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The Insect That Inhibits Enjoyment of Matured Kolanuts, Alli Okunmade II and The Agbotikuyos

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As I was ushered into his expansive Alarere compound that Saturday morning, I was told to exercise patience as Baba would soon come downstairs. I was quick to notice that where I was told to sit was where he would hold court.

A large portrait rested against the wall behind the table that faced where I sat.

The Akoko leaves on his cap was an indication that the picture was taken on his elevation to a new position and that much was confirmed by the congratulatory message on it. There were smaller pictures of him with other chiefs, each telling a different story.

While studying my immediate environment, ideas started coming for the intro of the interview I came for. Of course I was not the only one waiting; people came for different reasons. Political followers, extended family members and even those who came to seek help were all there.

A slim, dark skinned woman seemed to be the most vocal member of the political class. She reminded the others about a particular rally where a fight almost broke out but she doused the tension with her song, “ẹ ma jẹ ka ja o, ẹ ma jẹ ka ja o, ohun to wa nilẹ o to pin, ẹ ma jẹ ka ja” (don’t let us fight, don’t let us fight what is on ground is enough to go round, don’t let us fight).

As High Chief Lekan Balogun (as he then was) emerged from the main building, all rose to greet him. On sighting me, he asked to be allowed to attend to his people first since I would take more time. By the time it was my turn, we had barely spoken for a minute when he got a trajectory-changing telephone call. He told me there had been some trouble in the family compound leading to the arrest of some young men. He therefore needed to proceed, as a matter of urgency to the Police Area Command at Iyaganku.

Then came the questions, “so, Adejumọ, do we reschedule? Where are you going when you leave here?” I said I was going to Ring Road and when he heard that I didn’t come in my car, he asked me to ride with him in his white Toyota Sequoia. Seeing the low-hanging fruit the ride presented, I asked if we could commence the interview.

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When I asked about his continued involvement in politics despite a rule by the then Olubadan, Oba Odulana Odugade that members of the Olubadan-in-Council should steer clear of partisan politics, he smiled and said, “You see, that rule was not for everybody but for politicians who went about with thugs, exhibiting their nuisance values all over the city. It was because of politicians harboring miscreants that kabiyesi made that proclamation. So, it is not that we should not take part in politics but that we should be peaceful about it”. He did not fail to acknowledge Oba Odugade’s tour de force in instilling discipline and ensuring that peace reigned.

Those who have interacted with Oba (Senator) Balogun Allí Okunmade II would readily attest not just to his eloquence but his intellect. It was obvious he had read all there is to read on some matters and he usually quoted famously from the likes of Karl Marx and Chairman Mao among many others.

His unctuous sense of humour is what many would miss. In the heat of the brouhaha that trailed the murder of a former transport union Chairman, he addressed a press conference in his house and in the interaction that followed the media parley, he singled out City People’s Dare Adeniran asking whether he knew what Eruwa, the name of his hometown connoted. Journalist and Public Affairs Analyst, Bisi Oladele tóo spoke of Kabiyesi’s avid sense of humour on air recently.

Though save, urbane and sophisticated, whenever it was time to lead from the front, Okunmade II was never found wanting. As a politician and family head, he priortized the welfare of his followers. And once he believed in a cause, he would defend it with everything he had. We once asked how he knew a former Senate Leader was innocent of the allegations brought against him during the “Eléwé Omo” saga and he delved into conspiracy theories. “Sometimes people kill their friends so that their enemies could get punished for it”, he averred.

A true Alli Iwo son and archetype of the Ibadan warriors of the days of yore, Oba Balogun would not hesitate to defend himself and followers from danger. His residence once came under attack from gun wielding suspected political thugs. It was shortly after this incident that I visited and as we left Alarere, I noticed private bodyguards. Seeing my bemusement, he explained that he had written to the Commissioner of Police, but if the police was not going to protect him, he would take no chances.

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Another encounter I had with him was when he held sway as the leader of the kingmakers during the installation process of his predecessor, Oba Saliu Adetunji. The Seriki issue had reared it’s head again and a chief had gone to court to stall the installation. At the press conference held at Mapo Hall, I asked what situation the Seriki line was in and the answer High Chief Balogun (as he then was) gave shaped the narrative. Making the chief’s case look like an irresponsible quest, he made it known that as at that time, Ibadan had no Seriki. “The last Seriki we knew was High Chief Augustus Adisa Akinloyè and he died years ago, so there is no Seriki line”, he affirmed.

With Olubadan Alli Okunmade’s transition, Ibadan has lost a gem. The marks he left will however be spoken of for a long time to come. With his status as the first PhD holder to rule the ancient town, he joins the pantheon of record breaking Ibadan monarchs; he joins the likes of Oluyedun (son of Afonja of Ilorin) who first used the Kakanfo title in Ibadan, Iba Oluyole, the first to simultaneously rule Ibadan while holding the title of Baṣorun of Ọyọ, Baalẹ Shittu (son of Aare Latoosa) who became the first son of a past ruler to ascend the throne, Baale Fijabi II, the first Ibadan monarch born in the town, Oba Okunola Abaasi Aleshinloye, the first to bear the Olubadan title and Oba Daniel Tayo Akinbiyi, the first to wear a beaded crown from the day of his coronation.
With the vacant throne, the opprobrium that trailed the movement of palace drummers to the home of the Olubadan designate, Balogun Olakuleyin is quite understandable since it is mostly from non-indigenes. Quite unknown to many, the Ibadan obaship system is a portmanteau of tranquility, order, capacity building and unpretentious loyalty to the city.

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It is a transparent system in which the next monarch is already known. As such, while one family is mourning the departed, the next in line is celebrating a feat that has eluded many families. That explains the term “ọmọ Agbotikuyo” (children of those who rejoice on hearing news of death) often rendered among praise names of Ibadan. It is so decisively upright that no Olubadan will ever have to await a court verdict to validate his obaship.

And who says it is not worth rejoicing over? The journey to the throne commences when one becomes the Mogaji (family head) of his compound and for those who eventually make it to the top, the process takes about four decades. There have been talks about Ibadan being ruled only by old men but true to the words of Oba Adetunji Aje Ògúngúniso, “the Olúbàdàn throne is never contested for and only those who live long can ascend it”.

So, what our monarchs seem to lack in physical strength, they have in native wisdom and significant experience having become family heads at much younger ages.

Thanks to the significantly credible monarchical arrangement, as Ibadan bids the scion of Ali Iwọ Jogioro Apewaajoye farewell, it is ready to welcome Oba Owolabi Olakuleyin.

 

Adejumọ sent this piece from Ibadan

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Opinion

OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

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The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

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‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

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‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

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For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

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Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

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I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

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There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

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Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

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Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

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Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

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It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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