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Tyranny of terror and dollarised party conventions

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Horrific killings have become a common feature across Nigeria’s geo-political space to the extent that criminals have widened their tentacles, competing over who could inflict the greatest harm. On the other side is the government, elected to protect lives and properties but seems to be either bereft of what to do to tame them or complicit in the evil. Nigeria is fast becoming a state of normlessness or a state of nature where life is not only short but uncertain. While the presidential flagbearer of All Progressive Congress, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu is singing Emilokan (it is my turn to be president), Nigerians are afraid of Ta lo kan (who will be the next victim of insecurity) as they have become helpless. I watched the viral video of the torture-killing of a Nigerian army couple in the southeast, I viewed the emotionally disturbing ‘blasphemous burning’ of Deborah Samuel in Sokoto, and the tyranny of terror killings in a Catholic Church in Owo, the homeland of the sitting Governor of Ondo State, Rotimi Akeredolu (SAN) which exterminated no fewer than 40 parishioners in cold blood with over 70 persons injured. The òwò terror attack on the church was a throwback to the early period of terrorism in northeast Nigeria when religious institutions were targeted, attacked, and victimized. The òwò massacre if poorly managed will induce fear, nurture perceived ethnic agenda of domination in the southwest, and may dangerously encourage ethnicized conflict.

But as terrorists were intimidated by deaths in òwò, money bags in the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC) Bùgá (intimidate and dominate) other aspirants through the purchase of delegates. The high cost of nomination forms was designed to exclude others. They also ensured their cronies became delegates. The role of dollars in a naira economy underscores why there is insecurity and why Nigeria remains the pauperized people capital in the globe. Across Nigeria, the broom and umbrella parties are in the political trading market where delegates have become traders of their conscience following the economics of voting the highest bidder as preferred by the leadership of their respective parties. Manifestoes of aspirants meant nothing as it was a waste of saliva to be addressing people whose ears have been blocked with dollars. After the emergence of Atiku Abubakar in the PDP and Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the APC (not leaving out Peter Obi), the journey is completed and we should be reflecting on our positions in the emerging order of things. At least, we will agree objectively that not only those in Internationally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camps are IDPs, many of us are displaced and inside such displacements is our vulnerability to negotiate our survival with extorters and beg for stipends.

Kizz Daniel’s 2022 song, Buga, presents a useful analytical frame to situate current happenings in Nigeria and why terrorists see themselves as ‘working’, and delegates see the opportunity to dollarize loyalty. Kizz Daniel stresses the importance of being alert to shoot at an opportunity while it flies because it is a bird that never perches. Hence, being dull in the face of opportunity is considered unwise. He believes that those who work deserve to get paid but incidentally, Daniel refers to the dollar, the popular currency reportedly used at the 2022 party conventions of the two mega political parties that have not improved the life chances of Nigerians significantly but have produced more poverty, insecurity, decrepit education, health and road infrastructures. These two parties (APC and PDP) have jointly produced powerful individuals who consistently weaken institutions to allow them to have unfettered access to collective patrimony. If not, how does one explain a government with a cashless policy and digital naira policy aimed at driving financial inclusion and checking fraud participating actively in activities at variance with their publicized policies all in the name of politics? Politics is certainly an intimidating and burglarised phenomenon that renders the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) helpless in this instance.   

“Wake up Don’t sleep, no sleep. Wake up, Collect your money (collect your money) Wake up, eh Collect your money (collect your money), Wake up (giddem), Gbe’ra (gbe’ra o) Gbe’ra, go get that mullah (wake up), Oh, ah, mo ni ko kala (kala gb’owo yẹn o) Kala gb’owo yẹn l’ọwọ dealer” says Kiss Daniel implying that delegates, a rare status every four years need to grab that opportunity and collect money from the ‘dealer’ as against leader. A dealer is a merchant, a trader investing in a return for himself and his household while a leader breaks the ground of opportunities beyond his inner caucus. For the dealer, by the time return comes, it will be at the expense of the majority on whose behalf the delegates have collected dollars. Sadly, the structure of leadership emplacement across sectors has been erected by monetized loyalty. Politicians are just the macro representation of what happens in micro-institutions such as alumni associations, church/mosques, campus politics, and religious elections during which those capable of making positive impacts are edged out through the weaponization of cash.   

The terrorists who massacred innocent worshippers in Owo are also funded by someone who may be benefitting from the war economy. Dealers in people’s lives don’t bother about the negative consequences of their actions. They are like drug dealers who don’t care how illicit drug consumption is killing Nigerian Youths and inflaming insecurity. To Kiss Daniel, however, those who ‘work’ deserve their pay irrespective of what happens to others. “You don work, you don try-try, You suppose to dey j’aiye, j’aiye, Kilo kan mi kan person matter o? Person wey don mad, o, When I land, I land softly on a sofa floor, So far, so good, koni baje o. The use of the proceeds of ‘work’ is also to intimidate/dominate. The fight is tough, the stakes are high and the cost is high and at the end, those with big pockets, not necessarily those with what it takes to engineer positive change for the ultimate happiness of the majority get to the position, and the society suffer for it. From local to national, how many of those flagbearers want the best living wages for workers? Who among them will be treated in Nigerian hospitals? Who among the aspirants will allow their children to attend public schools? Who among them will their children enter the civil service and earn minimum wage?

The consequences of what is happening to us through politics which, unfortunately, determines what happens in other sectors are contained in the chorus of Buga where Kiss Daniel expects the favoured person to Buga won (show off or intimidate them). He says, Let me see you, go low-low-low. Let me see you, go low-low-low, buga wọn, Lemme buga wọn. I see this as a representation of happenings during the electioneering period. A typical politician comes down to the level of the marginalized (goes low), and pretends to be at the mercy of the delegates and the electorate while they trade with cash and make humanitarian interventions to gain support. After elections and when in control, the ‘dealer’ who purchased loyalty is now in a position to intimidate and dominate those who traded with him. At this time, the electorates are now “low-low-low” because they are faced with insecurity, poverty, poor education, and health facilities, and need the attention of the Buga executive. The dealer, as constituted authority, raises his shoulders and intimidates them to silence. Was that not the strategy used by the incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari as a candidate and flagbearer? After getting to the office, Bulgarian becomes the trait, and the masses who complained are labeled ‘corruption is fighting back. Today we have landed in the land of the tyranny of terror, bugarised leadership, and dollarized patriotism. Unfortunately, the commodification of voters is almost impossible with the nosediving economic fortunes of Nigeria. But, if we can remain resolute and are determined to have a positive change to a peaceful, secure, and prosperous country, we would need to move against dollarized/commodified loyalty. The politicians are less numerically among the voting public. If the public mobilizes to be active in the coming polls and look for a more credible candidate from other parties, it may be our way to get real leaders into government and show dealers the exit door.

 

Dr. Tade, a sociologist writes via dotad2003@yahoo.com  

 

 

 

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Opinion

Nigeria’s Insecurity: Why the System Rewards Reaction, Not Prevention

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The most foolish person in a burning house is not the one who cannot find the exit. It is the one who knew the house would burn, watched it happen, and only ran when the ceiling collapsed. That is Nigeria’s governance posture toward insecurity—a pattern so consistent that it has become normalized.

“Ikú tó pa ojúgbà ẹni, òwe ló fi pa. (The death that kills your neighbour is a proverb directed at you).

The bandits did not simply arrive. They sent warnings ahead of them through a trail of violence that crossed state lines and appeared in every massacre headline we filed away as someone else’s problem.

When Insecurity Was Still “Someone Else’s Problem”

When the North was burning and the Middle Belt bleeding, the South West treated it as distant noise. Kwara became the first warning sign—the bridge between North and South—slowly slipping under the shadow of insurgency. The question every serious observer should have asked was simple: what happens when it crosses the border?

South West governors issued statements—careful, brief, and reactive. None moved with the urgency the threat demanded. Before long, violence arrived at our doorstep: herder brutality in Oke-Ogun, attacks in Oyo and Ekiti, kidnappings along the Ibadan–Ijebu-Ode expressway, and forest camps emerging in Ondo.

The warning signs had matured into reality, yet we were still searching for an exit strategy that should have been built years earlier.

The Problem: We Only Count the Dead

In safety performance management, there is a critical distinction between lagging indicators—outcomes after failure (deaths, destruction, losses)—and leading indicators, which measure prevention before failure occurs.

Aviation, oil and gas, and other high-risk industries understand this clearly: a system that obsesses over lagging indicators will always arrive after the accident.

Nigeria’s security governance is built almost entirely on lagging indicators. We count attacks after they happen. We rebuild after a collapse. We mourn after preventable deaths.

We rarely ask:

How many attacks were prevented this quarter?

How many threats were neutralized before execution?

How many cells were dismantled at the planning stage?

We do not know the answers—because we are not measuring them. The system was never designed to prevent. It was designed to respond: loudly, visibly, expensively, and always too late.

Another Base. The Same Question Nobody Asks

The presidency is reportedly considering a military base in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo state. It is a familiar pattern: a major security incident, public outrage, and an institutional response designed to signal seriousness.

But the critical question remains unanswered: what has been the leading-indicator performance of existing bases?

How have long-standing military formations in places like Jos, Benue, and Zamfara—some active for over two decades—actually shifted the security outcome?

A military base without actionable intelligence is a stationary slaughter ground for soldiers. It does not prevent attacks; it often becomes a reactive outpost in a repeating cycle: attack, deployment, statement, investigation, and then silence—while underlying threat networks remain intact.

The Incentive Structure Behind the Chaos

The deeper issue is not the capability of security forces. It is the incentive structure of the system.

When leadership is judged only by incidents that have already occurred, governance shifts from prevention to performance management of failure. The objective becomes managing optics, not reducing probability.

Nigeria’s security budget has grown significantly over the past decade, yet insecurity has worsened. Kidnappings have become more brazen. Why? Because funding is justified by the persistence of the crisis, not its resolution.

If the problem is solved, what justifies the next budget cycle?

For years, decentralization has been proposed as the structural reform that could change the system—but it remains trapped in political rhetoric. Why? Because decentralization disperses power, and power in Nigeria’s political economy is not dispersed. It is concentrated.

Sixteen Days. Full Stop.

Forty-six children and teachers were kidnapped in Oriire. It reportedly took sixteen days for the presidency to authorize a specialized rescue framework.

Sixteen days before the Commander-in-Chief treated the abduction of forty-six human beings as a crisis requiring formal executive activation.
But responsibility in moments like this is not singular.

The Oyo State Governor, by constitutional convention regarded as the Chief Security Officer of the state and a recipient of security votes, also occupies a central coordinating role in the security architecture of the state. Within a crisis of this scale, expectations of rapid intergovernmental coordination, visible command urgency, and sustained pressure on federal response mechanisms are not optional, hey are inherent to the office.

Yet, the response cycle, from abduction to high-level coordinated action and physical engagement with affected communities, unfolded at a pace that raised legitimate public concern about the speed and intensity of institutional reaction.

By the time visible field visits and coordinated engagements occurred, the delay had already become part of the public record of the crisis itself—shaping perception as much as the incident shaped fear on the ground.

In a functional security system, crisis response is measured in hours, not days. Not for symbolism, but because time directly affects outcomes: every passing hour in an active kidnapping reduces the probability of safe recovery and increases the leverage of perpetrators.

Sixteen days, therefore, is not merely a lapse in timing. It reflects a deeper structural problem—where urgency is often declared after pressure builds, rather than operationalized when intelligence first breaks.

And in that gap between incident and action, citizens are left to absorb the consequences of delayed coordination across all tiers of authority.

The Verdict

Nigeria does not primarily need more military bases. It needs a new security measurement architecture—one that prioritizes intelligence conversion rates, early-warning response times, and pre-emptive disruption metrics over post-incident operations.

Every threat must be treated as time-sensitive, where minutes and hours determine outcomes—not weeks and statements.

Most importantly, citizens must shift the accountability question:

Not only “why did the attack happen?”

But “why was it not prevented?”

Nigeria’s security challenge is ultimately a leadership and systems failure—an institutional preference for reaction over prevention, because prevention is politically invisible.

You cannot hold a press conference about the attack that never happened.

Until this reality is named and confronted with precision, the cycle will continue.

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Opinion

Why Ibadan North youths are rooting for Repete

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Growing support has continued to trail a youthful politician and technology advocate, Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, popularly known as Repete, as many youths in Ibadan North Federal Constituency expressed confidence in his leadership style and vision for development.

Across several communities within the constituency, residents, particularly students, artisans and young professionals, described Repete as one of the emerging political figures with strong grassroots appeal and a passion for youth empowerment.

Supporters said his growing popularity stems from his consistent advocacy for innovation, entrepreneurship and skills development aimed at addressing unemployment and creating opportunities for young people.

As an engineer and technology enthusiast, Repete is also said to possess a deep understanding of the evolving digital economy and the need to position youths for global competitiveness.

Many of his supporters noted that his approach to leadership focuses on practical solutions, mentorship and capacity-building initiatives capable of helping young people become self-reliant and economically productive.

Some community stakeholders who spoke on his rising profile said his humility, accessibility and relationship with the grassroots have continued to endear him to many residents within the constituency.

They added that Repete’s engagement with youths and community groups reflects his commitment to inclusive governance and people-oriented representation.

Observers within the constituency also maintained that the increasing support for the politician reflects a growing desire among residents for a new generation of leaders driven by innovation, competence and accountability.

According to them, many young people see Repete as a symbol of hope and progressive leadership capable of contributing meaningfully to the development of Ibadan North Federal Constituency.

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Opinion

Repete or Regret: APC’s Moment of Truth in Ibadan North

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File photo of Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega (Repete)

The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State stands on the edge of a consequential decision—one that may define not only its fortunes in Ibadan North Federal Constituency but also its broader political relevance in the state.

As the countdown to the party primaries intensifies, the question before APC leaders is no longer routine. It is strategic. It is urgent. And it is decisive: will the party align with the clear preference of the people or risk repeating costly political miscalculations?

At the centre of this debate is Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, widely known as Repete—a name that has, over time, evolved from a political identity into a grassroots phenomenon.

A Candidate Rooted in the People

In contemporary Nigerian politics, where voter awareness is rising and expectations are shifting, candidates are increasingly judged not by promises but by presence. On this scale, Adegboyega stands tall.

His political journey is marked by consistent engagement with constituents—far beyond the optics of election seasons. From youth empowerment initiatives that provide practical skills and startup support, to sustained interventions in healthcare access for the elderly and indigent, his footprint across Ibadan North reflects a model of leadership anchored on service.

Unlike the transactional approach that often defines political relationships, Adegboyega’s connection with the people appears organic—built on trust, accessibility, and continuity. These are not mere campaign attributes; they are political assets.

The Danger of Political Disconnect

History offers the APC a clear lesson: parties that ignore grassroots sentiment often pay a heavy electoral price. The imposition of candidates perceived as distant or untested has, in several instances, resulted in voter apathy, internal dissent, and eventual defeat at the polls.

Ibadan North presents no exception.

With opposition parties closely monitoring the APC’s internal dynamics, any misstep in candidate selection could provide a ready opening. A divided house, coupled with a candidate lacking widespread acceptance, is a formula the opposition is well-positioned to exploit.
The implication is straightforward: this is not merely about party loyalty; it is about electoral viability.

Echoes from the Grassroots

Across the length and breadth of Ibadan North—markets, motor parks, religious centres, and community gatherings—a consistent pattern emerges in political conversations. The name “Repete” resonates with familiarity and acceptance.

Such organic support is not easily manufactured. It is cultivated over time through visible impact and sustained presence. For a party seeking electoral certainty in a competitive environment, this level of grassroots validation is not just desirable—it is critical.

A Test of Leadership and Judgment

For the APC leadership in Oyo State, the moment calls for clarity of purpose. Decisions driven by narrow interests, personal alignments, or short-term calculations may carry long-term consequences.

The task, therefore, is to balance internal considerations with external realities. Elections are ultimately decided by voters, not by party caucuses. A candidate who commands public confidence offers the strongest pathway to victory.

The Stakes Are Clear

Ibadan North is too strategic a constituency for experimentation. The cost of error is not limited to a single seat; it extends to party cohesion, credibility, and future positioning within the state’s political landscape.

In this context, the argument for Adegboyega is less about sentiment and more about strategy. His visibility, acceptability, and record of engagement place him in a strong position to consolidate support and mobilise voters effectively.

Conclusion: A Choice with Consequences

As the APC moves closer to its primaries, the decision before it is both simple and significant: align with a candidate who reflects the mood of the electorate or risk conceding advantage to a watchful opposition.

In politics, moments such as this often separate foresight from hindsight.
For APC in Ibadan North, this may well be one of those defining moments.

 

Aderibigbe Akanbi, a political analyst, writes from Ibadan.

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