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The Sociology of Pantamism

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When Seun Onigbinde, co-founder of BudgIT, a group committed to transparency and fiscal accountability was appointed in 2019 as the Technical adviser to the Minister of State in the Ministry of Budget and National Planning little did he know that his consideration would be short-lived. His sin according to the Buhari Media Organisation (BMO) was that Onigbinde had criticised the government of President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) severally and cannot ‘benefit’ an appointment from the same government.

 

Following campaign mounted online and offline, Onigbinde was muscled to reject the appointment. The story is not different for the highly cerebral and celebrated columnist, Dr Festus Adedayo who had applied to become the media adviser to the Senate President Ahmed Lawan. Not long after the news of his appointment broke that #sackfestusadedayo campaign started because he was accused of being to be too critical of the PMB government.

 

Consequently, Dr Adedayo’s appointment was terminated within 48-hours. While the expertise of the duo was not in doubt, their civic contributions were labelled ‘sins’ and they were denied opportunity to elevate governance with their brain power.

 

Welcome to Nigeria, the land of Pantamism. Pantamism which recently gained popularity is the belief that utterances (and decisions) made in the past is amenable to change and individuals should not be denied privileges and opportunities based on that especially when they advanced in age, position and understanding. This belief recognises the possibility of a shift from previous convictions just like political prostitutes do when they decamp into the party they had hounded. In post colonial Nigeria, Pantamism is practiced by the governors and the governed.

 

It is exhibited by electorates and it is not absent in erotic relationships. It may be deployed for friends of the state to benefit from. It may also be extended to anyone who shares similar beliefs with benefitting individuals. There is no other better time to enjoy the richness of studying Sociology at Ibadan than now. As the scientific study of human society and the contours conditioning social relationships, I am trained to unpack the complex processes involved in human social relationships and how shared beliefs make birds of a feather flock together in our unfolding ‘You Chop, I Chop’ democracy.

 

Isa Pantami is the incumbent Minister of Communications and Digital Economy. He has been facing attacks over historical affinity with and alliance in thoughts with violent extremist groups. The #PantamiMustGo movement hit twitter to influence the sack or resignation of Isa Pantami from office. They hold the view that since the exhumation of this historical data, it is dangerous retaining the Minister when he currently superintends over the national identity data scheme. Methinks someone who had presided over the National Technology Development Agency (NITDA) is an insider and has enough information to do any damage if wants to toe that line.

 

The presidency took the ìgbà àìimò (period of insufficient knowledge/exuberance) approach to stand behind the Minister. Presidential spokesperson, Garba Shehu stated that “in the 2000s, the minister was a man in his twenties; next year he will be 50. Time has passed, and people and their opinions – often rightly – change”. Presidency’s defence was built on Pantami’s ‘born again’ stance to the issue. He said his past comments were based on “understanding of religious issues at the time” and that this has changed “based on new evidence and maturity”. How are Nigerians different from the posture of Garba Shehu and to what extent have they shifted from their previously held beliefs?

Without recourse to our recent history, we would not understand that the sociology of pantamism is linked to the parable of amukun. Amukun erù é wó, ó ní òkè lén wò, e ò wo ìsàlè (Amukun your load is slant, he said the reason is with my leg not with the load), is a Yoruba maxim which counsels us to trace the root of a problem in order to be able to address it. Amukun symbolises a physically challenged person who has one of his legs shorter than the other. Owing to leg inequality, any load he carries on his head slants. Analysing contemporary pantamism embraced by the presidency (even though they did not extend the principle to others) will be incomplete without examining the pantamism displayed by Nigerians. After serially rejecting the then candidate of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) three times (2003, 2007 and 2011) on account of alleged clannish mentality, holding extremist views and plans to Islamise Nigeria, Nigerians would later jettison these notions and voted for his emergence in 2015.

 

This was after former Lagos Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s group repackaged their former foe and clothed him in messiah regalia. He was framed as the one who has the magic wand to turn the fortunes of Nigeria around. Candidate Muhammadu Buhari was also in Chattam House to state that he was a ‘converted democrat’. The harmonisation of opposites birthed the All Progressive Congress and culminated in the defeat of sitting President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015. Despite seeing that nothing is different from their pre-2015 beliefs in relation to the actions being taken by the President, 15.1million Nigerians returned the President to take his ‘good works’ to next level in 2019. The rival, Atiku Abubakar of the PDP polled 11.2million. Note that the 2019 presidential election was contested by 73 candidates but Nigerians pantamised PMB for a second term over others. After taking oath, PMB promised us that we shall see the difference. Undoubtedly, the difference is now CLEARER.

What is implied from above is that the amukun are Nigerians who embraced pantamism in 2014 and the consequences of their action is what we are grappling with in Nigeria today. Pantamism is a belief expressed across sectors in Nigeria. Amnesty is granted to terrorists (some are even sent abroad to school), Governors grant pardon to incarcerated criminals who they claim have shown remorse. We ask wives to forgive and forget husbands who cheated and vice versa. The holy books make provision for confession and repentance. A former deadly robber is now born again and doing prison evangelism. Many past rapists, armed robbers, ritualists have become converted and are now Pastors and Imams somewhere in the country. Indeed, such people are invited to give testimony during revivals to win more souls. Thus, there are many pantamists in public and private sectors, churches and mosques, educational institutions, not to talk of their multitude in political institution.

Even in love affair, we ask our partner about their past but most of the time, we are told that everyone had past no matter how terrible; the gate of positive change is never shut as the constant thing in life. Those who had terrible marriages that ended in divorce initially took their decisions based on convictions at the time. That is why you can hear a sentence like “this is not the man(woman) that I married”. The thinking of a poor man changes once he becomes rich. He may not even want to see poor people at his doorstep. Our thoughts evolve and are conditioned by our position in the social world.

Going forward, I do not think removal or resignation helps in this matter. The President has consistently stuck to his preference no matter the dust raised—does the appointment of the headship of the security system in the country tell any story? There are more pressing problems—poverty, unemployment, unmanned borders, free flow of bandits and kidnappers, inflation and Bokoharam reclaiming territories among others. Just like Pantami claimed to have renounced earlier position, Nigerians can, also based on evidence available now revisit the position taken in 2015 polls or stick to it. They can decide to fool themselves and face the consequences of their intended action in succeeding years…until then; the load on amukun’s head will remain slant until the source of the problem is addressed.

 

Dr. Tade, a sociologist wrote via dotad2003@yahoo.com

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Opinion

Seven Factors That Keep Sharafadeen Alli Ahead in 2027 Oyo Governorship Race

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File photo of Sen. Sarafadeen Alli

 

Fact 1: Homegrown Leader with Unmatched Grassroots Experience

Senator Alli’s political journey began at the grassroots level in Ibadan, where he made history in 1991 as the first democratically elected Executive Chairman of Ibadan North Local Government. This early leadership role demonstrates a deep, foundational understanding of local governance and the needs of the people, a critical asset for a state governor.

Fact 2: Rare Combination of Top-Tier Academic and Professional Credentials

Senator Alli is not just a politician but also a distinguished legal practitioner with a Ph.D. in Legislative and Strategic Studies. His extensive education, including degrees from the University of Ibadan, combined with his fellowships from prestigious professional institutes, provides him with the analytical, legal and strategic acumen required to manage the complex affairs of Oyo State.

Fact 3: Proven Executive Administrative Competence at the Highest State Level

His tenures as Secretary to the Oyo State Government (SSG) and later as Chief of Staff (CoS) to the Governor showcase his direct experience in the engine room of state administration.

 

He has been intimately involved in policy formulation, committee leadership and the day-to-day running of the state, making him uniquely prepared to assume the governorship and hit the ground running from day one.

Fact 4: Demonstrated Executive Business Leadership with Regional Impact

As Chairman, Board of Directors of Odu’a Investment Company Limited, Senator Alli was not just an administrator but a visionary economic leader. He spearheaded landmark investments such as the Cocoa Mall and Heritage Mall in Ibadan, which transformed the economic landscape of Oyo State. This proven ability to attract and drive large-scale economic development is directly transferable to governing Oyo State.

Fact 5: Battle-Tested and Consistent Political Figure

Senator Alli’s political career spans more than three decades, weathering the annulment of his 1996 Senate election and consistently remaining a relevant and influential force. He has contested for Deputy Governor and Governor in the past, giving him a comprehensive understanding of statewide campaigns and the diverse political landscape of Oyo State. His journey demonstrates resilience, deep political networks and unwavering commitment.

Fact 6: Current, Performing Senator and Influential Figure

As the sitting Senator for Oyo South, he is actively delivering quality representation, impactful constituency projects and people-oriented legislation. He has sponsored five Bills and raised six Motions to promote development. Senator Alli has also facilitated employment for 100 constituents across Federal Government agencies.

His role as Chairman of the Senate Committee on Agricultural Colleges and Research Institutions, as well as his membership in the ECOWAS Parliament, demonstrate that he is not only focused on local issues but is also equipped with a broader perspective on governance, trade and regional integration.

Fact 7: Unifying and Respected Traditional Title Holder

Senator Alli’s position as the Ekaarun Balogun of Ibadanland, one of the highest-ranking chieftaincy titles in the ancient city, signifies his deep-rooted connection to tradition and his standing as a respected community leader.

His reputation as a calm, wise, simple, relatable and inclusive bridge-builder who unites people across political, religious and ethnic divides positions him as a leader capable of fostering peace, stability and consensus across the entire state.

 

Oladele is the Director of Media & Publicity, Senator Sharafadeen Alli Campaign Organization.

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Oloye Lekan Alabi: Memories Ere Death Beckoned Both Caller and Called |By Wole Adejumo  

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The young lady who usually delivers packaged moinmoin for members of staff who want it for lunch came in as she usually did, and after the exchange of pleasantries, I asked if she knew the difference between Ọọlẹ and Moinmoin. My colleagues looked at me strangely when I disagreed with her response that both were the same. I promised to tell her the difference later. I, however, told my colleagues the difference as explained to me by Oloye Lekan Alabi. Though a suave, urbane and sophisticated Ibadan chief,  he took time to explain the similarities and differences as we prepared for the annual Oke ‘Badan Festival some years back.  

He had retired from the service of Odua Investment Company Limited, where he demonstrated competence  and character then, but that did not in any way diminish his encyclopaedic knowledge of history. He sat beside the Aboke, Chief Ifamapowa and some other stakeholders at the press conference heralding the ceremony that year.

My first real contact with him happened after I had written a short piece, ‘The Man Who Would Be King’, about him. Oloye, who bore the titles of Jagun Olubadan and  Akogun of Lalupon agreed to have an interview. My Bureau Chief, Bola Davies (now of blessed memory) directed me to go and when I got to his office in Cocoa House, he thanked me for wishing him well. He thereafter took time to explain the Olubadan ascension system. The interview was published in one of the earliest editions of City People Quarterly back then. That interview and some other things I wrote about him eventually earned me a mention in one of his books.

Oloye Alabi was no doubt an aficionado when history, music and culture are up for discussion. Of course, with his rich cultural heritage, he stood out anywhere and everywhere. Little wonder His Imperial Majesty, the Ooni of Ife hosted his investiture when he was appointed as the first Cultural Ambassador of the National Museum, Ile Ife. His immense breadth of knowledge will give him a place in history just as it did to the likes of Chiefs John Adeyemi Ayorinde, Theophilus Akinyele and Alaafin Lamidi Adeyemi III. His love for good music too was more than obvious. Like a true connoisseur, he did everything with class and style. He wrote countless articles about Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey, King Sunny Ade, Chief Eddy Okonta and many more. His love for Yusuf Olatunji’s Sakara music defied competent description. It was so great that he named his youngest son after the Sakara legend.

In one of his many philosophical volumes, ‘Baba L’Egba’ as Olatunji was fondly called, sang that “o ye ka ni ‘fura taa ba nsin ale eni lo” (one should be watchful when seeing off a concubine) and the only person I felt I could ask what was on Baba L’Egba’s mind then was Oloye ‘Lekan Alabi. Sadly, the auspicious time to ask never came.

A reception was once hosted in his honour by Ambassador Ibironke Adefope at Bodija and it was regal! Everyone who mattered came to honour Oloye ‘Lekan Alabi. Reporting the event for City People then, one of the most unusual sights was Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala, the then Deputy Governor of Oyo State. His simplicity was indescribable. Aside driving his convertible BMW, he came in a yellow sweatshirt and jeans.

And when he turned 60, it was like everyone else joined the Ibadan establishment to celebrate Oloye ‘Lekan Alabi. Aare Arisekola Also spoke about the celebrant in glowing terms as he emphasized that Oloye Alabi was indeed a man destined for greatness. The party afforded me the opportunity of seeing Alhaja Batile Alake live on stage. Her sonorous voice actually brought great childhood memories of when songs of Batile Alake, Olubowale Ajasco, Alalaye Ilorin and others were regular on the television.

Apart from his respectable dress sense and indepth knowledge of issues, other admirable traits of the late Abese Olubadan were his timeliness and punctuality. He once told me the story of how he had suggested that card be presented to the then military President, General Ibrahim Babangida on the birth of his baby girl back then. It turned out that the picture of where he handed the card  over was published in dailies the following day. Apart from personal discipline, working with four Governors of Oyo State obviously rubbed off on him, he never attended an event late. There was a day we had to apologize as we started an event behind schedule at the Premier Hotel, Ibadan. He was about the first guest  and after accepting our apologies, he didn’t become vexatious, rather, with a smile he told us that he would be in his room upstairs. He said all we needed to do was put  call through to him when we were ready to start the programme.

I stood close by him at certain event and heard Chief Lateef Oyelade praying for Oloye Alabi who had just greeted him in Yoruba, he said “Olubadan o kan o” (may it be your turn to become the Olubadan). Like many of his mentees,  I looked forward to seeing him on the exalted Olubadan throne, it was however not to be.

​Reflecting on those golden days of celebrity journalism; the Bodija reception, the grand 60th birthday, the laughter of legends now silent; one is reminded that time eventually beckons both the caller and the called. Bola Davies, His Excellency, Otunba Alao-Akala, Aare Arisekola Alao, Chief Lateef Oyelade, Ambassador Adefope and now Oloye himself have all answered that ultimate call. Though the exalted Olubadan throne eluded him, Oloye ’Lekan Alabi leaves behind a legacy as towering as Cocoa House itself. Like his noble forebears – Oyetunde Olundegun, ‘Erin o P’ojo Logun’, and Ekerin Suberu Ajengbe, he came, he saw, he lived with unmatched panache, and he left an indelible mark on the sands of time.

 

Adejumo sent this piece from Ogbomoso 

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Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration

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The popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.

For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.

Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.

Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.

What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.

Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.

Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.

Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.

The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.

One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.

As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.

Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.

At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.

At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.

The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.

Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.

Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.

As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.

History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.

 

Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator

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