adenike Akinjobi of the University of Ibadan where he described the Alaafin as “non- inheritable” mammoth knowledge in innumerable book volumes. In one video clip posted on social media after the passing away of the Alaafin, he claimed boastfully in one of the public engagements that he has read virtually all books written by Prof. Wole Soyinka.

One other unique attribute of Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III was his deep sense of history particularly the history of the Yorubas. In his leisure hours, Alaafin loved discussing the works of great authors. Of course, he was a book analyst and reviewer. It was his analyses that motivated and prompted my acquisition and reading of books such as The Prince by Machiavelli, 24 Laws of Power by Robert Greene, The Man Died by Prof Wole Soyinka, Plato’s Republic by Plato, Ayinla Omowura by Dr. Festus Adedayo, History of Yoruba by Samuel Johnson among classics.

He fought many battles to protect the Yoruba interests and hegemony in Nigeria’s nation-state. In 1975, he wrote a book titled “Yoruba chieftaincy institutions and modernity”. Looking through the contents of the book, Kabiyesi proved to be truly a great historian. By deeds, actions, utterances, dressing habits, and ways of life, he successfully showcased the Yoruba culture, values, and norms throughout his reign beyond the shores of Nigeria. With his manners of defending the unity of Yoruba and our cultural practices, Alaafin Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III would be remembered to have succeeded in making Oyo the citadel of Yoruba culture and tradition. Again, he exuded opulence and royalty with a blend of Yoruba traditions, modernity, and western civilization.

 Despite the politicization of the affairs of the Council of Obas and Chiefs and the undue government interference in the activities of the Obas in the state, Alaafin was, throughout his reign a dominant force. Even when there were attempts to introduce rotation of chairmanship of the Oyo State Council of Obas and Chiefs, Alaafin used his ingenuity, craftiness, and power of diplomacy to retain permanent chairmanship of the council till he died. Looking at his official headings, public references, and palace protocols, it is evident that late Alaafin of Oyo took delight in defending the royal paramountcy by paying a high premium to his position as the Permanent Chairman, Oyo State Council of Obas and Chiefs despite the contrary fiat and government proclamation on the matter. When modernity and modernization seemed to have usurped the hitherto absolute powers and authority of the traditional rulers, the Alaafin of Oyo stayed afloat using Yoruba diplomacy. What he could no longer achieve using the power of cohesion and brutal force he asserted during the primitive age, Alaafin was able to sustain his social relevance against all odds. Most times, he deployed the power of diplomacy, the sphere of influence, and circles of friends across the global geopolitical and cultural boundaries to fight his wars and protect his hegemony. What often endeared the late Iku Baba Yeye to anyone included resourcefulness, knowledge, skills, and wealth. Once you were identified by Alaafin to have possessed any of the enumerated values, you automatically become his friend. Among the traditional rulers in the country, his understanding of the theory of elitism and power politics is second to none.

For insight, my closeness to him was accidental because we never shared the same ideology and political interest until 2012 when I delivered a lecture as a guest speaker during the Annual Oyo day held at Ladoke Akintola University of Technology Ogbomoso during the tenure of Prof. Niyi Gbadegesin,  the then Vice-Chancellor. After my presentation on the topic “Yoruba traditional institution, Yoruba Leadership Questions, and the Alaafin as the custodian of Yoruba culture, Alaafin being the father of the day pat my back and appreciated my presentation. Since then, we became close and intimate. Sequel to the development, Kabiyesi gave me access to the palace. Whenever I visited his palace, it was always like attending a seminar on Yoruba history, culture, and tradition. Each time I had the privilege of being with the Kabiyesi in his study, what often dominated our discussions were most times the works of great authors, analyses of speeches of the great leaders in history, and issues of national development.

 Other distinguishing attributes of the Alaafin were his rhetorical communication and writing skills. Whenever he delivered public speeches, they were often enriched by philosophical quotes, apt references to historical events with dates, and copious citations from great classics. No doubt, the late Alaafin of Oyo was an orator, a prolific writer, a political strategist, and a tactician. I must not pretend that the Alaafin is unerring, being a human being, Glaringly, he was not infallible. He has his flaws like every one of us. Like his forebears, he lived the life of a polygamist having had eighteen (18) wives and more than twenty (20) children and grandchildren. One other notable attribute of the late king was his love for sport particularly boxing – a skill he had dramatically displayed several times in public. He was said to be a boxer before ascending the throne.

To some people, he was a controversial figure with several disposed, pending, and ongoing cases in courts of different jurisdictions particularly on land matters and chieftaincy disputes. When the Alaafin was reigning as the Imperial Majesty of Oyo, he won many legal battles, while he lost several others. A popular social media influencer under the pseudonym “Odulaye Baa Waki Aremu ” admitted recently in a post that “though I never did like the Iku and me for once loved his sugar-coated mouth too. But I have fully accepted it long ago that he was a necessary evil and from that standpoint- I thus declare that the departed Alaafin shall be sorely missed.” Suffice to say that- in this one king alone, we‘ve all lost something tangible and some other things somewhat intangible. The Alaafin was a hero to those that loved him and were positively affected by his reign and he was a villain before the people that had suffered and fell prey to his huge powers. May his soul rest in peace.

 

Rahaman Onike, writes from Oyo town, Oyo State.

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Opinion

Nigeria’s Insecurity: Why the System Rewards Reaction, Not Prevention

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The most foolish person in a burning house is not the one who cannot find the exit. It is the one who knew the house would burn, watched it happen, and only ran when the ceiling collapsed. That is Nigeria’s governance posture toward insecurity—a pattern so consistent that it has become normalized.

“Ikú tó pa ojúgbà ẹni, òwe ló fi pa. (The death that kills your neighbour is a proverb directed at you).

The bandits did not simply arrive. They sent warnings ahead of them through a trail of violence that crossed state lines and appeared in every massacre headline we filed away as someone else’s problem.

When Insecurity Was Still “Someone Else’s Problem”

When the North was burning and the Middle Belt bleeding, the South West treated it as distant noise. Kwara became the first warning sign—the bridge between North and South—slowly slipping under the shadow of insurgency. The question every serious observer should have asked was simple: what happens when it crosses the border?

South West governors issued statements—careful, brief, and reactive. None moved with the urgency the threat demanded. Before long, violence arrived at our doorstep: herder brutality in Oke-Ogun, attacks in Oyo and Ekiti, kidnappings along the Ibadan–Ijebu-Ode expressway, and forest camps emerging in Ondo.

The warning signs had matured into reality, yet we were still searching for an exit strategy that should have been built years earlier.

The Problem: We Only Count the Dead

In safety performance management, there is a critical distinction between lagging indicators—outcomes after failure (deaths, destruction, losses)—and leading indicators, which measure prevention before failure occurs.

Aviation, oil and gas, and other high-risk industries understand this clearly: a system that obsesses over lagging indicators will always arrive after the accident.

Nigeria’s security governance is built almost entirely on lagging indicators. We count attacks after they happen. We rebuild after a collapse. We mourn after preventable deaths.

We rarely ask:

How many attacks were prevented this quarter?

How many threats were neutralized before execution?

How many cells were dismantled at the planning stage?

We do not know the answers—because we are not measuring them. The system was never designed to prevent. It was designed to respond: loudly, visibly, expensively, and always too late.

Another Base. The Same Question Nobody Asks

The presidency is reportedly considering a military base in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo state. It is a familiar pattern: a major security incident, public outrage, and an institutional response designed to signal seriousness.

But the critical question remains unanswered: what has been the leading-indicator performance of existing bases?

How have long-standing military formations in places like Jos, Benue, and Zamfara—some active for over two decades—actually shifted the security outcome?

A military base without actionable intelligence is a stationary slaughter ground for soldiers. It does not prevent attacks; it often becomes a reactive outpost in a repeating cycle: attack, deployment, statement, investigation, and then silence—while underlying threat networks remain intact.

The Incentive Structure Behind the Chaos

The deeper issue is not the capability of security forces. It is the incentive structure of the system.

When leadership is judged only by incidents that have already occurred, governance shifts from prevention to performance management of failure. The objective becomes managing optics, not reducing probability.

Nigeria’s security budget has grown significantly over the past decade, yet insecurity has worsened. Kidnappings have become more brazen. Why? Because funding is justified by the persistence of the crisis, not its resolution.

If the problem is solved, what justifies the next budget cycle?

For years, decentralization has been proposed as the structural reform that could change the system—but it remains trapped in political rhetoric. Why? Because decentralization disperses power, and power in Nigeria’s political economy is not dispersed. It is concentrated.

Sixteen Days. Full Stop.

Forty-six children and teachers were kidnapped in Oriire. It reportedly took sixteen days for the presidency to authorize a specialized rescue framework.

Sixteen days before the Commander-in-Chief treated the abduction of forty-six human beings as a crisis requiring formal executive activation.
But responsibility in moments like this is not singular.

The Oyo State Governor, by constitutional convention regarded as the Chief Security Officer of the state and a recipient of security votes, also occupies a central coordinating role in the security architecture of the state. Within a crisis of this scale, expectations of rapid intergovernmental coordination, visible command urgency, and sustained pressure on federal response mechanisms are not optional, hey are inherent to the office.

Yet, the response cycle, from abduction to high-level coordinated action and physical engagement with affected communities, unfolded at a pace that raised legitimate public concern about the speed and intensity of institutional reaction.

By the time visible field visits and coordinated engagements occurred, the delay had already become part of the public record of the crisis itself—shaping perception as much as the incident shaped fear on the ground.

In a functional security system, crisis response is measured in hours, not days. Not for symbolism, but because time directly affects outcomes: every passing hour in an active kidnapping reduces the probability of safe recovery and increases the leverage of perpetrators.

Sixteen days, therefore, is not merely a lapse in timing. It reflects a deeper structural problem—where urgency is often declared after pressure builds, rather than operationalized when intelligence first breaks.

And in that gap between incident and action, citizens are left to absorb the consequences of delayed coordination across all tiers of authority.

The Verdict

Nigeria does not primarily need more military bases. It needs a new security measurement architecture—one that prioritizes intelligence conversion rates, early-warning response times, and pre-emptive disruption metrics over post-incident operations.

Every threat must be treated as time-sensitive, where minutes and hours determine outcomes—not weeks and statements.

Most importantly, citizens must shift the accountability question:

Not only “why did the attack happen?”

But “why was it not prevented?”

Nigeria’s security challenge is ultimately a leadership and systems failure—an institutional preference for reaction over prevention, because prevention is politically invisible.

You cannot hold a press conference about the attack that never happened.

Until this reality is named and confronted with precision, the cycle will continue.

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Opinion

Why Ibadan North youths are rooting for Repete

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Growing support has continued to trail a youthful politician and technology advocate, Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, popularly known as Repete, as many youths in Ibadan North Federal Constituency expressed confidence in his leadership style and vision for development.

Across several communities within the constituency, residents, particularly students, artisans and young professionals, described Repete as one of the emerging political figures with strong grassroots appeal and a passion for youth empowerment.

Supporters said his growing popularity stems from his consistent advocacy for innovation, entrepreneurship and skills development aimed at addressing unemployment and creating opportunities for young people.

As an engineer and technology enthusiast, Repete is also said to possess a deep understanding of the evolving digital economy and the need to position youths for global competitiveness.

Many of his supporters noted that his approach to leadership focuses on practical solutions, mentorship and capacity-building initiatives capable of helping young people become self-reliant and economically productive.

Some community stakeholders who spoke on his rising profile said his humility, accessibility and relationship with the grassroots have continued to endear him to many residents within the constituency.

They added that Repete’s engagement with youths and community groups reflects his commitment to inclusive governance and people-oriented representation.

Observers within the constituency also maintained that the increasing support for the politician reflects a growing desire among residents for a new generation of leaders driven by innovation, competence and accountability.

According to them, many young people see Repete as a symbol of hope and progressive leadership capable of contributing meaningfully to the development of Ibadan North Federal Constituency.

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Opinion

Repete or Regret: APC’s Moment of Truth in Ibadan North

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File photo of Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega (Repete)

The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State stands on the edge of a consequential decision—one that may define not only its fortunes in Ibadan North Federal Constituency but also its broader political relevance in the state.

As the countdown to the party primaries intensifies, the question before APC leaders is no longer routine. It is strategic. It is urgent. And it is decisive: will the party align with the clear preference of the people or risk repeating costly political miscalculations?

At the centre of this debate is Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, widely known as Repete—a name that has, over time, evolved from a political identity into a grassroots phenomenon.

A Candidate Rooted in the People

In contemporary Nigerian politics, where voter awareness is rising and expectations are shifting, candidates are increasingly judged not by promises but by presence. On this scale, Adegboyega stands tall.

His political journey is marked by consistent engagement with constituents—far beyond the optics of election seasons. From youth empowerment initiatives that provide practical skills and startup support, to sustained interventions in healthcare access for the elderly and indigent, his footprint across Ibadan North reflects a model of leadership anchored on service.

Unlike the transactional approach that often defines political relationships, Adegboyega’s connection with the people appears organic—built on trust, accessibility, and continuity. These are not mere campaign attributes; they are political assets.

The Danger of Political Disconnect

History offers the APC a clear lesson: parties that ignore grassroots sentiment often pay a heavy electoral price. The imposition of candidates perceived as distant or untested has, in several instances, resulted in voter apathy, internal dissent, and eventual defeat at the polls.

Ibadan North presents no exception.

With opposition parties closely monitoring the APC’s internal dynamics, any misstep in candidate selection could provide a ready opening. A divided house, coupled with a candidate lacking widespread acceptance, is a formula the opposition is well-positioned to exploit.
The implication is straightforward: this is not merely about party loyalty; it is about electoral viability.

Echoes from the Grassroots

Across the length and breadth of Ibadan North—markets, motor parks, religious centres, and community gatherings—a consistent pattern emerges in political conversations. The name “Repete” resonates with familiarity and acceptance.

Such organic support is not easily manufactured. It is cultivated over time through visible impact and sustained presence. For a party seeking electoral certainty in a competitive environment, this level of grassroots validation is not just desirable—it is critical.

A Test of Leadership and Judgment

For the APC leadership in Oyo State, the moment calls for clarity of purpose. Decisions driven by narrow interests, personal alignments, or short-term calculations may carry long-term consequences.

The task, therefore, is to balance internal considerations with external realities. Elections are ultimately decided by voters, not by party caucuses. A candidate who commands public confidence offers the strongest pathway to victory.

The Stakes Are Clear

Ibadan North is too strategic a constituency for experimentation. The cost of error is not limited to a single seat; it extends to party cohesion, credibility, and future positioning within the state’s political landscape.

In this context, the argument for Adegboyega is less about sentiment and more about strategy. His visibility, acceptability, and record of engagement place him in a strong position to consolidate support and mobilise voters effectively.

Conclusion: A Choice with Consequences

As the APC moves closer to its primaries, the decision before it is both simple and significant: align with a candidate who reflects the mood of the electorate or risk conceding advantage to a watchful opposition.

In politics, moments such as this often separate foresight from hindsight.
For APC in Ibadan North, this may well be one of those defining moments.

 

Aderibigbe Akanbi, a political analyst, writes from Ibadan.

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