Opinion
Olúségun Obásanjó’s pounded yam
Published
4 years agoon
Olúségun Obásanjó’s mother told him at the very beginning that if pounded yam is not much, it must be made hard and tough (iyán tí kò pò, ó gbodò yi). Read his biographies. Ashabi Obasanjo Bankole had only him and his sister, Adunni. Her hearth had enough embers, her mortar and pestle had diligence but her yam was small and she knew it. So, she did extra work in the making of her Olusegun’s pounded yam. The result is the mouthful which Nigeria has had of the soldier since 1975 – or rather, since he journeyed into the army in 1958.
I am not sure if I meet Obasanjo tomorrow I will greet him. At least, if I can avoid him, I will. And that won’t be because I was not trained to greet elders. I will avoid him because this elder I greeted twice in the past and twice I got the same response: He snubbed me – and you know what snub means: ignore, rebuff, repulse. Those are not nice words. On each of those occasions, what I felt was that the sun should not ignore a village because it is not a city. But I cannot ignore the General’s moves and movements – because they potentially impact me; because I am a Nigerian. And so, I read him left to right; right to left. And I will be shocked if there are not other Nigerians – millions – who do what I do.
Something happened last week in Abeokuta. If you sell your relation for a kobo, you won’t be able to buy him back for a billion naira. That is why it is said that the elderly are brisk with the ears and the eyes, never with the lips. At the June 2018 national convention of the All Progressives Congress (APC) where Adams Oshiomhole was elected chairman, Senator Bola Tinubu had some words for General Obasanjo. He said the former president was a homeless busybody who poked his nose into APC’s affairs by asking Muhammadu Buhari not to seek a second term. “Thank God he (Obasanjo) is not a part of our party; this busybody. Unfortunately he has torn the card of his previous party so he has no home.” That is what Tinubu said. And it was not the only time the Asiwaju of Everybody, an aspiring president, poured odium on the former president. The group he leads has unruly dogs primed to snatch the walking stick from our elders. So, when I saw Tinubu in the home of ‘homeless’ Obasanjo last week, I saw irony in ways my literature teacher couldn’t teach me. If the axe forgot, would the tree forget too? I was eager to know if the Balogun of Owu had a reply for the discourteous Balogun of Borgu. Obasanjo is an Owu man. We are told Owu has no sword for revenge but his tongue talks forever about wrongs done to him. But in vain we waited. Obasanjo did not respond to that past of insults.
There are really very few saints here. The General himself has a nagging past of immolation of his brothers to appease alien gods of Nigeria. In his very private moments, he should be contrite and seek forgiveness.
Why do strong and not strong politicians go to strongmen for electoral support? How many votes do they command? Unless you are in politics you may not know. But will it help if you read Mario Puzo’s The Godfather? You may also check Stan Lee’s Kingpin. People like Obasanjo have special pots of hot water in which they dip unruly buttocks. There was a 19th century warrior in Yoruba land (Fabunmi) whose praise name includes one “who snatches a tree branch from the monkey’s grip.” That line fits Obasanjo, especially when you try to count how many monkeys he has had to grapple with in the last twelve years. And you remember this line in the poem, ‘Elephant’: One “who tears a man like a garment and hangs him up on a tree.” Elephant has very thick skin; his eyes see far and his ears travel beyond the forest, his trumpet shrill as the final call. With his dense temporal lobe, the elephant never forgets. Because he is a moving mountain, ponderous Obasanjo is a perpetual ‘man in the news.’ He was in the news for most of last week – Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday. There are videos of Obasanjo trending as I write. In one – with Charly Boy – he describes himself as “father of frustrated Nigerian youths.” I know where he is coming from. Our ancestors said a “child who is not embraced by the village will burn it down to feel its warmth.” Ask northern Nigeria. Today’s terrorists were yesterday’s leftovers. Obasanjo warned four years ago that we “should not reinforce failure.” We did and today Nigeria is homeless home and abroad. He warned repeatedly and was called names. He has also been very loud on those who would make the fighting force of tomorrow’s Boko Haram. He said they are the almajirai of today.
On Friday, 23 September, 2011, I wrote a piece on Obasanjo, man of war and peace. It was to that piece I ran when the APC caravan entered Abeokuta last week. Some of the old lines I repeat here – and there. What I wrote eleven years ago was triggered by his daring march into the den of Boko Haram in Maiduguri in search of peace. The sore hadn’t become cancerous that time. He sat down with the terrorists; they told him their problem with Nigeria; they told him what they would take. The man came back with a report – And what happened to his report? Ask Goodluck Jonathan.
In the Foreword to Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, A life of Service, the biography of his deputy as military Head of State, Obasanjo identifies what he defines as military war and political war. Political war, he holds, is much more challenging and dangerous than nuclear warheads and battle tanks. He thought he understood perfectly the meaning of war in both situations. But he must be taking new lessons now on how to get politicians to be committed to commitments. He held a meeting with those he called “brothers” last week. They begged him to keep it out of the news; he kept it out of the news; those who asked him to keep quiet addressed the press. If that was an ambush, it would appear the attackers picked on the wrong prey. On Saturday, Obasanjo poured water on infantile fires of the Èmi l’ókàn’ people whom he accused of “claiming to be insiders” at his meeting with Tinubu and crediting to him statements he had not made. Silence when you should not be silent, he apparently remembered, begets misfortune.
A man trained in the cold-blooded art of war, Obasanjo swore to fight on land, sea and in the air in defence of the fatherland. He took the solemn military oath to die for the nation. But his life has not been about just dying for the nation, he has also perfected the art of living for Nigeria. His biographer, Onukaba Adinoyi Ojo, quoted the poet, Odia Ofeimun, as describing Obasanjo as “a small man striving always to rise higher” and though “not without warts”, he is simply “a dutiful human being… readier to shine than he is to be charitable to other stars.”
A man of destiny, it would appear that his lot had been to have others work hard enough for him to climb higher. He took over the command of the Third Marine Commando from his course mate, the “flamboyant and courageous” Black Scorpion, Brigadier Benjamin Adekunle, on May 12, 1969 and by 12th January, 1970, Biafra surrendered to him. Five years later, he did not know about the coup that ousted Yakubu Gowon but inscrutable fate made the coup plotters insist he joined Murtala Mohammed to run the new government. When Murtala Mohammed, the first Kano man to rule Nigeria, was killed in Col. B. S. Dimka’s abortive coup of February 13, 1976, Obasanjo inherited the throne. When Sani Abacha, the second ruler of Nigeria from Kano, died on the throne like the first, it was nature’s way of preparing the throne again for Olusegun Obasanjo.
In “military wars,” he always escaped the bullets, even having the other person take them on his behalf. Benjamin Adekunle told a story which Obasanjo denied: At the Regular Officers’ Special Training School, Teshie, Ghana in 1958, there was a parade and Obasanjo moved the wrong leg. In the military, every wrong move has a punishment. There was for this particular one; the expatriate Company Sergeant Major (CSM) thought Adekunle was the culprit, coughed and ordered the Nigerian to open his mouth for his phlegm. “How does it taste?” What would the cadet say other than “Fine sir”? In the 1976 Dimka coup, a deadly version of the bullet-swap happened to then Colonel Mathew Ray Dumuje; he took the route Obasanjo was meant to take and the coupists thought he was Obasanjo; they shot him. In March 1961, he was in the Congo on United Nations Peacekeeping mission when Congolese soldiers abducted him. He was seconds away from execution when a counter, superior order came that Lieutenant Oba must not be killed. Some others were not that lucky. Five years later in January 1966, Obasanjo arrived in Nigeria the night of the first coup and was, in fact, housed by Major Kaduna Nzeogwu, one of the masterminds in Kaduna. And when his host’s coup failed and southern officers were mass-murdered, Hassan Katsina, who had emerged leader of northern region’s band of vengeful military officers, was quoted as saying “We must do everything to protect Obasanjo from harm. Nigeria will need him in future.”
A man not given to orthodoxy, at the height of the battle against apartheid in South Africa, Four-Star General Obasanjo publicly prescribed African juju as the weapon to chase away the white supremacist. And he fights his own wars (cowards use proxies); every day presents fresh opportunities to test his biceps, his ever-ready prowess. His tough, deliberate physique advertises him as an elephant ready to uproot any stubborn forest on its path. He does not mind stepping on toes if it is in pursuit and attainment of his goals. He has the mindset of a messiah, although he does not see the other person as a possible messiah. He is an enigma who does not care what the world says about him, and about his private and public actions.
Like Mark Twain’s Henry VIII, Olusegun Obasanjo loves women. He loves money. He loves power. He covets and cuddles all these. He does not joke with anybody with any of these three prima indices of raw success. The old man updates himself like a sloughing, molting snake – growing, gathering and shaking off parasites. He loves knowledge for his person – e.g. getting a PhD at old age. And I think I read somewhere that twelve of his children have PhD. He enjoys showing off his native intelligence and deep understanding of the ways of man. He is the quintessential king, “in his bloom… a blossom”, coveting the good things of life and fighting his battles without giving anybody a chance. His critics say sometimes he repays good with the opposite of good. A man who was heaved out of jail and deposited onto power by the traditional kingmakers of Nigeria, Obasanjo waited till after the 1999 elections to announce to his backers that if they saw their moral and financial support for his aspiration as an investment, they were mistaken. “They just lost that investment,” he gleefully declared. Those financiers were soon to know the currency of truth spoken by a daredevil soldier.
Despite the hubris that drags his ponderous frame, however, even his most ardent critic would refrain from faulting his patriotic commitment to the Nigerian nation. How wise that is in the light of current structural realities, I do not know. But I know that in critical moments in the nation’s history, he always showed up to lead the pull-back from the precipice. His September 2011 expedition to bloody Jos and to terrorist Boko Haram in Maiduguri was a continuation of the story of one man whose history and that of Nigeria conjoin. Perhaps in his passion for Nigeria, warts and all, and for its continued peaceful existence, Obasanjo is just showing gratitude to God for making him the greatest beneficiary of the amalgamation of 1914.
The Yoruba content of the APC who routinely use elders as their chewing stick were in the old soldier’s home last week in search of power. Political playboys are adroit at taking preys to bed -in repeated times. If Obasanjo was their navigator in 2015, why not in 2023? Last week, he received them warmly and held their hands; he wined and dined with them. He cracked jokes too: “Èmi l’ókàn; Eléyi; Ó lu’lè – I don’t know if they are good words, but we will be using them.” Obasanjo is an Owu man. Olowu was that king who went out at dawn with six subjects. He returned at dusk with one lonely one. What did he do with the remaining five? He fed them to the gods of vengeance. There is a tree in Yoruba forest called Ìrókò. You can abuse Ìrókò; you can even curse it. Ìrókò does not reply insults; it kills – but definitely not immediately.
Celebrated columnist, Lasisi Olagunju writes
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Opinion
Ibarapa East: Yusuf Ramon’s Quest for Responsive Representation
Published
3 weeks agoon
February 14, 2026As the road to 2027 gradually unfolds across Oyo State, political conversations are shifting from routine permutations to deeper questions about competence, generational leadership, and measurable impact. In Ibarapa East, that conversation has found a new voice in Yusuf Abiodun Ramon — a Lanlate-born technocrat whose entry into the race for the State House of Assembly is redefining what representation could mean for the constituency.
In a political environment often dominated by familiar faces and conventional calculations, Ramon presents a profile shaped by technical discipline, structured thinking, and solution-driven engagement. His professional background, anchored in analytical precision and systems management, forms the foundation of his public service aspiration.
For him, representation must move beyond ceremonial presence to practical responsiveness — laws that reflect local realities, oversight that protects public resources, and advocacy that translates into visible development.
Ramon argues that the future of Ibarapa East lies in leadership that listens deliberately, plans strategically, and delivers measurably. He speaks of strengthening rural infrastructure, expanding youth-driven economic opportunities, and institutionalising transparency as core pillars of his agenda. In his view, governance must not merely be symbolic; it must be structured, accountable, and people-centred.
Rooted in Ile Odede, Isale Alubata Compound, Ward Seven of Ibarapa East Local Government, and maternally linked to Ile Sobaloju, Isale Ajidun Compound, Eruwa, Ramon’s story is not one of distant ambition but of lived experience. He is, in every sense, a son of the soil — shaped by the same roads, schools, and economic realities that define daily life in Ibarapa East.
“I was born here. I grew up here. I understand our struggles, our strengths, and our untapped potential,” he says. “Representation must go beyond occupying a seat; it must translate into preparation, competence, and genuine commitment to development.”
His academic journey mirrors that philosophy of steady growth. He began at Islamic Primary School, Lanlate (1995–2001), proceeded to Baptist Grammar School, Orita Eruwa (2001–2007), and later earned a National Diploma in Mechanical Engineering Technology from Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro, between 2009 and 2011. Refusing to plateau, he advanced his intellectual horizon and is now completing a Bachelor of Science in Business Administration at the University of Lagos. “Education,” he reflects, “is continuous capacity building. Leadership today requires both technical knowledge and administrative insight.”
That blend of engineering precision and managerial training has defined a professional career spanning more than a decade. Shortly after his diploma, Yusuf joined Mikano International Limited as a generator installer, gaining hands-on experience in industrial power systems — a sector central to Nigeria’s infrastructural backbone. He later transitioned into telecommunications at Safari Telecoms Nigeria Limited, where he received specialized training in Industrial, Scientific, and Medical radio bands, strengthening his expertise in network operations.
In 2013, he became a Field Support Engineer at Netrux Global Concepts Ltd., then a leading ISM service provider in Nigeria. Over four formative years, he immersed himself in telecom infrastructure deployment and maintenance, mastering field coordination, logistics management, and real-time technical problem-solving.
Since July 2017, he has served as a Field Support Engineer with Specific Tools and Techniques Ltd., a power solutions firm providing services to major operators including MTN Nigeria and Airtel Nigeria. In that capacity, he operates at the frontline of ensuring energy reliability and network uptime — responsibilities that demand discipline, accountability, and systems thinking.
For political observers in Ibarapa East, this trajectory matters. It reflects more than résumé credentials; it speaks to a mindset anchored in efficiency, coordination, and measurable outcomes — qualities increasingly demanded in legislative representation.
Beyond the private sector, Ramon’s political exposure is neither sudden nor superficial. A loyal member of the progressive political family in Lagos, he once served as a personal assistant to a former lawmaker, gaining practical insight into legislative procedure and constituency engagement. Within his community, he has quietly extended financial support to small-scale entrepreneurs and students — modest but consistent interventions rooted in personal responsibility.
“My interest is my people,” he states firmly. “Ibarapa East deserves strategic, responsive, and capable leadership at the State Assembly. We must move from rhetoric to results.”
Across the constituency — from Lanlate to Eruwa — development priorities remain clear: youth employment, vocational empowerment, rural road rehabilitation, stable power supply, agricultural value-chain expansion, improved educational standards, and stronger lawmaking that directly reflects community needs.
Political analysts argue that Ramon’s technocratic background positions him uniquely at the intersection of policy formulation and practical implementation. At a time when national discourse increasingly favours competence over grandstanding, his profile resonates with a broader generational shift toward performance-driven governance. His engineering discipline reinforces problem-solving; his business training strengthens administrative understanding; his grassroots roots anchor his empathy.
For Ibarapa East, the 2027 election cycle may represent more than a routine democratic exercise. It may mark a recalibration of expectations — a demand for representation that understands both the soil beneath its feet and the systems that drive modern development. As political alignments gradually crystallize in Oyo State, Yusuf Abiodun Ramon’s declaration signals the arrival of a candidate seeking to translate private-sector structure into public-sector impact.
One thing is clear: the conversation about the future of Ibarapa East has begun — and it is now framed around competence, credibility, and capacity.
Oluwasegun Idowu sent in this piece from Eruwa, Ibarapa East LG, Oyo State
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Opinion
Flying on Trust: How Ibom Air’s Reliability Became Its Winning Strategy
Published
4 weeks agoon
February 5, 2026“In a sky where delays are normal, one airline flies with precision and trust. Ibom Air shows that reliability can be a strategy”.
In Nigeria’s skies, where flight delays and cancellations are often taken as routine, Ibom Air has quietly rewritten the rules. From the moment it launched in June 2019, the Akwa Ibom State–owned carrier has treated reliability not as a bonus, but as a core strategy—turning punctuality, discipline, and operational excellence into a competitive edge that passengers can count on.
While most airlines chase rapid expansion or flashy promotions, Ibom Air has chosen consistency. Flights depart on schedule, disruptions are minimal, and communication with passengers is clear and timely. This predictability has quickly earned the airline a loyal following among business travellers, professionals, government officials, and families for whom time is invaluable.
The airline’s approach is methodical. Every flight is treated as a commitment, and operational decisions are guided by structured planning, not improvisation. This discipline underpins everything from scheduling to fleet management, ensuring passengers experience flying without surprises.
Central to this model is Ibom Air’s modern fleet. Its Airbus A220-300 and Bombardier CRJ-900 aircraft are fuel-efficient, comfortable, and rigorously maintained to meet both manufacturers’ specifications and the regulatory standards of the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority and international aviation bodies. Safety here is a culture, not a compliance exercise.
Cabin cleanliness and aircraft health are equally prioritized. Passengers consistently step into neat, hygienic, and professionally maintained cabins, reinforcing confidence and comfort even before take-off. In a sector where small details signal operational quality, Ibom Air’s standards speak volumes.
Technology quietly drives reliability across operations. From booking and check-in to flight coordination and customer service, modern systems enhance efficiency, reduce disruptions, and ensure smooth communication. These tools allow the airline to anticipate challenges rather than merely react.
R–L: Dr. Solomon Oroge, a consultant, and Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, aboard an Ibom Air flight.
Service delivery follows the same disciplined pattern. Pilots, cabin crew, engineers, and ground staff operate under strict professional standards. Courtesy is paired with efficiency, and calm, structured service ensures passengers feel confident throughout their journey.
The Ibom Flyer loyalty programme reflects this structured approach, rewarding consistent passengers and fostering long-term engagement. It turns reliability into a tangible benefit for frequent flyers.
From its hub at Victor Attah International Airport, Uyo, Ibom Air serves major Nigerian cities including Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, Calabar, and Enugu, while extending its reach to West Africa with flights to Accra, Ghana. Expansion is deliberate, prioritizing sustainability over rapid growth that could compromise service quality.
Measured growth allows the airline to maintain operational excellence and service consistency even as demand increases—a strategy that contrasts sharply with competitors whose rapid expansion often strains resources.
Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, pictured inside an Ibom Air aircraft.
Beyond commercial success, Ibom Air has become a national example. It has created employment, stimulated tourism, and strengthened regional connectivity, projecting a positive image of Nigerian aviation at a time when confidence in the sector is often fragile.
The airline has also challenged assumptions about government-owned enterprises. By combining professional management with operational autonomy, it demonstrates that public investment can achieve efficiency, accountability, and competitiveness.
Reliability, in the case of Ibom Air, is than a promise—it is a deliberate business philosophy. It shapes operations, informs decisions, and builds passenger trust consistently.
Technology, discipline, and attention to detail converge to produce an airline that works. Every element, from fleet maintenance to cabin service, supports the promise that Ibom Air delivers what it advertises—without surprises.
In a market where uncertainty has been the norm, Ibom Air has shown that consistency can be a strategic advantage. Passengers no longer fly with anxiety; they fly with confidence, knowing their schedules will hold and service will meet expectations.
Ultimately, Ibom Air is not just an airline—it is a model of operational excellence in Nigerian aviation. By prioritizing reliability over spectacle, discipline over improvisation, and planning over shortcuts, it sets a benchmark for the industry and a standard for passengers: in the skies, predictability is priceless
Idowu Ayodele – Journalist, Ibadan, Oyo State
0805 889 3736 | megaiconpress@gmail.com
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Opinion
Help or Hegemony? Trump’s Threat and Nigeria’s Terror War | By Olusegun Hassan
Published
4 months agoon
November 11, 2025In Homer’s epic poem The Odyssey, the concept of the “Greek gift” was invented. The Trojan Horse became the undoing of Troy, ending a decade-long war in which many Greeks had perished, including the mighty Achilles. The Trojans accepted the Greeks’ gift, and the rest, as they say, is history.
In the past few days, both social and conventional media have been agog with reactions to President Donald J. Trump’s threat to the Nigerian government regarding terrorism. In his words, Nigeria must “address the genocide against Christians in the North and Middle Belt, or else the U.S. will cut aid to the country and, in addition, come into the country guns blazing in an attempt to flush out the terrorists.”
Sincerely speaking, the tweet made by the U.S. President sounded a bit comical to me, as did many other commentaries that followed. Comical not in a ridiculous sense, but in a comedic sense.
This piece is not written to support or oppose any particular view, but to lay down facts in the most succinct and objective manner, thereby allowing for the independence of a balanced position.
In 2009, a terror group named Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li al-Da’wa wa al-Jihad (popularly referred to as Boko Haram) emerged with the aim of establishing Islamic rule across Nigeria. According to the group, Sharia was the only path to true progress, and any faith other than Islam was haram (forbidden).
Soon after, this group began launching vicious attacks against Christians and Christian places of worship. From singularly attacking Christians, their targets shifted to government institutions and facilities, and on 28 November 2014, one of the greatest attacks against fellow Muslims occurred with the bombing and mass shooting of Juma’at worshippers at the Kano Central Mosque. Over 120 worshippers were killed and another 260 critically injured.
The point here is to underscore the fact that Boko Haram—and indeed all other extremist groups in Nigeria—are not targeting Christians alone, as earlier claimed, but are pursuing a more sinister agenda of land grabbing with the colouration of economic, psychological and socio-political domination of conquered territories, with intentions of spreading across the country.
From the Northeast, the activities of wanton killing and destruction perpetrated by terrorists spread to the North Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue States. What originally began as farmer–herder clashes metamorphosed into full-blown village and community sackings, where Fulani invaders razed entire communities, leaving hundreds dead or wounded while survivors were displaced and left with harrowing experiences in IDP camps.
This wave of destruction continued, with one of the bloodiest in recent times occurring in Yelwata, Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, on the night of 13–14 June 2025. According to Amnesty/CE/UN/NGO, over 200 people were gruesomely massacred, several houses burnt to ashes, and about 3,000 people displaced and rendered homeless. In 2025 alone, Amnesty reported more than 10,000 additional people displaced in Benue across several local governments, ranging from Gwer West to Agatu, Ukum/Gbagir, Logo, Kwande and Guma.
From the North Central, terrorism—or better still, banditry—also found its way to the North West. The activities of bandits, kidnappers and other criminal elements were consistently reported in Zamfara, Kaduna, Kebbi, Sokoto, Kano, and even Katsina, which was once regarded as the true home of hospitality, as its state slogan depicts, and as I can also attest considering how much I enjoyed the peace and serenity of the state during my days therein as a Youth Corps member. Reuters.ng reports that as of 2025, approximately 2,456 people had been killed in the North West region across multiple states. In addition to this, about 7,260 people, including schoolchildren and commuters on highways, had been abducted, with several millions of naira collected by kidnappers as ransom payments. Some parts of the South West, South East and South South have not been spared the atrocities of terrorists and bandits.
Therefore, it is safe to say that the entire country has, at one time or the other, experienced the activities of bandits, terrorists and kidnappers. The intensity of attack, however, differs from region to region.
Late General Sani Abacha once said that “if any insurgency lasts for more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” This saying more or less amplifies the complexity of the terrorism–banditry–kidnapping problem in Nigeria. Nigeria is a country abundantly blessed with all manners of rich mineral resources. Apart from the vast arable land required for productive agriculture, there is virtually no region of the country that does not possess one valuable solid mineral or another.
From iron ore in Zamfara, Kogi and Enugu; gold in Kaduna, Kebbi and Osun; lithium in Nasarawa, Kwara, Oyo and the FCT; bitumen in Ondo, Edo and Ogun; plus other industrial minerals like gypsum, kaolin and limestone, with deposits of over one billion tonnes across many states—Nigeria is sitting on an incredibly underutilised treasure worth billions of dollars. The government’s inability to adequately manage these vast potentials provides fertile grounds for opportunistic scrambling, illegal mining, chaos and its attendant conflicts.
One can therefore boldly say that the chaos and violence camouflaged as terrorism and banditry is indeed a calculated campaign driven not just by Islamic extremism but by land grabbing and occupation for the purpose of blood mineral extraction and illicit mining.
Thus, a sophisticatedly armed radical Islamic Fulani ethnic militia, often operating under political protection, carries out multiple killings, displacements and kidnappings across the Northeast, North Central and North West, after which reports reveal that foreign miners appear following the death and displacement of indigenes to exploit the lands.
Amnesty International has also reported that Nigeria loses over $9 billion annually to illicit mining of gold, tin and lithium, with a significant portion—estimated at 10%—funding violence and corruption. The report further revealed that the involvement of some government elements in this corruption is not in doubt, as eyewitness reports of survivors and satellite surveillance footage revealed the connivance of certain government personnel. Some survivors have also repeatedly claimed that they witnessed helicopters in the middle of the night dropping weapons and ammunition for the bandits—a disclosure corroborated by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi in an interview on African Stream earlier this year.
So, it is right to say that the violence and carnage are just a smokescreen and a catalyst to a far-reaching economic, psychological and socio-political agenda of certain influential elements in the country. This is part of the reason why the billions of naira spent on security to equip the military to better fight insurgency have not yielded much result to date.
In addressing the threat of President Donald Trump, I would like to start by recounting a little history about the 47th President of the United States and his previous antecedents. In January 2018, at a news conference in the White House, President Trump referred to Haiti and some African countries—including Nigeria—as “shithole countries” that should not be accorded immigrant status in the U.S.
Furthermore, his government’s stern immigration policies and visa restrictions clearly reflect a hostile stance towards Africa and some other Global South countries. In light of this, it is hard to understand where the sudden genuine concern for Nigerian Christians is coming from—more so when a U.S. congressman earlier this year revealed that USAID played a significant role in the funding of Boko Haram and other terrorist groups. This concern was never mentioned when Late President Muhammadu Buhari visited the White House a few months after the “shithole” saga and was praised by the same Trump for his valiant efforts in fighting Boko Haram and ISWAP, despite staggering reports of attacks and killings in the Northeast and North Central during that period.
Under the erudite scholarship of Professor Kunle Ajayi, I learnt several years ago, in one of our Politics of Global Economic Relations lectures, that in world politics and global socio-economic relations, the overriding determinant of states’ decisions and actions is strategic interest. Altruism is hardly ever a factor.
Present realities of Nigeria’s economic relations are fast approaching self-sufficiency—particularly in the oil sector, where Nigeria was once a major importer of finished petroleum products from the U.S. The Dangote refinery, having begun domestic refining and production of petroleum products, is fast taking over a market once dominated by imports from the U.S. This shift, no doubt, is taking jobs away from American oil workers—no cheering news for the country’s oil conglomerates. Secondly, China has since replaced the United States as Nigeria’s foremost trading partner.
According to Nairametrics (2025), the value of trade between Nigeria and China between 2023–2025 totals approximately $50 billion compared to an estimated $30 billion with the U.S. This paradigm shift would certainly not be palatable to the U.S. or her president, who happens to be a dogged businessman that hates the word “no”. From this perspective, it is not difficult to see where President Trump is coming from.
Be that as it may, I think Nigeria needs to employ shrewd diplomacy in dealing with the U.S. under a president like Donald Trump. Regardless of international law and conventions, the U.S. has repeatedly proven itself willing to take unilateral military action against countries, defying the rule of law and popular global opinion. So those hinging on Nigeria’s sovereignty as a deterrent to the U.S. are not good students of history.
What is, however, more important in all of this is that global attention is once again drawn to the horrible atrocities of these criminal elements in Nigeria. The country cannot continue to behave as though it is normal headline news when people are slaughtered daily, and families and homes are torn apart.
I believe this is an opportunity for the government to rejig the entire security architecture of the country, with the needed political will, to once and for all end these killings. Strategic partnership with the United States in this regard is not a bad idea. With its extensive experience in counter-terrorism operations and access to sophisticated military technology and intelligence, the U.S. can assist in identifying and eradicating the major financiers and enablers of terrorism and banditry. It is not rocket science that when the financing of terrorists ends, terrorism ceases to exist.
However, this should be done only on the basis of shared interest, mutual respect, trust, and understanding reflective of a healthy and balanced foreign policy relationship. By prioritising constructive diplomacy, dialogue and partnership, Nigeria can work with the United States in a strategic alliance to restore peace, security and confidence across the nation. That is the way to go.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
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