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Murder so cruel

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The murders of Kehinde and Bukola Fatinoye, a few hours after the new year, have made me pensive and downcast since the news broke. That dastardly murder is one event of 2023 that throws me into spasms whenever my mind reflects on it. Unable to reconcile the gravity of this evil with the aesthetic beauty of life as God’s creation, this murder made me dust up my handbooks on the philosophy of evil and wickedness. I wanted a clue as to why this horror happened and why our world’s most fitting alias is wickedness and cruelty.
The Fatinoyes were killed in their home located in Ibara Government Reservation Area, Abeokuta, Ogun State, a few hours after the celebration of the birth of a new year. According to newspaper reports, the duo, who worked at the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta respectively, had just returned from the yearly church ritual of Crossover Service when their assailants struck. Not only did the killers snuff life out of them, but their corpses were also set ablaze, ostensibly to shroud the motive of and railroad investigators from the alibi of the assassination.

As they escaped the scene, the killers dragged with them the Fatinoyes’ 23-year-old son, Oreoluwa, who they abducted. Three days after, the lifeless body of Oreoluwa was found floating in a river along the Adigbe-Obada Road, Abeokuta, his hands tied behind him. Very few murders of that cruel brew have made my heart this brittle, getting me inconsolable and distraught. It was as if I knew this hapless couple while they were alive.

What juts out for all to see in this heartless murder is a literal wiping off of the Fatinoye generation. It is united by the grisly undercoating of the assassination. On its surface, this killing is callous and reeks of inexplicable wickedness that lies at the heart of man.

Globally and almost on a daily basis, heart-wrenching wickedness and evils of frightening proportions and dimensions are unleashed into the public space. Only on Christmas day, Nigerians were aghast to hear of the killing of a Lagos-based lawyer, Bolanle Raheem, gunned down by ASP Drambi Vandi at Ajah in Lagos State.

To be sure, our world is bespattered with evils and wickedness of unimaginable proportions. On December 14, 2012, for instance, a 20-year-old boy, Adam Lanz, at the Sandy Hook Elementary School in the village of Sandy Hook in Newtown, Connecticut, fatally gunned down 20 kids and six other grown-up staff members of the school. It was a mass murder that was considered to rank, as at then, as the second deadliest mass shooting perpetrated by one person in American history. History also recorded it as an American school’s second deadliest mass murder. Adam had gunned down his victims multiple times, shooting many of them at close quarters. You would think you were reading any of the famous crime thriller novels of James Hadley Chase.

What has been considered even the most intriguing and a major issue for consideration for criminologists and psychologists is that Adam was very calm, cool and devoid of emotions as he inflicted mayhem on his victims. If your immediate conclusion was that Adam was suffering the pangs of drug usage, you were wrong. Investigations later revealed that he had none in his system nor even a residue of alcohol or any mind-wrenching substance. Adam shot with his sobriety intact and as philosopher, John Phillip Togado, said, “he was in his right mind doing the most wrong thing… was in his sanest state doing the most insane thing.”

It will thus be wonky analysis to submit that, in the world today, there is a recent implosion of evil and wickedness; or that modernity has made the global atrocity paradigm shoot up. Far be it from the truth. From the creation of the world, even by the account of the holy writ and its narratives of immediate post-creation, man’s wickedness has been of heartrending stature. Like a serpent, man hatches and curates evil every single day. The seeming implosion of the narratives of evils and wickedness only get amplified by the multifarious media outlets available to man in this modern age. Parodying the holy writ, one can say that the heart of man has been desperately wicked, from his creation.

Listening to a track of late Ibadan Awurebe music maestro, Dauda Epo Akara, recently, I was reminded of how criminals concoct alibis for their psychopathic actions. I also got an idea of how musicians and society as a whole covertly lend a hand in the commitment of crimes. Done in the early 1970s, the song, while praise-singing the Oredegbe Society in Mushin, Lagos, Epo Akara sang the panegyrics of members of that Society who he said emerged from refined pedigrees. Omo eyan’re – he said of them. One of these was Lagos socialite and notorious land grabber, Jimoh Ishola, also known as Ejigbadero.

Ishola had arranged a child naming ceremony, attended by the crème-de-la crème of society, to coincide with his murder of Jimoh Oba who he hoped to dispossess of a land. For an alibi, he pasted Naira notes on the face of the invited musician for the ceremony, changed his clothes and drove, through the backdoor of his house, to go kill Oba in the farm, returned to the ceremony and continued with the event. Ejigbadero had virtually all musicians singing his praises. No one was able to bell the cat of where his obnoxious wealth emanated from, including a famous musician who sang that as inscrutable as it is to know how liquid enters a coconut pod, so was the mystery of Ejigbadero’s wealth. By the way, till today, one of my major regrets is that, in one of my off-handed discussions with Late Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, the famous king had told me that the Nigerian state and the military rulers of the time connived in Ejigbadero’s eventual conviction by the court and his subsequent execution in 1979, four years after his murder of Oba. I blame myself on why I suddenly lost my inquisitiveness and didn’t interrogate Alaafin of Oyo further on that submission. Now, the Alaafin, an iconoclast, a walking encyclopedia of ancient and contemporary history, has gone with what may be a valid information in that regard.

The cases of Adam, the murder of the Fatinoyes, point blank shooting of Lagos lawyer on Christmas day by ASP Drambi Vandi and so many others which occurred and are still occurring in the world, have provoked so many unanswered or unanswerable questions. They range from, as posed by Togado, “why do evil people find painful choices neither difficult nor painful?… Must (we) become evil to fight evil?” So, I ask, why do atrocities, evils of frightening dimensions, wickedness in high and low places, outweigh good in this world? Are human beings naturally evil?

Already, due to the multiple evils associated with the Nigerian policemen, the general impression is that the Nigeria Police Force is the natural domicile of the Nigerian Devil, in its imperial and unpretentious wickedness. I shuddered at a Twitter post I stumbled upon last week which seems to sum up the general impression of Nigerians about the Force. The post had read, “If I see a policeman dying by the roadside and needing help, God in heaven knows I will not help. I will jump and pass. I hate you guys. All of you, Nigerian policemen. My experience with you guys have (sic) left me very bitter. Even you, Mr. Ben, I hate you. You guys irritate me.” Even Benjamin Hudenyin, Lagos Police PRO, was seemingly speechless as he tried to spin the good deeds he attributed to the Nigerian police. You can imagine the ounce of wickedness from the police the fellow who wrote this must have encountered.

Philosophers say that evil is actually the parent of actions that are considered by humanity as wicked. Wicked actions are ones considered to be at the same gruesome level with that of animals or beasts. Stanley Benn, a research fellow in Philosophy at the Australian National University, Canberra, said wickedness is one of the extracts of evil.

In distinguishing different varieties of wickedness, Benn dimensioned them into self-centered wickedness, psychopathic wickedness and conscientious wickedness. According to him, self-centered wickedness can be likened to narcissism where the sufferer from this selfish wickedness defines what is good according to what is good for them. The second, psychopathic wickedness or what he labeled “moral imbecility,” happens when the sufferer does not factor the wellbeing of others into their action. The last, conscientious wickedness occurs when its perpetrator sees their action as reasonable and necessary.

While it will seem that evil is latent in the heart of man, irrespective of race, colour or religion, many underdeveloped or developing countries contribute to the pervasiveness of evil in their societies. This they do by their peremptory treatment of humanity. If we universalize humanity and remove compartments of class and other identifiers which we put different humans into, we may be on our way to protecting every man from evil. By doing this, we will be protecting ourselves as well. The ongoing trial in Moscow of Brian Kohberger, the lone suspect in the murder, on November 13, 2022, of four University of Idaho, Moscow students — Madison Mogen, 21; Kaylee Goncalves, 21; Xana Kernodle, 20 and Ethan Chapin, 20 authenticates the above assertion. Typical of students, they had spent the preceding Saturday night out of campus in a revelry and returned home in the early morning hours only to be knifed to death around 4 a.m.

Kohberger, 28, a doctoral student of Criminal Justice at the Washington State University, was fingered as suspect in the killings. His doctoral research’s area of interest is said to be criminology as he studied the mindsets of criminals. One of his classmates told investigators that days before the killing, Kohberger was engaged in discussion with his colleagues on DNAs, forensics and was a teaching assistant in his university. Harvesting a major lead of a knife sheath discovered by investigators beside the stabbed bodies of Ms. Mogen and Ms. Goncalves, the CCTV camera recordings of neighbours of the murdered students, which revealed that the killer rode into the neighbourhood in a white Elantra car around 2am and then the DNA on the knife which was picked up from the Kohberger family trash bin site in Philadelphia, the police traced and arrested Kohberger. One of the surviving roommates of the stabbed victims also reported seeing the masked killer and her description of him fitted Kohberger.

Most murderers are psychopathically wicked and do not factor others into the outcome of their actions. If ASP Drambi Vandi and the murderer(s) of the Fatinoyes had bothered about what becomes of their victims after their actions, other than theirs, they most probably would not have committed those gruesome murders. Did Vandi know, for instance, that by killing Raheem, he was killing three persons at a go? Or, as Police PRO was recorded to have said, he was a victim of the Yoruba edi, traditional African invocation used to railroad a victim into doing what they otherwise would not have wanted to do?

The killing of the Fatinoyes has all the trappings of revenge, cult or drug peddlers’ assassination. Or that of an organized crime by the mafia. This pattern is also found in southern African muti killing. The brutality in the murders was not dissimilar to mafia killing.

Those who have encountered the Nigerian police in action have said that, sans corruption and pristine investigative equipment that they still grapple with, the Force parades brilliant, competent and effective officers whose eagle investigative eyes, with clinical certainty, can spot the pregnancy of a snail, even as it is ensconced inside its shell – apologies to this Yoruba aphorism which references deftness and precision. I have engaged brilliant Lagos ex-Police Commissioner, Fatai Owoseni, countless times on Nigeria police officers’ efficiency and his statistics are believably fascinating.

However, place the Moscow police efficiency in tracking Kohberger, within few weeks of his alleged psychopathic killing of those four students, side by side the possibility that the Fatinoye killers may never be found, and you will shudder. The tendency towards evil and violence of blood-curdling dimensions are seemingly comparatively higher in advanced societies than in developing ones. For instance, the Gun Violence Archives in the United States recorded that in the first 24 hours of 2023, America recorded “59 gun deaths, 150 gun injuries, six mass shootings, two children shot… and six unintentional shootings.” However, the certainty of being caught in America and in advanced societies as a whole is a huge deterrence and disincentive on the road to perpetrating evil. Criminologists say that certainty of arrest and severity of punishment lower man’s natural inclination towards embracing his ape and beast ancestors, thus lowering rates of atrocities and reducing paradigms of evils.

In Nigeria, certainty of arrest and justice are sickeningly low. This is worsened by enveloping darkness of power outages which does not encourage individual or public installation of CCTV cameras. The distinguishing difference between Nigeria and saner climes is in technology and a people who see the police as working for them. In Moscow and Philadelphia where Kohberger lived with his father and where he was apprehended, the people cooperated with the police. In Nigeria, the people have seen too many instances of police wickedness that they don’t believe that the police work for them. Police brutality, pandemic corruption in the force and a Nigeria that is apathetic to modernization of its society are the bane of the possibility of reaching the amazing investigative level that the Idaho killings reached. I have often argued that the moment Nigeria gets the issue of electricity right, she would have solved fifty percent of her existential crises, chief among which is crime investigations. This has encouraged and flourished the pandemic of corruption among police officers who, like the flamingo, are feeding fat on the failure of the system. The flamingo, you will recall, can only eat when its head is upside down. The Nigerian system is upside down and corrupt elements eat from it.

It is why, in the buildup to the presidential election, Nigerians must be interested in the candidate who can break the curse of darkness that hovers over the country like a deathly apparition. If we have electricity, corruption will be trackable and will serve as a disincentive to the crime; economy will be revivified and our society will be run as they do human societies of the world.

By the way, all must be done to track the Fatinoye murderer(s). Not tracking them will incentivize their killers and make such killings grow rotund in Nigeria. Apprehending criminals is not for the sake of their victims, many of whom have come face to face with their gruesome fates, but for the sake of the living.

 

Dr Festus Adedayo writes from Ibadan 

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G-WAGON: Dare Adeleke, A Liar’ll Steal; Why’re You Desperate To Conceal The Truth? | Maroof Asudemade

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I have read Dare Adeleke’s rather vacuous response to my article on Governor Seyi Makinde’s presentation of a brand-new Mercedes-Benz G-Wagon 500 to the President-General of the Central Council of Ibadan Indigenes (CCII), Barrister Sulaimon Ajeniyi Ajewole. Unfortunately, beneath the insults, name-calling on my person and his apparent eye-service desperation to impress his political benefactor, there is hardly any substance worth engaging.

Adeleke devoted considerable space to calling me a drunken, lowly writer. Yet, in all his verbal gymnastics, he conspicuously failed to address the fundamental questions raised in my article. Has Governor Makinde paid the statutory salaries and entitlements of the Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja, and the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Akeem Owoade, since their ascension to the respective thrones? Has his administration provided them with official vehicles, as expected under the applicable government arrangements? These were the issues Adeleke ought to address not my personality.

If he had any credible answers to these questions, he would have provided them. Instead, he chose to exhibit his wrakness as an intellectually exhausted defender. He resorted to abusing the messenger when he couldn’t dismantle the message.

However, there is one particularly interesting aspect of Dare Adeleke’s response that deserves immediate correction. He lied that Governor Makinde spent N1 billion on the completion of the Olubadan Palace. Is he sure he’s not addicted to stealing as a liar? The financial contributions towards the completion of the palace came from multiple sources, including the 11 local governments in Ibadanland, each of which contributed N50 million, amounting to N550 million.

Governor Makinde contributed N250 million. The governor’s contribution was N250 million, not N1 billion! Why would Adeleke inflate the governor’s contribution from N250 million to N1 billion? Is he so desperate to manufacture an impressive record for his political principal that figures have become expendable? Or does he imagine that exaggerating the governor’s generosity will make the unanswered questions of ridiculing our royal fathers disappear?

The 11 local governments of Ibadanland have a responsibility towards the Olubadan institution. Their contributions towards the palace should not be presented as a personal sacrifice by Governor Makinde. They are contributions made by public institutions to an institution that belongs to the people of Ibadanland.

Even more disturbing is Adeleke’s inane argument that because Makinde contributed money towards completing the Olubadan Palace, the governor deserves appreciation rather than criticism. This argument betrays a shocking failure of Adeleke to distinguish between governmental responsibilities and statutory obligations.

Let us even assume, for the sake of argument, that Makinde personally spent N1 billion on the palace. How does constructing or completing a building discharge the government’s obligation to pay the statutory salaries and entitlements of the Olubadan and the Alaafin? How does a palace building become a substitute for official vehicles? Are these royal fathers supposed to live in beautiful palaces while their statutory entitlements remain unpaid?

By Adeleke’s ‘logic’, Governor Makinde could build a magnificent headquarters for the Nigeria Labour Congress and subsequently refuse to pay workers their salaries, expecting the labour movement to applaud him for his generosity. Would that be acceptable? Could the government substitute office buildings for workers’ wages? Dare Adeleke is glaringly a peripheral thinker!

A building is a capital project. Salaries and official entitlements are separate obligations. Since Adeleke knew he could not understand this elementary distinction, he should have smelt his argument before presenting it to the public. His defence is not only logically defective; it is intellectually sour.

More importantly, the completion of the Olubadan Palace was not the subject of my article. I did not dispute the governor’s contribution. I questioned the apparent contradiction between his extravagant generosity towards the CCII President-General and the allegations of neglect concerning the official entitlements of the Olubadan and the Alaafin. Adeleke has not answered that question. He has merely introduced an unrelated expenditure in an attempt to divert attention.

I have no objection to Governor Makinde giving G-Wagons, aeroplanes or even private jets to people he loves, provided he does so with his personal resources. He is entitled to his private generosity. But public accountability should not cease because a governor is generous to his friends, associates or political admirers. The issue is not his freedom to give birthday presents. It is his responsibility to discharge governmental obligations.

As for Adeleke’s unnecessary personal attacks, I refuse to dignify his descriptions of me as a drunken or lowly writer with an elaborate defence. Neither description reflects my personality, and neither alters the substance of my argument. He only needs to be aware that despite his opinion of me as a drunken, lowly writer, I am his better by far as a family man and a responsible father – two essential duties he has failed in. I will also not allow his inability to sustain an intelligent argument to dictate the level of my engagement.

I am upset with Dare Adeleke for not living up to his claim of belonging to Oja’ba. He lacks the intellectual discipline, street wisdom and argumentative dexterity traditionally associated with the historic Ibadan community. His response has demonstrated an unfortunate deficit in all three. “Dare ò m’èsì, ó tún gọ!”

There is also something deeply incongruous about Adeleke’s pretentious defence of Governor Makinde. Those familiar with the undercurrents of Oyo politics may find his public posturing rather amusing. He presents himself as an unquestioning defender of the governor, yet political hypocrisy has a way of concealing its true colours beneath an appearance of loyalty. If the human stomach were transparent like a calabash, perhaps the governor would have a clearer view of Dare Adeleke as the green snake lurking beneath the green grass.

But my concern remains the dignity of the Olubadan and Alaafin institutions, not Adeleke’s political theatrics. He has had an opportunity to answer straightforward questions. He failed. He has had an opportunity to correct the allegations with verifiable facts. He avoided them. Instead, he manufactured a N1 billion contribution, inflated the governor’s generosity and attempted to intimidate a critic with insults.

Let me therefore restate the questions he could not answer: Has Governor Makinde paid the statutory salaries and entitlements of the Olubadan and the Alaafin since their ascension? Has he provided them with their official vehicles in accordance with applicable government policy? If yes, let Adeleke produce the evidence. If no, let him explain why.

A G-Wagon cannot answer questions about unpaid salaries. A palace cannot substitute for statutory entitlements. And N1 billion in political propaganda cannot turn N250 million into N1 billion. Dare Adeleke may choose to defend Makinde with insults, exaggerations and emotional outbursts. I will continue to interrogate the administration with facts, logic and questions that public officeholders owe the people answers to.

The dignity of the Olubadan and the Alaafin is far more important than Adeleke’s desperate attempt to earn political applause. And no amount of name-calling will make me abandon the responsibility of holding those in power accountable.

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OYO AHEAD: Senator Alli Blueprint for Oyo Renewal | Muji Armstrong-Bello

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The unveiling of Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli’s OYO AHEAD manifesto has introduced a new dimension to the 2027 Oyo State governorship conversation. Beyond the usual campaign promises, the document presents an attempt to define not just what a government intends to do, but how it proposes to govern. Its central message is that Oyo State needs a development model built around grassroots empowerment, economic productivity, institutional accountability and measurable performance.

What makes the manifesto politically significant is its attempt to connect the candidate’s personal political journey with a proposed programme of government. From his experience as Chairman of Ibadan North Local Government to his service as Secretary to the State Government, Chief of Staff, Senator and Chairman of Odu’a Investment Company, Alli presents himself as a politician whose experience cuts across grassroots administration, constitutional politics, legislative representation and business management. These experiences provide a solid foundation for effective governance and reinforce the expectation that his proposed agenda can be translated into tangible results for the people of Oyo State.

The first pillar, local government autonomy, may well become the most politically consequential. By promising transparent access to council allocations, monthly funding arrangements and greater freedom for local governments to address community needs, BSA is placing grassroots governance at the centre of his development philosophy. The message is unmistakable: democracy must be felt beyond the Government House, and the dividends of government must reach the communities where ordinary people live and work.

His infrastructure proposals also deserve attention. Rather than concentrating exclusively on new construction, the manifesto promises an audit of unfinished roads, published completion schedules, farm access roads, improved electricity, potable water and affordable housing. This suggests an understanding that infrastructure should be judged by its economic and social usefulness, not simply by the political visibility of projects.

In healthcare, the proposed Oyo Care Guarantee for infants, pregnant women and residents above 70 is a significant social intervention. The commitment to strengthen primary healthcare, address shortages of medical personnel and expand health insurance coverage recognises that healthcare is not a privilege reserved for those who can afford it. With the right funding arrangements, adequate staffing and firm institutional commitment, these promises can be translated into a sustainable healthcare system that delivers tangible benefits to the people of Oyo State.

Education is another area where the manifesto attempts to reconnect Oyo with its historic reputation as a pioneer of educational development. Reducing classroom congestion, repairing schools, expanding scholarships, establishing skills centres and linking graduates to employment are proposals that speak directly to the future of the state’s young population. These interventions are designed to translate educational investment into measurable improvements in learning outcomes, practical skills and employment opportunities for the next generation.

Perhaps the most compelling economic proposition is the commitment to move Oyob beyond an economy of consumption towards one of production, investment and job creation. The proposed industrial parks, revival of the Oluyole Free Trade Zone, ₦10 billion Youth Fund, digital skills programme and support for small businesses suggest an administration seeking to make employment creation a central responsibility of government. The ₦150 billion annual internally generated revenue target reflects an ambitious vision of economic growth, driven by expanded business activity, increased investment, efficient revenue administration and the elimination of financial leakages, while preserving a favourable environment for citizens and businesses to prosper.

Agriculture gives the manifesto another important regional dimension. Oyo possesses considerable agricultural potential, particularly across Oke-Ogun, Ogbomoso and Ibarapa. The proposals for processing facilities, revived farm settlements, mechanisation, storage, agricultural insurance and export promotion recognise that farmers cannot prosper merely by producing crops; they must also have access to markets, processing facilities and value chains. If properly executed, this could transform agriculture from subsistence activity into a major engine of industrial growth.

Security, appropriately, is treated as the foundation upon which every other pillar depends. The proposed strengthening of community security networks, protection and insurance for hunters and vigilantes, improved surveillance and farmer-herder mediation reflect the reality that development cannot flourish where fear controls access to farms, schools and businesses. The accompanying commitment to public disclosure of projects, contractors and costs also reinforces the argument that security and accountability are inseparable responsibilities of government.

One particularly striking feature is the candidate’s personal commitment to publish quarterly performance reports and to decline a second-term request if Oyo State is not measurably better by the end of his first tenure. This is a bold political undertaking. It shifts the conversation from the traditional entitlement of incumbency to the obligation of performance. This commitment further underscores the importance of measurable performance targets, transparent reporting and regular public assessments as the foundation for accountable and results-driven governance.

The strength of OYO AHEAD lies not only in the breadth of its promises but also in the opportunity to translate them into a practical development programme. The proposed revenue expansion, healthcare guarantee, youth and women empowerment funds, educational reforms and infrastructure projects provide an ambitious agenda for the state. With proper financial planning, sound legal frameworks, effective coordination and measurable implementation targets, these proposals can form the foundation of a purposeful and results-oriented administration.

This places an important responsibility on the OYO AHEAD Steering Committee. Beyond campaign mobilisation and public presentation, the Committee must sustain the technical work required to support the manifesto with reliable data, realistic costing, legal guidance, implementation timelines and measurable outcomes. The depth of this preparation will be central to demonstrating that OYO AHEAD is not merely a collection of campaign promises, but a carefully considered programme for governing Oyo State.

As the 2027 governorship election approaches, the debate should increasingly focus on the future of Oyo State: the governance philosophy, experience, policy direction and preparedness of those seeking the people’s mandate. Political alliances and personalities will naturally shape the contest, but the enduring question is which proposals offer a clear and practical pathway to development, prosperity and accountable leadership.

OYO AHEAD has placed such a pathway before the people of Oyo State. Its seven pillars provide a framework for addressing the state’s development priorities, while its emphasis on grassroots governance, economic productivity, human capital development and accountability speaks to the need for a new direction. With his political experience, administrative background and familiarity with the challenges of Oyo State, Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli is well positioned to lead the effort to translate this blueprint into meaningful progress. The promise of OYO AHEAD is renewal; its ultimate measure will be the transformation it delivers to the lives of the people.

 

Prince Armstrong-Bello, JP. Akogun Aliiwo Ibadanland, Author of “Yoruba Leadership in Diaspora: Equity Justice and Tradition” is a Political Communication Strategist and Public Affairs Analyst

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OYO 2027: MAKINDE EATS SOUR GRAPES, ADEKANMBI’S TEETH MUST BE SET ON EDGE

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The confusion within the ranks of the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) is becoming increasingly difficult to describe.

The political empire built by Governor Seyi Makinde on what critics describe as lies, betrayals, broken promises and greed appears to be crumbling by the day.

Indeed, Makinde and his APM loyalists are providing an endless source of amusement these days.

Virtually everyone who leaves the Makinde administration is suddenly dismissed as a “paperweight” by the party’s social media attack dogs.

I have often wondered whether these fellows are unaware of the wisdom behind the Yoruba belief that even cotton wool, when gathered in sufficient quantities, can become a load too heavy for one person to carry.

As the Yoruba proverb puts it: Eni ní òwú ò t’ẹrù; ìwọ̀nba tó fẹ́ fi tan iná ló mú.

You keep losing prominent politicians and influential party stakeholders, yet you dismiss them as political nonentities. But which heavyweight has the power to cast more than one vote for a preferred candidate?

I am certain that even Bimbo Adekanmbi must be wondering how things deteriorated so badly for the APM.

Before his emergence as Governor Makinde’s anointed governorship candidate was made public, I granted an interview on a television station during which I openly predicted that Adekanmbi would get the governor’s endorsement and that his choice as successor would spell trouble for both men.

To one another, both men have become potential political albatrosses. Unfortunately, Governor Makinde’s ego appears to have blinded him to realities beyond his immediate political calculations.

I am particularly surprised that Adekanmbi failed to recognise that he was walking into a political trap by accepting Makinde’s endorsement.

Greed, indeed, can be a dangerous disease. In Adekanmbi’s position, no discerning politician would have ignored the number of political enemies Governor Makinde had accumulated during his seven years in office.

It follows, therefore, that Adekanmbi would inevitably inherit many of those political liabilities. Sadly, he either failed to appreciate the implications or simply chose to overlook the consequences.

By the time Governor Makinde, or perhaps Seye Famojuro, settled for Adekanmbi, the governor was already embroiled in disagreements with prominent political figures, including former Deputy National Chairman of the PDP, Ambassador Taofeek Oladejo Arapaja, Alhaji Bisi Olopoeyan and several first-class traditional rulers in Oyo State.

He had also fallen out with several influential political figures, including Senator Hosea Agboola, Alhaji Razak Gbadegesin, former Deputy Governor Barrister Gbolarunmi Hazeem, Chief Mrs Jumoke Akinjide, Hon. Mulikat Adeola Akande, former Deputy Governor Engr. Rauf Aderemi Olaniyan, Prince Diran Odeyemi, former Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose, former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike and even President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Beyond these strained relationships, several stakeholders within the Makinde political camp were already uncomfortable with the process that produced Adekanmbi as the APM governorship candidate.

There were also contentious discussions about whether Governor Makinde should be succeeded by a Christian. Equally troubling to some stakeholders was the question of whether it made political sense for Makinde to present Adekanmbi as his preferred successor when both men hail from Ona-Ara Local Government Area.

At the time, agitations were mounting over Governor Makinde’s alleged failure to comply with the Supreme Court judgment granting financial autonomy to local governments.

Other contentious issues included the controversial Circular Road project, the sale of government assets and the proposed transfer of Oyo State farm settlements to estate developers.

The state’s debt profile, which has remained a subject of public concern and debate, was another issue that had yet to be satisfactorily addressed.

All these issues were already in the public domain before Adekanmbi accepted the offer to become Makinde’s anointed candidate.

One is therefore compelled to ask: what could have persuaded Adekanmbi to accept such a politically dangerous offer?

I can only think of one reason: greed.

When Governor Makinde claimed that he had advised Adekanmbi not to inherit his enemies, he was being economical with the truth.

The reality is that those political liabilities became Adekanmbi’s the moment he accepted Makinde’s endorsement.

The governor knows that he is carrying a political baggage that could weigh heavily on his preferred successor. Yet, he appears unwilling to be held accountable for the political consequences of his own administration.

Unfortunately for both men, even Adekanmbi’s campaign slogan tells a story of its own: “Omi Tuntun 3.0”.

How, then, does he intend to separate himself from the “Omi Tuntun” administration and the controversies surrounding it?

Governor Makinde has never hidden his discomfort with genuine local government autonomy. Adekanmbi, by his posture, appears prepared to sustain the same political template, which critics blame for weakening the 33 local government councils in the state.

On virtually every issue over which the people of Oyo State have expressed concern, Adekanmbi appears to be offering continuity rather than a departure from the policies of the present administration.

He has failed to condemn the controversy surrounding the proposed transfer of the Ogbomoso Farm Settlement to estate developers, despite protests by residents of the ancient town.

He has equally remained silent over the controversy surrounding the administration’s reported moves involving the Saki Farm Settlement.

He also appears untroubled by the reported transfer of the 4,000-hectare Eruwa Farm Settlement to investors, whose whereabouts and activities have, according to critics, remained unclear two years after the arrangement.

Indeed, Adekanmbi appears not to appreciate the extent of the challenges facing the state. For instance, Oyo State is said to be short of six general hospitals if the benchmark of one general hospital per local government area is adopted.

Yet, when Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli promised in his manifesto to address this deficit, APM spokespersons reportedly went on the offensive, describing the manifesto as “lacking in originality”.

Governor Makinde has been in office for more than seven years. During this period, his administration has received ecological funds on several occasions.

The question, therefore, is simple: what has happened to those funds?

There are concerns over the utilisation and accountability of the ecological funds received by the state. The governor owes the people a clear explanation of how these resources have been deployed.

There are also questions surrounding the proposed upgrade of the Alakia Airport, a project for which Adekanmbi himself was appointed by Governor Makinde to head a committee.

I have been reliably informed that the contract sum for the airport upgrade was reportedly reviewed upwards from its original figure of over N50 billion to well above N150 billion.

I have raised this question before, but I am yet to hear Adekanmbi offer a convincing explanation or response to the allegation.

Similarly, Governor Makinde reportedly approved more than N60 billion for the renovation of the Government House, an expenditure that attracted public criticism.

As of today, the visible works include the construction of a hall, the painting of the Government House mosque and church, and the replacement of tiles in both places of worship.

I challenge Governor Makinde to tell the people of Oyo State how much of the more than N60 billion reportedly approved for the renovation has actually been released and expended.

Beyond that, the governor should invite members of the press to conduct an independent assessment of the work carried out so far. The people deserve transparency and accountability, not unanswered questions.

The state government’s performance in education is another area that demands urgent attention.

Oyo State’s performance in WAEC and NECO examinations has continued to attract concern, particularly when compared with the performance of other states, including neighbouring Osun, which has been celebrated for its fifth-place position in a recent examination ranking.

Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli has argued that the state must return to an educational system that makes teaching and learning more conducive. One of his proposals is a 30-pupils-per-classroom policy.

But rather than engage constructively with the proposal, APM voices have dismissed its feasibility.

Adekanmbi, as the party’s governorship candidate, has also failed to offer a clear departure from the present arrangement, under which many public primary and secondary school classrooms remain severely overcrowded and unconducive to effective learning.

Oyo State cannot afford another administration that merely promises continuity without addressing the shortcomings of the present one.

The people deserve better, and they now have an alternative in Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli.

Governor Makinde has eaten sour grapes. Unfortunately, Bimbo Adekanmbi appears destined to bear the consequences.

His teeth, indeed, must be set on edge.

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