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Who Wants To Be A Millionaire? | By Oludayo Tade

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Twenty-two years of democratic journey (1999-2021) has brought little dividends for the Nigerian burgeoning hoi-polloi who endures unemployment, battle poverty, die untimely in ill-equipped health infrastructure, train their children in grossly underfunded schools, and are governed by parasitic leadership.

The value of what civil servants earned in 1999 was better than what they earn in 2021.

These social problems are compounded by rising insecurity and intractable corruption.

Some people now raise prayer warriors to ask the Supreme Being to grant them journey mercies as they dare to navigate the valley of death on Nigeria’s hellish roads—don’t blame them, even the Prince of Daura said only God can guard Nigeria’s borders.

Politrickcians scammed Nigerians with promises that are jettisoned immediately after mounting the podium of power and authority. Millions/billions of naira from the common patrimony are then diverted for personal and familial uses. They have created a monstrous followership currently fighting against the system that sidelined them.

The story is the same from parasitic leadership in the North who callously nurtures almajirai system but train their own children abroad to their photocopies in the South, who cannot provide free education, reduce unemployment or effectively protect their people from internal and external insecurities.

The abandoned children, including their out-of-school comrades have now come of age and dominate the population of rising insurgent citizens. Through banditry, kidnapping and armed robbery and pilfering of commonwealth, the kingdom of Nigeria suffers violence and the violent are taking it by force.

Join Politics and with a Degree Certificate in Forest Banditry and Highway Kidnapping, you are on your way to becoming a millionaire with opportunity to speak and dine with the shakers and movers of Nigeria. Indeed, a Diploma Certificate in Mass Kidnapping skill is an added advantage in 2021 Nigeria.

Popular Television show, who wants to be a millionaire metaphorically approximate the state of affairs in post-colonial Nigeria where people leverage on their intellectual prowess to answer questions as they move up the ladder of monetary reward from few thousands to guaranteed sums of money.

Poorly managed or unanswered questions could cause major loss from N500,000 to N250,000. Just like real life situation, participants are provided with lifelines: they can call a friend, ask the computer to retain one right and one wrong answer, and they may decide to walk away with the sum of money they have won.

Crime script analysis shows that kidnapping and banditry are scripted shows just like it is in becoming Governor, Senator, or President.

Through hiring of thugs and unleashing of violence and millions of naira, politrickcians emerge flag bearers. After comparing and rating themselves with their opponents on a scale of fifty-fifty, they ruthlessly affirm themselves as next office occupier.

To achieve this, they need to ‘call a friend’ to assist with the realisation of their political goal. It is immaterial if this needed friend is a thug, a corrupt person, warlord or more. What is important is how useful the evil friend will contribute to his/her enthronement. They canvass people across divides, lure people to their side, and collectively rape people of their mandate through violence.

After mounting the podium through violent instrumentality, they are called “his Excellency”, “honourable”, “distinguished Senator”, ‘Honourable Chairman’ and ‘Powerful Special Advisers’ among others.

Now on the other side, they want to push aside those who enthroned them. Their allies are now working for them to get amnesty or possibly a Federal Ministry of Forest Bandits Commission.

In other words, banditry is being pushed to enjoy federal character or is it quota system? Nigeria is treading on a dangerous path if ‘Gumism’ (a pleading that unmerited amnesty should be given to armed Fulani bandits occupying Forests and bearing weapons of war to kill, rape and kidnap in exchange for millions of naira) is allowed to flourish.

Criminal gangs across the country will occupy their own forest area, kidnap; rape and make millions while people preaching Gumism will plead the State to grant them amnesty.

Who wants to be a millionaire therefore deconstructs the process through which social support is employed for positive outcomes on the show to make millions.

Just as it is on who wants to be a millionaire show, kidnappers abducts their victims, profile them to knowing their network of relations to know the amount of money to demand as ransom. Thinking of survival, the captives think of where help would come from and call a person within his/her network to negotiate and raise money for him/her to be able to ‘walk away’ alive.

Everyone concerned begins to struggle to raise the money. They also think of whether to inform the police or not having been warned not to do so by the kidnappers if they are interested in seeing their loved one alive.

Calling a wrong person who does not have solution may be costly to the live of the person in captivity. Any wrong move could result in death and this is why most trusted persons are contacted to help during this period. Those who pay ransom on time and cooperate with bandits/kidnappers, get to walk away alive. Sadly, those who try to prove smart, gets the corpse of their loved ones.

Nigerians have been kidnapped by politrickcians who promised change and next level but unleashes poor economy, ethnic disunity and insecurity.

Ongoing experiences of insecurity and dashed hopes are enough to spur Nigerians to rewrite their own history and reject hushpuppic politrickcians in 2023.

To sum up, who wants to be a millionaire presents the sad state in Nigeria where violence rules and the violent is rewarded while the law-abiding people are terrorised by the State. When the state stifles law abiding citizens and slams them behind bars, the message being sent is that there is reward for violence. When governments that cannot provide funding to revitalise public primary and secondary schools as well as universities, spends money to train terrorists abroad, the message to those going to school is that they are missing their way to making cool millions in criminal world.

We need to encourage and incentivise lawful behaviour and punish criminals. The possibility of becoming a millionaire should be open to all lawful citizens and should not be a reward for negative deviants.

 

Dr. Tade, a sociologist and media Consultant writes from Ibadan

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Opinion

Nigeria’s Insecurity: Why the System Rewards Reaction, Not Prevention

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The most foolish person in a burning house is not the one who cannot find the exit. It is the one who knew the house would burn, watched it happen, and only ran when the ceiling collapsed. That is Nigeria’s governance posture toward insecurity—a pattern so consistent that it has become normalized.

“Ikú tó pa ojúgbà ẹni, òwe ló fi pa. (The death that kills your neighbour is a proverb directed at you).

The bandits did not simply arrive. They sent warnings ahead of them through a trail of violence that crossed state lines and appeared in every massacre headline we filed away as someone else’s problem.

When Insecurity Was Still “Someone Else’s Problem”

When the North was burning and the Middle Belt bleeding, the South West treated it as distant noise. Kwara became the first warning sign—the bridge between North and South—slowly slipping under the shadow of insurgency. The question every serious observer should have asked was simple: what happens when it crosses the border?

South West governors issued statements—careful, brief, and reactive. None moved with the urgency the threat demanded. Before long, violence arrived at our doorstep: herder brutality in Oke-Ogun, attacks in Oyo and Ekiti, kidnappings along the Ibadan–Ijebu-Ode expressway, and forest camps emerging in Ondo.

The warning signs had matured into reality, yet we were still searching for an exit strategy that should have been built years earlier.

The Problem: We Only Count the Dead

In safety performance management, there is a critical distinction between lagging indicators—outcomes after failure (deaths, destruction, losses)—and leading indicators, which measure prevention before failure occurs.

Aviation, oil and gas, and other high-risk industries understand this clearly: a system that obsesses over lagging indicators will always arrive after the accident.

Nigeria’s security governance is built almost entirely on lagging indicators. We count attacks after they happen. We rebuild after a collapse. We mourn after preventable deaths.

We rarely ask:

How many attacks were prevented this quarter?

How many threats were neutralized before execution?

How many cells were dismantled at the planning stage?

We do not know the answers—because we are not measuring them. The system was never designed to prevent. It was designed to respond: loudly, visibly, expensively, and always too late.

Another Base. The Same Question Nobody Asks

The presidency is reportedly considering a military base in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo state. It is a familiar pattern: a major security incident, public outrage, and an institutional response designed to signal seriousness.

But the critical question remains unanswered: what has been the leading-indicator performance of existing bases?

How have long-standing military formations in places like Jos, Benue, and Zamfara—some active for over two decades—actually shifted the security outcome?

A military base without actionable intelligence is a stationary slaughter ground for soldiers. It does not prevent attacks; it often becomes a reactive outpost in a repeating cycle: attack, deployment, statement, investigation, and then silence—while underlying threat networks remain intact.

The Incentive Structure Behind the Chaos

The deeper issue is not the capability of security forces. It is the incentive structure of the system.

When leadership is judged only by incidents that have already occurred, governance shifts from prevention to performance management of failure. The objective becomes managing optics, not reducing probability.

Nigeria’s security budget has grown significantly over the past decade, yet insecurity has worsened. Kidnappings have become more brazen. Why? Because funding is justified by the persistence of the crisis, not its resolution.

If the problem is solved, what justifies the next budget cycle?

For years, decentralization has been proposed as the structural reform that could change the system—but it remains trapped in political rhetoric. Why? Because decentralization disperses power, and power in Nigeria’s political economy is not dispersed. It is concentrated.

Sixteen Days. Full Stop.

Forty-six children and teachers were kidnapped in Oriire. It reportedly took sixteen days for the presidency to authorize a specialized rescue framework.

Sixteen days before the Commander-in-Chief treated the abduction of forty-six human beings as a crisis requiring formal executive activation.
But responsibility in moments like this is not singular.

The Oyo State Governor, by constitutional convention regarded as the Chief Security Officer of the state and a recipient of security votes, also occupies a central coordinating role in the security architecture of the state. Within a crisis of this scale, expectations of rapid intergovernmental coordination, visible command urgency, and sustained pressure on federal response mechanisms are not optional, hey are inherent to the office.

Yet, the response cycle, from abduction to high-level coordinated action and physical engagement with affected communities, unfolded at a pace that raised legitimate public concern about the speed and intensity of institutional reaction.

By the time visible field visits and coordinated engagements occurred, the delay had already become part of the public record of the crisis itself—shaping perception as much as the incident shaped fear on the ground.

In a functional security system, crisis response is measured in hours, not days. Not for symbolism, but because time directly affects outcomes: every passing hour in an active kidnapping reduces the probability of safe recovery and increases the leverage of perpetrators.

Sixteen days, therefore, is not merely a lapse in timing. It reflects a deeper structural problem—where urgency is often declared after pressure builds, rather than operationalized when intelligence first breaks.

And in that gap between incident and action, citizens are left to absorb the consequences of delayed coordination across all tiers of authority.

The Verdict

Nigeria does not primarily need more military bases. It needs a new security measurement architecture—one that prioritizes intelligence conversion rates, early-warning response times, and pre-emptive disruption metrics over post-incident operations.

Every threat must be treated as time-sensitive, where minutes and hours determine outcomes—not weeks and statements.

Most importantly, citizens must shift the accountability question:

Not only “why did the attack happen?”

But “why was it not prevented?”

Nigeria’s security challenge is ultimately a leadership and systems failure—an institutional preference for reaction over prevention, because prevention is politically invisible.

You cannot hold a press conference about the attack that never happened.

Until this reality is named and confronted with precision, the cycle will continue.

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Opinion

Why Ibadan North youths are rooting for Repete

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Growing support has continued to trail a youthful politician and technology advocate, Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, popularly known as Repete, as many youths in Ibadan North Federal Constituency expressed confidence in his leadership style and vision for development.

Across several communities within the constituency, residents, particularly students, artisans and young professionals, described Repete as one of the emerging political figures with strong grassroots appeal and a passion for youth empowerment.

Supporters said his growing popularity stems from his consistent advocacy for innovation, entrepreneurship and skills development aimed at addressing unemployment and creating opportunities for young people.

As an engineer and technology enthusiast, Repete is also said to possess a deep understanding of the evolving digital economy and the need to position youths for global competitiveness.

Many of his supporters noted that his approach to leadership focuses on practical solutions, mentorship and capacity-building initiatives capable of helping young people become self-reliant and economically productive.

Some community stakeholders who spoke on his rising profile said his humility, accessibility and relationship with the grassroots have continued to endear him to many residents within the constituency.

They added that Repete’s engagement with youths and community groups reflects his commitment to inclusive governance and people-oriented representation.

Observers within the constituency also maintained that the increasing support for the politician reflects a growing desire among residents for a new generation of leaders driven by innovation, competence and accountability.

According to them, many young people see Repete as a symbol of hope and progressive leadership capable of contributing meaningfully to the development of Ibadan North Federal Constituency.

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Opinion

Repete or Regret: APC’s Moment of Truth in Ibadan North

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File photo of Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega (Repete)

The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State stands on the edge of a consequential decision—one that may define not only its fortunes in Ibadan North Federal Constituency but also its broader political relevance in the state.

As the countdown to the party primaries intensifies, the question before APC leaders is no longer routine. It is strategic. It is urgent. And it is decisive: will the party align with the clear preference of the people or risk repeating costly political miscalculations?

At the centre of this debate is Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, widely known as Repete—a name that has, over time, evolved from a political identity into a grassroots phenomenon.

A Candidate Rooted in the People

In contemporary Nigerian politics, where voter awareness is rising and expectations are shifting, candidates are increasingly judged not by promises but by presence. On this scale, Adegboyega stands tall.

His political journey is marked by consistent engagement with constituents—far beyond the optics of election seasons. From youth empowerment initiatives that provide practical skills and startup support, to sustained interventions in healthcare access for the elderly and indigent, his footprint across Ibadan North reflects a model of leadership anchored on service.

Unlike the transactional approach that often defines political relationships, Adegboyega’s connection with the people appears organic—built on trust, accessibility, and continuity. These are not mere campaign attributes; they are political assets.

The Danger of Political Disconnect

History offers the APC a clear lesson: parties that ignore grassroots sentiment often pay a heavy electoral price. The imposition of candidates perceived as distant or untested has, in several instances, resulted in voter apathy, internal dissent, and eventual defeat at the polls.

Ibadan North presents no exception.

With opposition parties closely monitoring the APC’s internal dynamics, any misstep in candidate selection could provide a ready opening. A divided house, coupled with a candidate lacking widespread acceptance, is a formula the opposition is well-positioned to exploit.
The implication is straightforward: this is not merely about party loyalty; it is about electoral viability.

Echoes from the Grassroots

Across the length and breadth of Ibadan North—markets, motor parks, religious centres, and community gatherings—a consistent pattern emerges in political conversations. The name “Repete” resonates with familiarity and acceptance.

Such organic support is not easily manufactured. It is cultivated over time through visible impact and sustained presence. For a party seeking electoral certainty in a competitive environment, this level of grassroots validation is not just desirable—it is critical.

A Test of Leadership and Judgment

For the APC leadership in Oyo State, the moment calls for clarity of purpose. Decisions driven by narrow interests, personal alignments, or short-term calculations may carry long-term consequences.

The task, therefore, is to balance internal considerations with external realities. Elections are ultimately decided by voters, not by party caucuses. A candidate who commands public confidence offers the strongest pathway to victory.

The Stakes Are Clear

Ibadan North is too strategic a constituency for experimentation. The cost of error is not limited to a single seat; it extends to party cohesion, credibility, and future positioning within the state’s political landscape.

In this context, the argument for Adegboyega is less about sentiment and more about strategy. His visibility, acceptability, and record of engagement place him in a strong position to consolidate support and mobilise voters effectively.

Conclusion: A Choice with Consequences

As the APC moves closer to its primaries, the decision before it is both simple and significant: align with a candidate who reflects the mood of the electorate or risk conceding advantage to a watchful opposition.

In politics, moments such as this often separate foresight from hindsight.
For APC in Ibadan North, this may well be one of those defining moments.

 

Aderibigbe Akanbi, a political analyst, writes from Ibadan.

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