Opinion
Memo to their Excellencies, the Governors-elect
Published
4 years agoon
In 1953, Honourable Member, of the Western House of Assembly, Samuel Ladoke Akintola, left a word for today. “I can understand the heaven of acceptance and the hell of rejection. I cannot conceive of a purgatory between acceptance and rejection,” he had told his fellow parliamentarians of the opposition bloc, the National Council for Nigeria, and the Cameroons (NCNC). It was in the thick of a tempestuous debate on a motion on the floor of the House. The motion was on the introduction of the Education and Health Levy for taxable adults in Western Nigeria. The debate was charged. Emotions were high. The man, who was to later become Premier of the region, in an address in support of the motion, said he knew that the opposition would see their impending loss as a stupendous setback.
The Obafemi Awolowo government needed this motion to sail through to push its agenda of education for all to the children of the poor. Opposition NCNC knew the motion’s social and political implications. It was a bullet aimed at its spine. It would deify the Action Group (AG) and carve a space for its leaders in the heart of the people. The urgent need to crush the egg and its potentially troublous fetus was indisputable.
Bards aligned with the two political parties in the region went on assignment to push the importance of the motion to the people. Hubert Ogunde, singing about Awolowo, who he christened Ajagunmale, highlighted how the tax of 10 shillings per head would transform the west. NCNCer to the core, Ilorin, Dadakuwada singer, Odolaye Aremu, was to later seek to paint the bill as mundane. “E je ka ra ledi, ka si ka’we, we ti won o ka tele tele lati sekere o!” he mocked the AG. In an ad-lib, fast-tempo poetry rendered in danceable rhythm, he seemed to say that the motion was for an emergency, irrelevant education policy.
In his defense of the motion, MP Akintola dropped the nugget that caught my attention today. He was livid with the opposition. He particularly singled out the Leader of the Opposition in the parliament for his ambivalence to the motion which he said: “aims at the creation of equal opportunity because those who have no money to pay can, as much as those who have, send their children to school”. Akintola then subtly attacked the petrel of Western region politics, Adelabu Adegoke, for what he perceived as his disputatious personality. Adegoke had earlier boasted that he was “humbler than Shaw, older than Jesus, more educated than Shakespeare, more worldly-wise than Socrates and better tailored than Lincoln.”
Yesterday, the last of the 2023 general elections were held. It was the governorship and House of Assembly elections. By now, following the trickle of results, winners are beginning to emerge and losers getting struck by damming reality. It is at this point that Akintola’s counsel becomes very valuable. Nigerian politics is a zero-sum game that hardly gives room or allowance for losers. When you lose, you lose fatally and when you win, the situation of both parties can be compared to the songs of those Israelite women who sang to taunt Saul and laud David. They chorused around the streets of Israel: “Saul has slain his thousands, and David his tens of thousands.” What awaits both winners and losers of these elections, in the words of Akintola, is “the heaven of acceptance and the hell of rejection” and there is no middle-of-the-way, what the polyglot labeled as the nil “purgatory between acceptance and rejection”.
Ebenezer Obey’s famous ese girl GiriNile enjoyed – the myriad feet that walk towards freebies – will cease in the homes of the losers. Contrarily, the winners will continue to play host to heavy traffic of feet. It is the nature of Nigerian politics.
The election cycles in Nigeria have a lot to contribute to social perception, our knowledge of our fellow human beings, and the nature of contests in our society in general. For those who believe that Nigeria is irredeemable, some of such negative baptisms come from encounters with fellow politicians and electors. This is responsible for the coinage of the queer theory that there is no morality in politics. Which negates what political science theory teaches. Harold Laski, in his groundbreaking Substance of politics, tells us that morality is a core fabric of politics and indeed, it is what politics ought to drive politics.
Betrayal, dog-eat-dog, hatred, and witch-hunting are the posters of Nigerian politics. As it is scarce to find a white fox, so is it to find a man of integrity among politicians. It is a survival of the fittest and elimination of the weakest.
For those who lost their deposits in the just concluded elections, it is time to recount bitter experiences. Daggers are thrust at one another at moments friends lean on friends and associates lay their hopes on the other. The experiences, many times unpalatable, can be summarized in one of Tatalo Alamu’s songs. This Ibadan native folksong bard is today kept alive in the pseudonym of one of Nigeria’s famous columnists whose engaging Sunday weekly column is a must-read. Elections cause dissonance in friends, family, and group relations. Tatalo, in this particular track that came to my mind, lamented that the world had gone upside down, so much that the son could not hear the father; twins are at daggers drawn and, b’omo popeye no wa o, iya re a begin yo – even the duck and its chicks are in mutual antagonism.
Elections in Nigeria are a war by other means. Many people have spoken of the high stakes involved as the cause of their volatility. The cost of running elective offices in Nigeria is massive and mind-boggling. Winning elections is however a gold dig for winners. Losers just hold on to the end of the stick, drained and most times left to sulk and lament their losses. Winners, though momentarily drained of funds, look forward to office as the spoils of war, an avenue to recoup their investments. The high stakes of elections in Nigeria make us witness, at each election cycle, the apathy of the qualified and such, traffic of charlatans with money into the electoral process, as well as desperation that borders on deadly.
The zero-sum game of politics is also responsible for the violence, killing, and baffling corruption that goes into the electioneering process. There is no doubt that Nigeria is blessed with an abundance of talented human resources, such that, if we get these to participate in our electoral process, the change we seek will come bountifully from their ideas. There is also huge wisdom in the famous quip that if good men refrain from participating in politics, they give room for mediocrity to reign. However, the unpleasant encounters of these “good ones” in politics are a pushback in achieving their participation in politics. What the “good ones” encounter in Nigerian politics is comparable to another narrative offered by Tatalo in that same vinyl I referenced above.
The yearly Oro festival is announced in villages, A o store, omo oko, e we’ll run o, urging sons and daughters to leave for the town where Oro is celebrated with pomp and ceremony. However, the one who first heeds the call by entering the town at midnight is the one who is slaughtered in ritual appeasement of the Oro cult. This teaches others the wisdom of abstention. So many bright brains and minds who leave their foreign lands of sojourn or who resign from their engagements to participate in the politics of their localities would be lucky if they return alive to their domiciles, or if they return with their minds and sanity intact after the election.
Despite the murky waters of Nigerian politics, many have braved all its odds, participated in politics, and overcame all its divisiveness. In fact, by now, we know that the salvation of Nigeria lies in democratic politics, with its magic of elections. Gone are the days when we relied on khaki men as holding hope for us; when gunmen in military uniforms fired themselves into Government Houses pretending to be our Messiah.
Many scholars have held that not minding the huge hues and cries at what goes on at the federal level, we should concentrate our energy on the states. The states are the head from where Nigeria gets rotten. There are a lot of changes that can come our way from a development-oriented locality administration. While the 1999 Constitution is accused of concentrating powers disfavourably to the federal government, it in the same vein recognizes and carves out enormous powers for the states and local governments. One of such bequeathals is the sole power of the states in land administration. It is why, if you want to feel the barometer of Nigeria’s development in the next four years, check the trickling votes and where the pendulum of yesterday’s election is tilting.
Who did we vote in to administer Nigeria in the states and what is the texture of the emerging Honourable members-elect? You do not need an Ouija board to predict what will happen in the states. If the results are pointing at the retention of the status quo, with known reactionaries at the helm of affairs of the states and rubber-stamp zombies as House of Assembly members-elect, then you can predictably tell where we are headed. In some other states however where retention of the status quo is imminent, because of the persons’ performances in the first half, some glimmer of hope may be seen on the horizon.
I however have words of admonition for, especially greenhorns who are coasting home to victory in yesterday’s election. First is that four years may look like an eternity but it flies faster than the whoosh of the wind. What this should tell you is that you must, as Wole Soyinka counsels, set forth at dawn. If the aphorism is that time waits for no man, in political office, your Number One enemy is time as it conspires against you. In being aware of how precious time is, you must combat the evil called procrastination. I remember that kindergarten rhyme, tick says the clock, tick, tick, what you have to do, do quick. Your time does not start from when you are sworn in, it begins now. Before you know it, your time is up.
Second is, Your Excellency and Honourable-to-be, are you aware of three men named Obafemi Awolowo, Ahmadu Bello, and Nnamdi Azikiwe? Have you asked yourselves why these men have refused to die, despite their deaths? They spent slightly more years than you have to spend in office but their immortality was procured on account of their leadership labor for their people. You can get the same immortality if you commit yourself to the people.
Third, never help fellow politicians reify that nonsensical Nigerian political shibboleth that there is no morality in politics. Every day you spend in the office, spend it as if it is your last and when you sleep at night, ask yourself how many people’s lives you have changed for that day. It quickens the pace of your immortality.
Fourth, the people may look very unappreciative and insatiable but, you must work for their tomorrow. Make John Stuart Mills and the utilitarian school your biggest companion. For anyone in power, this school advocates that an action or policy is right if it results in the happiness of the greatest number of people in society. The greatest good of the greatest number should be the benchmark of every policy of your government. How many people can be rescued from the poverty headcount by this policy just taken? That should be your daily refrain if you want to attain immortality in the minds of the people, Your Excellency.
Finally, Your Excellency, don’t allow the glitter of office and how people will make a deity of you to make you assume that you are superhuman. You are as expendable, perishable, and finite as the man next door. Your excrement smells like every other person’s. God forbid, if you drop dead today, as every other man, a horrible smell emits from your body, and the maggots that will take over will be like those of the vagabond on the street. This realization should bring a feeling of sobriety and a desire to serve your fellow man in you. I wish you good luck.
Dr. Festus Adedayo, a lawyer, journalist, and columnist, writes from Ibadan, Oyo state
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Opinion
Re: Adekambi vs Alli: Dr. Olanrewaju’s Descent To Soliloquizing | Sola Abegunde
Published
6 days agoon
October 1, 2026By
Mega Icon
I have read Dr. Sulaimon Olanrewaju’s piece titled ” Adekambi vs Alli: Between Substance And Sensationalism” and it offers me a lot of entertainment.
Dr. Sulaimon Olanrewaju is a seasoned Journalist no doubt. Very brilliant mind, but, he needs a lecture on politics and governance.
No matter how educated or professional you could be, if you lack basic knowledge about raw politics and governance at different tiers of Government, you are bound to struggle like a fish out of the water each time you attempt to defend certain positions.
Very obviously, Dr. Olanrewaju doesn’t know how a Local Government should operate on a normal situation, even, before the Judgment of the Supreme Court obtained by president Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
I will refer Dr. Olanrewaju to a document titled ” Financial Memorandum for Local Governments”.
That document speaks to how funds belonging to the Local Governments could be legally spent.
It will also provide accurate information about the roles and powers of the Local Government Chairmen, Head of Local Government Administration, the Finance and General Purposes Committee, F&GPC, how approvals for funds, projects and how contracts are signed at the Local Government level.
Had it been that Dr. Olanrewaju had proper information, I am sure that he wouldn’t have advertised his ignorance the way he did, in the argument about Financial autonomy for Local Governments which Senator Sarafadeen Abiodun Alli is promising.
He would also have known that his Principal, Governor Seyi Makinde had been engaged in criminal activities in the manner he had been withdrawing and spending resources belonging to the 33 Local Governments illegally since 2019.
Perhaps I need to repeat this for emphasis sake. There is no Law that empowers a state Governor to withdraw money belonging to the Local Governments for the execution of projects on behalf of the Local Governments.
The fact that the monthly allocations for the 33 Local Governments would have to drop on a joint account does not confer any authority on a state Governor to illegally withdraw and spend same.
It is the responsibility of the F&GPC for each of the Local Governments to identify projects it wants to execute, approve funds for same and if the funds are beyond the approving limits of the F&GPC, it will seek approval from the Governor through the office of the Commissioner for Local Governments.
If the project would be executed as a contract, it is the sole responsibility of the HLGA to sign the contract agreement.
That is what Senator Sarafadeen Abiodun Alli is saying. That he would not make illegal withdrawals from the Local Governments funds. That he will allow the F&GPC for the 33 Local Governments to function without hinderance. That he will allow the Career officers to do their duties assigned to them by Law.
If Governor Seyi Makinde doesn’t believe in the existence of the Local Governments and he is not hiding this fact and Sarafa Alli is saying, I believe in a functional and free Local Government, where is the sensationalism in that?
Truth hurts. Dr. Olanrewaju can not, through his essay, which I consider an afterthought, rewrite the fact that, his Principal publicly declared that he doesn’t believe in the existence of the Local Governments, not to talk of allowing them to function freely.
I am surprised that Dr. Olanrewaju is of the opinion that Senator Sarafadeen Abiodun Alli is not saying what he would do differently.
I know that the Special Adviser on Media to Governor Seyi Makinde is not deaf. Neither is he blind or dumb. He is only being hypocritical.
How else does the Allied People’s Movement, APM and its Gubernatorial candidate want the All Progressives Congress, APC Gubernatorial candidate to say what he is going to do differently?
On this issue of Financial autonomy for Local Governments, Sarafadeen Alli is saying, contrary to the illegalities of the past seven years plus, he will not concern himself with the responsibilities that are ordinarily that of the Local Governments.
On Education, he has declared that he will ensure that we go back to the 30 Pupils per classroom policy of the former Governor, Senator Rasidi Adewolu Ladoja, now, H. I . M, Oba Senator Rasidi Adewolu Ladoja.
He said he will revive the Broadcasting Corporations of Oyo state, BCOS which is gasping for breath under Governor Seyi Makinde.
He was emphatic about the fact that he would set up a Committee to review the crisis created at the Circular Road by Governor Seyi Makinde within 72 hours when he is elected as the Governor of Oyo state.
He said he would review the sales and handing over of our Farm Settlements to Estate Developers amongst other promises.
On these issues, what are the clear positions taken by Adekambi?
If Dr. Olanrewaju wants us to believe his cock and bull stories about the performance of the 33 Local Governments under Seyi Makinde, I challenge him to ask his Principal to publish the statement of income and expenditures for the 33 Local Governments in the past seven years plus.
He should give us a breakdown of the total figure of the monthly allocations received on behalf of the 33 Local Governments, the breakdown of salaries and allowances paid, the number of projects executed, identities of the contractors who handled projects, the contract agreements, total figure of the Internally Generated Revenues, IGR received by the Local Governments and the VAT.
In the absence of these vital information, which I am certain they will never dare to make public, I want to humbly suggest that Dr. Olanrewaju should go and update his knowledge about how certain things are done.
Opinion
Ladoja @82: When the ladder becomes too tall and Makinde’s sin of ingratitude | By Ayinla Joseph
Published
1 week agoon
September 28, 2026The Yoruba say, when a man forgets the ladder that took him to the top of the iroko tree, the fall that awaits him will be narrated as a proverb.
On Thursday, Ibadan stood still for its king. Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja clocked 82. Not 82 years of mere age, but 82 years of bruises, battles, betrayals and benediction. A former Senator. A former Governor. An elder statesman who, like Oduduwa, returned as king. The following day, Friday, Oba Ladoja also clocked one year on the throne of his forefathers.
Ibadan celebrated him. Nigeria celebrated him. The Presidency sent greetings. Former governors knelt. Serving governors bowed. The Alaafin of Oyo paid tribute. The Soun of Ogbomoso poured libation of words. Even the Aseyin, far in Iseyin, bought a full page in a national daily to say: our father lives.
But in Agodi Government House, there was silence. Cold, deliberate, imperial silence.
Governor Seyi Makinde did not felicitate his king. No advert. No statement. No courtesy of any sort extended. Nothing. His protégé, Bimbo Adekanmbi, toed the same line of contempt. For 48 hours, Ibadan people waited for a word that never came, until shame forced a whisper.
We must ask: what manner of politics is this?
In 2019, it was this same Ladoja who held Makinde’s hand when Makinde had no hand to hold. It was Ladoja who coordinated the coalition, who gathered the angry, the broken and the hopeful, and stitched them into a garment called victory for a man who had never won anything before. Without Ladoja, there would have been no Omituntun in 2019. And the man knows it.
Philosophers call it the Paradox of Power. Machiavelli warned about it in “The Prince”: that power acquired through the mercy of others must be sustained by gratitude, otherwise it consumes itself. Plato called such rulers philosopher-kings who failed philosophy. Men who know how to win power but not how to carry it.
History is littered with them.
Emperor Nero of Rome who burnt the city that made him emperor. King Rehoboam in the Bible who told the elders who made him king: “My little finger shall be thicker than my father’s waist.” Emperor Commodus who thought Rome was his father’s farm and turned the palace into a circus until the circus swallowed him.
Seyi Makinde governs like them — as an emperor, not as an Omoluabi. A man who believes loyalty must flow upwards to him, but must never flow downwards from him. He rides on the shoulders of giants and then complains that the giants are too tall.
Today it is Ladoja he snubs. Yesterday it was the Alaafin. The day before, the Soun. Tomorrow, which Oba will taste his disdain? He has transferred his personal hatred for the Olubadan stool into a war against all royal stools in Oyo State. That is not politics. That is poison.
And what shall we say of Bimbo Adekanmbi, his political son, who has learnt this ignoble art of ingratitude so perfectly? The Yoruba say, “the child who says his mother will not sleep, he too will not sleep.” To watch a man seeking to be governor practise contempt for the throne he seeks to govern is a disaster foretold.
Oyo people know Omituntun 2.0 for what it is — a poisonous pill coated with sweet advertisement. If 2.0 can openly humiliate an 82-year-old first-class monarch who made him, what will Omituntun 3.0, headed by his anointed, do? It will be the unkindest cut of all. It will be the complete desecration of the Omoluabi ethos that Ibadan and Oyo hold sacred.
Seyi Makinde will be remembered. Not for the roads that crack before commissioning. Not for the parks that lead to nowhere. He will be remembered as the governor who rode on the backs of eminent men and made every one of them regret that they ever lent him their shoulders.
Ladoja at 82 needs no advert from Agodi to be great. The king’s greatness is not conferred by the governor. But the governor’s smallness is exposed by how he treats his king.
Oyo people, shine your eyes. This affliction must not rise a second time.
Opinion
Makinde Deserves No Sympathy: He Brought His Present Predicament Upon Himself
Published
2 weeks agoon
September 23, 2026In response to my brother, Shuaib Idris, who wrote the piece titled “Seyi Makinde Deserves Our Sympathy,” I submit that Seyi Makinde does not deserve our sympathy. How do you sympathise with somebody who brought political calamity upon himself?
There is a point in every political journey when a leader must pause, look around and ask himself a difficult question: How did I get here? For Governor Seyi Makinde, that moment has long arrived.
Much has been written and said about the governor’s increasingly combative public interventions, his exchanges with political opponents and his determination to market the candidacy of his preferred successor. Some have interpreted these developments as signs of pressure surrounding him. But sympathy, in this circumstance, may be misplaced.
If Governor Makinde is under pressure today, much of that pressure is self-inflicted. If his administration is now being subjected to increasingly intense scrutiny, he cannot reasonably blame those asking the questions. And if political opponents have become emboldened enough to challenge his record openly, he should perhaps examine the decisions and conduct that have created the circumstances in which those challenges are now flourishing.
The governor’s recent political conduct provides ample illustration.
At the 70th birthday celebration of Bishop Francis Wale Oke, the governor reportedly used his appearance to introduce Bimbo Adekanmbi, the APM governorship candidate whom he supports. Adekanmbi’s emergence as the APM candidate is not in dispute; the party adopted him as its consensus candidate in May.
Two things continue to haunt him: his subpar performance in office and what critics describe as his imposition of Adekanmbi and Open Salawu, new entrants into his team, on his “first eleven.”
The question, therefore, is not whether Governor Makinde has the right to support a candidate. He does. The question is why a governor who repeatedly speaks of his administration’s achievements appears increasingly eager to make the 2027 succession contest a personal project.
A governor nearing the end of his tenure should ordinarily be concerned about preserving the dignity of the office, defending his record with facts and allowing his preferred candidate to present his own credentials. Indeed, Adekanmbi himself has publicly said he would not be a political stooge and that he would take responsibility for his own decisions if elected. That is political rhetoric. However, everything about Adekanmbi, according to his critics, points to the possibility of his being a stooge waiting to be planted to do Makinde’s bidding after the latter leaves office in 2027.
Yet Governor Makinde has increasingly inserted himself into the political conversation surrounding his successor. That creates an unavoidable question: if Adekanmbi is sufficiently qualified and politically prepared to succeed him, why does the governor so frequently feel compelled to fight the successor’s battles himself?
This is where the argument about pressure becomes particularly relevant. Political pressure does not simply descend from heaven. It can be generated by the choices of the politician himself.
Consider the recent exchange with Senator Sharafadeen Alli over the legal profession. Governor Makinde reportedly questioned Alli’s experience as a lawyer, arguing that he had never entered a courtroom. Alli’s campaign organisation subsequently responded by detailing his legal background and professional experience.
There is nothing wrong with political candidates examining one another’s records. That is part of democratic competition. But reducing a lawyer’s professional identity to courtroom appearances is a curious line of attack, particularly when the political argument ought ultimately to be about competence, experience, policy and public record.
A lawyer can practise in several areas of the profession without making litigation the centre of his career. Administrative work, corporate practice, legal consultancy, governance and institutional management are among the possible avenues available to members of the profession.
The larger point, however, is this: when an incumbent administration turns the professional credentials of an opponent into a central campaign issue, it invites its own record to be placed under the microscope. So, why does he need to be sympathised with over what he brought upon himself?
The response from Alli’s camp has shifted attention towards questions about Makinde’s own record as an engineer and governor, particularly the controversy surrounding diesel-powered streetlights and the renovation of the Lekan Salami Stadium. Those are now matters of public political debate, with competing claims about expenditure and performance. How do you sympathise with someone who threw a stone and received a Scud missile?
This is the unavoidable consequence of political combat: once you open the door to scrutiny of another man’s credentials, you should expect yours to be examined with equal intensity. Governor Makinde cannot reasonably demand immunity from the same standard he applies to others.
The same principle applies to his much-advertised “first eleven.” If the governor describes his administration as being driven by a carefully assembled team of exceptional people, the public is entitled to ask what became of that team when the question of succession arose. Why was the search for a successor extended beyond this celebrated first eleven?
A football coach who constantly boasts about his first eleven naturally invites the question of who among that eleven can step forward when the captain leaves the field. If none is selected, his team’s fans will ask why. That is not persecution. It is accountability.
There is another issue the governor should confront: political loyalty. Governor Makinde did not arrive at the Government House in 2019 in isolation. His political journey involved alliances with people and groups who contributed to the coalition that eventually produced his victory. The political history of that period is well known and should not be rewritten simply because former allies and associates are now on different sides of the political divide.
The problem with “use and discard” politics is that yesterday’s ally eventually becomes tomorrow’s witness. People who helped build a political structure do not disappear simply because their usefulness has expired. And when they begin speaking, the politician who once relied on them may find himself answering questions he never anticipated.
That appears to be part of the political atmosphere surrounding Governor Makinde today. His confrontation with traditional institutions is another matter that requires careful reflection. Whatever one’s political affiliation, Yoruba traditional institutions occupy a distinctive place in the cultural architecture of Oyo State. Political disagreement with individual traditional rulers is legitimate; treating the institution itself with disdain is entirely wrong, and it raises questions about Makinde’s Omoluabi values.
A governor may disagree with a monarch’s political preference. He may even believe traditional rulers should remain politically neutral. But the language employed in expressing that disagreement matters.
The office of governor carries enormous constitutional authority, but it also carries a moral obligation to exercise restraint. A governor should not need to be reminded that words spoken from Government House do not remain personal words. They acquire the weight of the office. That is why some of Governor Makinde’s recent public exchanges have generated such controversy.
The irony is that political power is temporary, while institutions and relationships often outlive individual office holders. The governor should know this better than most.
He is approaching the end of his constitutionally permitted tenure in Oyo State. The political question before him is therefore not how to remain governor indefinitely, but what legacy he will leave behind. Will he be remembered primarily for the projects executed under his administration? For the policies introduced? For the institutions strengthened? Or increasingly for the political battles fought during the final phase of his tenure? The last question is what will occupy people’s minds most after Makinde has left office.
The most consequential political mistake an incumbent can make is to interpret every criticism as persecution and every opponent as an enemy. Criticism is not necessarily hatred. Opposition is not necessarily sabotage. Questions about public expenditure are not necessarily attacks on a person. And scrutiny of an administration is not evidence of an organised conspiracy.
A mature government answers questions. A confident administration publishes records. A secure political movement allows its candidate to speak. And a governor who believes his record speaks for itself should have little reason to spend every available political moment speaking for his preferred successor.
That is why sympathy for Governor Makinde is evidently misplaced. The political pressure surrounding him today is not simply something that happened to him. It is also the product of political decisions, alliances, rhetoric and strategies that he and his political associates have consciously pursued.
He chose his successor. He chose his political platform. He chose to engage his opponents. He chose to make their records a subject of public debate. He chose to defend his administration through increasingly political exchanges. Those choices have consequences.
The electorate is now watching. And when the people begin to ask questions, the appropriate response from a governor is not to complain about pressure. It is to provide answers. Oyo people do not owe any politician sympathy for the consequences of his political choices. They owe themselves something far more important: a careful examination of every candidate, every record, every promise and every claim before making their decision in 2027.
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