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Alaafin Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi as a marvel

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Since Friday night that Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III joined his ancestors, there have been different write-ups on people’s perceptions of the late Alaafin depending on which sides of the divide each of the assessors stands in judging his actions, decisions on issues, and his entire reign. His sudden passage not only brought an end to his 52 years old illustrious reign on the throne, but the Alaafin also died at age 83 on the throne at the Afe Babalola University Teaching Hospital, Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State. This is a mark of a new beginning for the people of Oyo and the Yoruba race in general. Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III was the longest-serving Alaafin of Oyo and his reign was eventful and full of intricacies. Having been privileged to know the Kabiyesi and work closely with him over the years, no single piece is sufficient to capture his parental background, ascendancy to the throne, personal accomplishments, challenges that characterized his reign, and his contributions to the socio-economic and political developments in Nigeria.

Alaafin Adeyemi could be a perfect example of a gentleman and could, at other times, be brutal depending on the circumstance, his perceptions of the issue before him, and other exigencies. To those that succeeded in currying his favours, he was among the best when it came to service to humanity and mankind, but to those who had been unfortunate to step on his toes, he was deadly and brutal. He was feared by both friends and foes for his unpredictability.

There were limitless adjectival phrases and eulogies that people used to describe his aristocratic background and the supernatural powers of the Alaafin, being a phenomenon. That is why the late Alaafin of Oyo was given names such as death, disease, infirmity, and other nomenclatures that are associated with calamity. Yet, all these negative attributes were seen as a pride rather than being derogatory by a typical Oyo man.

 Alaafin Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III was an excellent performer of oral Yoruba Poetry and a poet and he was always at home with ijala renditions, panegyrics, Ifa divination, liturgical Yoruba which is the language used among the diviners to express transcendent ideas.

He was therefore adored by the traditional worshippers for his mastery of divinity, mysticism, Yoruba folktales, and folklores with perfect tonal resonance used in the traditional societies to access the powers of the spirits. That explains the reasons why the late Alaafin of Oyo was regarded as a deity by some traditional worshippers.

Although Alaafin was not an academic scholar by certificate acquisition and academic qualifications, his research outputs particularly on Yoruba histories, African philosophy, politics, social development, and cultural studies. He was indisputably an erudite scholar and public intellectual.

Whoever has had the privilege of being close to him, will attest that he was a philosopher-king, a universalist, and a polemicist, all in one, having been blessed with an independent critical mind. Of course, Alaafin knew little about everything learnable.

Given his love for books, with the volumes of his book collections and his everyday desire to increase his collection of books across disciplines, I can say that he lived his life as a bibliophile. Before Alaafin’s palace was engulfed by inferno in 2013, the palace housed thousands of books across disciplines. The Alaafin was indeed a ‘walking library’ as he was being described by those that knew his intellectual ability. To some, he was an encyclopedia of knowledge. In a recent tribute written by Dr. Festus Adedayo, he affirmed that “an apt analogy that can explain Oba Adeyemi’s passing is a huge library burnt down”. Similar to that was contained in a post on the social media by Prof. Adenike Akinjobi of the University of Ibadan where he described the Alaafin as “non- inheritable” mammoth knowledge in innumerable book volumes. In one video clip posted on social media after the passing away of the Alaafin, he claimed boastfully in one of the public engagements that he has read virtually all books written by Prof. Wole Soyinka.

One other unique attribute of Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III was his deep sense of history particularly the history of the Yorubas. In his leisure hours, Alaafin loved discussing the works of great authors. Of course, he was a book analyst and reviewer. It was his analyses that motivated and prompted my acquisition and reading of books such as The Prince by Machiavelli, 24 Laws of Power by Robert Greene, The Man Died by Prof Wole Soyinka, Plato’s Republic by Plato, Ayinla Omowura by Dr. Festus Adedayo, History of Yoruba by Samuel Johnson among classics.

He fought many battles to protect the Yoruba interests and hegemony in Nigeria’s nation-state. In 1975, he wrote a book titled “Yoruba chieftaincy institutions and modernity”. Looking through the contents of the book, Kabiyesi proved to be truly a great historian. By deeds, actions, utterances, dressing habits, and ways of life, he successfully showcased the Yoruba culture, values, and norms throughout his reign beyond the shores of Nigeria. With his manners of defending the unity of Yoruba and our cultural practices, Alaafin Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III would be remembered to have succeeded in making Oyo the citadel of Yoruba culture and tradition. Again, he exuded opulence and royalty with a blend of Yoruba traditions, modernity, and western civilization.

 Despite the politicization of the affairs of the Council of Obas and Chiefs and the undue government interference in the activities of the Obas in the state, Alaafin was, throughout his reign a dominant force. Even when there were attempts to introduce rotation of chairmanship of the Oyo State Council of Obas and Chiefs, Alaafin used his ingenuity, craftiness, and power of diplomacy to retain permanent chairmanship of the council till he died. Looking at his official headings, public references, and palace protocols, it is evident that late Alaafin of Oyo took delight in defending the royal paramountcy by paying a high premium to his position as the Permanent Chairman, Oyo State Council of Obas and Chiefs despite the contrary fiat and government proclamation on the matter. When modernity and modernization seemed to have usurped the hitherto absolute powers and authority of the traditional rulers, the Alaafin of Oyo stayed afloat using Yoruba diplomacy. What he could no longer achieve using the power of cohesion and brutal force he asserted during the primitive age, Alaafin was able to sustain his social relevance against all odds. Most times, he deployed the power of diplomacy, the sphere of influence, and circles of friends across the global geopolitical and cultural boundaries to fight his wars and protect his hegemony. What often endeared the late Iku Baba Yeye to anyone included resourcefulness, knowledge, skills, and wealth. Once you were identified by Alaafin to have possessed any of the enumerated values, you automatically become his friend. Among the traditional rulers in the country, his understanding of the theory of elitism and power politics is second to none.

For insight, my closeness to him was accidental because we never shared the same ideology and political interest until 2012 when I delivered a lecture as a guest speaker during the Annual Oyo day held at Ladoke Akintola University of Technology Ogbomoso during the tenure of Prof. Niyi Gbadegesin,  the then Vice-Chancellor. After my presentation on the topic “Yoruba traditional institution, Yoruba Leadership Questions, and the Alaafin as the custodian of Yoruba culture, Alaafin being the father of the day pat my back and appreciated my presentation. Since then, we became close and intimate. Sequel to the development, Kabiyesi gave me access to the palace. Whenever I visited his palace, it was always like attending a seminar on Yoruba history, culture, and tradition. Each time I had the privilege of being with the Kabiyesi in his study, what often dominated our discussions were most times the works of great authors, analyses of speeches of the great leaders in history, and issues of national development.

 Other distinguishing attributes of the Alaafin were his rhetorical communication and writing skills. Whenever he delivered public speeches, they were often enriched by philosophical quotes, apt references to historical events with dates, and copious citations from great classics. No doubt, the late Alaafin of Oyo was an orator, a prolific writer, a political strategist, and a tactician. I must not pretend that the Alaafin is unerring, being a human being, Glaringly, he was not infallible. He has his flaws like every one of us. Like his forebears, he lived the life of a polygamist having had eighteen (18) wives and more than twenty (20) children and grandchildren. One other notable attribute of the late king was his love for sport particularly boxing – a skill he had dramatically displayed several times in public. He was said to be a boxer before ascending the throne.

To some people, he was a controversial figure with several disposed, pending, and ongoing cases in courts of different jurisdictions particularly on land matters and chieftaincy disputes. When the Alaafin was reigning as the Imperial Majesty of Oyo, he won many legal battles, while he lost several others. A popular social media influencer under the pseudonym “Odulaye Baa Waki Aremu ” admitted recently in a post that “though I never did like the Iku and me for once loved his sugar-coated mouth too. But I have fully accepted it long ago that he was a necessary evil and from that standpoint- I thus declare that the departed Alaafin shall be sorely missed.” Suffice to say that- in this one king alone, we‘ve all lost something tangible and some other things somewhat intangible. The Alaafin was a hero to those that loved him and were positively affected by his reign and he was a villain before the people that had suffered and fell prey to his huge powers. May his soul rest in peace.

 

Rahaman Onike, writes from Oyo town, Oyo State.

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Opinion

Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration

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The popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.

For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.

Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.

Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.

What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.

Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.

Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.

Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.

The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.

One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.

As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.

Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.

At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.

At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.

The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.

Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.

Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.

As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.

History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.

 

Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator

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An Open Letter to Northern Leaders: Arewa Is Bleeding. Who Will Answer the Call? 

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I write this letter with a heavy heart to the sons and daughters of Arewa, particularly those entrusted with leadership and influence, concerning the painful reality confronting our region today. Once united in purpose and driven by a shared vision, Arewa now appears to be living in the shadow of its glorious past.

Our forefathers built this great region with one voice, setting aside differences of ethnicity and religion. They understood that unity was our greatest strength and that our diversity was not a weakness but a blessing. Their legacy was one of peace, mutual respect, visionary leadership, and collective progress.

Today, it is heartbreaking to witness how far we have drifted from those ideals. This letter is a sincere call for reflection, reconciliation, and a renewed commitment to rebuilding the unity, security, and prosperity that once defined our beloved Arewa.

Arewa Under Siege

Northern Nigeria has become widely known as a hotspot for multiple forms of insecurity. From the Boko Haram insurgency to widespread kidnapping, armed banditry, and violent attacks, fear has become part of everyday life. People no longer feel safe in their homes, workplaces, on their farms, or while travelling on the highways. Every journey is undertaken with uncertainty, with no guarantee of arriving safely.
Even more troubling is the perception that these security challenges have become normalised. Reports of abductions, killings, and attacks have become so frequent that they often receive far less attention than they deserve. This perceived indifference from those in positions of authority has contributed to a growing public belief that criminal groups now operate with confidence and relative impunity.

Consequently, many residents feel abandoned, while public trust in the government’s ability to protect lives and property continues to erode.

Addressing this crisis requires a coordinated and sustained response through stronger security operations, improved intelligence gathering, greater support for affected communities, and genuine accountability. Without decisive action, the cycle of violence and fear will continue to undermine the region’s stability, economic development, and the well-being of its people.

Beyond Insecurity: A Crisis of Leadership

The North’s challenges are not accidental. Poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment are the cumulative consequences of long-standing structural failures, weak governance, and policy choices that have compounded over decades.

Responsibility is shared across different segments of society—including the political elite, the educated class, and the business community—many of whom have possessed both the influence and the opportunity to intervene more decisively than they have.

Rather than being the result of a single coordinated agenda, what is evident is a persistent pattern of neglect, weak accountability, and recurring governance failures that have allowed social and economic conditions to deteriorate. These failures have contributed to rising unemployment, declining educational outcomes, inadequate healthcare, and the expansion of insecurity across much of the region.

Breaking this cycle requires more than assigning blame. It demands institutional reform, accountable leadership, strategic investment in human capital, and a renewed sense of public responsibility.

Where Are the Northern Elite?

This brings us to the most difficult question: Where are the Northern elite? Where are the governors, ministers, lawmakers, business leaders, scholars, and other influential voices? Many command enormous influence, considerable private wealth, and extensive international networks, yet too often appear unable—or unwilling—to meaningfully confront the conditions that continue to leave large parts of the region insecure, impoverished, and politically weakened.

Why does this gap persist?

Part of the answer lies in proximity to power. In political environments shaped by patronage, speaking boldly may threaten access, while silence preserves influence. Over time, self-preservation begins to resemble strategy.

Unfortunately, the cost is borne not by those in positions of privilege but by ordinary communities far removed from the rooms where decisions are made.

Reviving the North’s Industrial Legacy
Northern Nigeria was once the industrial powerhouse of the country. Cities such as Kano and Kaduna were thriving centres of manufacturing, commerce, and employment. Today, much of that industrial strength has faded.

This is, therefore, a respectful appeal to two of Nigeria’s most accomplished industrialists—Aliko Dangote and Abdul Samad Rabiu. Many people continue to ask why there is limited visible large-scale industrial reinvestment in Kano, your home state, and across Northern Nigeria.

As a Kano indigene, and to the best of my knowledge, neither Aliko Dangote nor Abdul Samad Rabiu currently operates major manufacturing facilities actively producing in Kano. Several facilities associated with their businesses are widely reported to have become inactive or to function primarily as warehouses rather than active industrial plants. For example, along Tafawa Balewa Road, two BUA facilities that previously operated flour and vegetable oil mills are reported to have ceased production. Likewise, several Dangote industrial sites stretching from Mai Malari Road to the Sharada Industrial Area are also widely reported to be inactive or operating far below capacity.

Kano and Kaduna, once renowned for their vibrant manufacturing sectors, have experienced decades of industrial decline, resulting in widespread unemployment and underutilised infrastructure. At the same time, a significant share of new private-sector industrial investment appears to have been concentrated in other parts of the country, particularly the South-West. This naturally raises important questions about balanced national development.
Philanthropy remains valuable and deeply appreciated. Scholarships, donations, and humanitarian support undoubtedly improve lives. However, charity cannot replace sustainable industrial development.

What the North urgently needs is long-term investment that revives manufacturing, creates employment, strengthens local supply chains, develops skills, and rebuilds industrial ecosystems across Kano, Kaduna, and neighbouring states. Strong factories build strong communities, while sustainable industries create lasting prosperity. The expectation, therefore, is not charity but a renewed commitment to the economic transformation of the region where many of Nigeria’s greatest industrial success stories first began.

The Responsibility of Business Leaders

The Northern business elite have watched insecurity, poverty, and displacement deepen while economic activity has increasingly concentrated elsewhere.

Insurgency, banditry, and weakened rural governance have disrupted agriculture, trade routes, and local markets. Investment naturally gravitates towards safer and more predictable environments. Yet public advocacy from many influential business leaders has often remained muted, constrained by commercial interests, political relationships, and regulatory considerations.

The region risks becoming divided into two realities: one integrated into national wealth and opportunity, and the other left to bear the consequences of persistent insecurity, economic stagnation, and neglect.

Business leadership extends beyond generating profits. It also entails helping to create an environment where enterprise can flourish, jobs can be created, and communities can prosper. Sustainable economic growth depends not only on private investment but also on the willingness of influential stakeholders to advocate policies and initiatives that promote stability, security, and inclusive development.

The North’s business community has historically played a significant role in shaping the region’s economic fortunes. That tradition of leadership remains essential today. While governments bear primary responsibility for governance and security, the private sector also possesses the capacity to influence development through strategic investments, partnerships, innovation, and constructive engagement with public institutions.

Rebuilding confidence in Northern Nigeria requires collaboration among government, businesses, civil society, and local communities. A more secure and prosperous region ultimately benefits everyone, creating new opportunities for investment, employment, and long-term economic growth.

A Message to Political Leaders

To the political leadership of Northern Nigeria: the contradiction has become increasingly difficult to ignore. The region remains one of the country’s most significant in terms of population and political influence, yet it continues to lag behind on key development indicators such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, employment, and security.

When communities are attacked, farmers are displaced, and schools are forced to close, silence from those entrusted with leadership is seldom interpreted as restraint. More often, it is perceived as detachment. Leadership is measured not only by electoral success or political influence but also by the willingness to confront difficult realities with courage, empathy, and decisive action.

The expectations of citizens go beyond promises. They seek visible commitment, practical solutions, and sustained engagement with the challenges affecting their daily lives. Rebuilding public confidence requires leadership that is accountable, responsive, and focused on the long-term development of the region.

A Message to the Educated and Professional Class

To our academics, professionals, and intellectuals: the evidence is neither hidden nor difficult to find. Reports, research, and lived experiences consistently reveal widening gaps in human development, education, healthcare, and security.

Yet, too often, expertise remains confined within institutions and professional circles that discourage open engagement with entrenched power. Knowledge should not merely describe problems; it should help solve them. Research should inform policy, enrich public debate, and contribute meaningfully to sustainable solutions.

Every society depends on courageous thinkers who are willing to engage constructively, challenge complacency, and place the public interest above personal convenience. The North possesses no shortage of intellectual talent. What is needed is a stronger connection between knowledge and action.

A Message to Cultural Influencers

To our musicians, artists, writers, actors, and other public figures: throughout history, art has served as a powerful instrument of truth, reflection, and social transformation. Cultural voices have inspired movements, preserved history, and given hope to communities during difficult times.

Yet, when economic survival becomes closely tied to political or commercial interests, critical voices often become subdued. Society benefits when its cultural figures speak with honesty, empathy, and a sense of responsibility. Their influence extends beyond entertainment; it helps shape public values, inspire civic engagement, and amplify the concerns of ordinary people.

A Shared Responsibility

Ultimately, this is not solely a Northern Nigerian problem. It reflects a broader question confronting societies everywhere: what happens when elite interests become disconnected from the well-being of ordinary people?

When access becomes more valuable than accountability, and proximity to power outweighs responsibility to the public, silence is rarely accidental—it becomes institutionalised.

The result is a widening emotional and political distance between leadership and the people. Unless that distance is narrowed through meaningful investment, principled advocacy, and courageous leadership, the same questions will continue to resonate:

Who speaks? Who benefits? Who bears the cost?

History will judge every generation by how it responds to the challenges of its time. Northern Nigeria possesses enormous human potential, entrepreneurial talent, agricultural resources, and a rich cultural heritage.

What it requires now is leadership marked by vision, courage, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the common good.

This letter is not intended to condemn but to encourage honest reflection and meaningful action. The future of Arewa depends not only on government but also on every leader, businessperson, scholar, professional, artist, and citizen willing to place the region’s long-term prosperity above personal or political interests.

May we find the wisdom to rebuild what has been weakened, the courage to confront uncomfortable truths, and the determination to restore Northern Nigeria to its rightful place as a region of peace, opportunity, and shared prosperity.

 

Abba Dukawa writes from Kano and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com.

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2027: Why Oyo APC Should Close Ranks Behind Sarafadeen Alli | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Since the emergence of Senator Sarafadeen Alli as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2027 election in Oyo State, I have listened to and read numerous reactions from party members and stakeholders. While some of his co-contestants have expressed disappointment, such feelings are understandable in every keenly contested democratic process.

Interestingly, many people have attempted to draw Senator Teslim Folarin into the controversy surrounding the party’s choice. However, he has remained silent. In my view, that silence is deliberate. I believe Senator Folarin understands the direction taken by the party’s national leadership regarding the choice of candidate.

Anyone who believes Senator Folarin was unaware of Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s governorship ambition does not fully appreciate his political experience. Senator Folarin is a strategic politician. In the 2023 governorship election, he pursued victory with determination and commitment. Personally, I had hoped he would emerge victorious, and I remain convinced that he gave his all in that contest.

Former Minister of Power, Chief Bayo Adelabu, also contested the 2023 governorship election on the platform of the Accord Party. Although I disagreed with that political decision, democracy guarantees every citizen the freedom of association and political choice.

Following the election, he was appointed into the Federal Executive Council, a development many interpreted differently based on their political perspectives.

Today, Chief Adelabu commands a substantial political following built over several election cycles. His support base remains significant, and if APC is to present a formidable front in 2027, Senator Sarafadeen Alli will undoubtedly benefit from the goodwill and backing of Adelabu and his loyalists.

Similarly, former Minister of Communications, Barrister Adebayo Shittu, has consistently demonstrated interest in Oyo State’s governorship over the years, even though he did not purchase the APC nomination form this time. His political experience and network remain valuable assets that should not be ignored.

My sympathy also goes to those aspirants who invested as much as ₦50 million each to purchase the APC governorship nomination form. That is no small sacrifice. Nonetheless, politics demands sacrifice in the collective interest. The pendulum could easily have swung in favour of any of them. Had that happened, the rest of us would equally have appealed to others to rally behind the eventual flag bearer.

I recall an incident during the 2022/2023 party activities when an official from Abuja, sent to supervise APC affairs in Oyo State, passionately appealed to stakeholders to embrace consensus. His message remains instructive. He warned that continued division within the party would only prolong its stay outside power and ultimately hurt everyone.

That warning remains relevant today.
For seven years, the APC has remained outside government in Oyo State. Can the party afford another four years in opposition? I do not think so.

This is why the task before us goes beyond the personal ambition of Senator Sarafadeen Alli. It is a collective struggle for every APC member, especially the foot soldiers who have remained loyal through difficult times. The Federal Government alone cannot provide opportunities for everyone. Regaining power in Oyo State is essential if the party hopes to broaden opportunities for its members at both the state and federal levels.

The challenge before us, therefore, is to build a larger political platform that accommodates everyone.
Senator Sarafadeen Alli is no political novice. Over the years, he has built relationships across virtually every ward in Oyo State. His political structure and grassroots appeal are undeniable. If party members unite behind him, APC stands a strong chance of returning to Government House.

Realistically, the 2027 governorship contest in Oyo State is shaping up to feature three major political forces. First is Senator Sarafadeen Alli of the APC, representing arguably the state’s most established political platform. Second is Hon. Bimbo Adekanbi, who many believe enjoys the backing of Governor Seyi Makinde and is expected to fly the flag of the APM. Third is Alhaji Hazmat Oriyomi of the Accord Party, whose growing popularity among many grassroots supporters cannot be dismissed.

The eventual winner is likely to emerge from one of these three political blocs. That reality alone should remind APC members that victory is far from guaranteed.

The surest path to success is unity.

This election should not be seen as Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s personal battle. It is the collective responsibility of every APC member who desires the party’s return to power in Oyo State.

The time has come to bury personal grievances, close ranks and work together. Only through unity can APC reclaim Oyo State in 2027.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, former Chairman of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Oyo State, former Chairman of Ido Local Government, former Commissioner for Education, Science and Technology in Oyo State, and former Federal Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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