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Kyari and his hushpuppy

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The mountain top is a great place to be, but it is very slippery. History is full of cases of very promising heads lost to the sharp edges of indiscretion, of meeting or making bad friends, and of taking wrong bends. The most ‘popular’ names in Nigeria in the last few days are Abba Kyari and Hushpuppi – an alias adopted by a super rich dude who had no shop. Kyari is a policeman, the other man a conman. Social media posts by the two names used to break the Internet. Now, it is posts about their fall that trend.

Why Hushpuppi chose that moniker, we do not know yet. But we know that hushpuppies are balls of delicacy – crisp outside, soft inside. As a phrase, hush puppy has a history. Robert Moss, writing on Food History, explored this. He referenced a 1939 article in the Capital Times of Madison, Wisconsin: A Florida cook was tired of hearing dogs around him bark and whine when they smelled frying fish. Then, “in desperation to hush the puppies,” the writer claims, “she stirred up a batch of corn cakes to feed the hounds.” The dogs rushed the cakes and stopped baying. Sampling the food, the cook herself found the ‘hush cakes’ great and delicious and that was how a novel food was born.

The phrase soon moved from the surface waters of culinary to the depths of crime and politics. Two centuries ago, hushpuppy became a term for silencing someone or for covering something up.

That is the name chosen by a guy, Abass Ramon who was to become a close pal and nemesis of Nigeria’s super cop, Abba Alhaji Kyari. A super cop is defined as a highly skilled and dedicated member of the police. His job is to sniff crimes and arrest criminals before they strike. So, when a human turns up by the bedside of a super detective, and says he is Hushpuppy (or Hushpuppi), the red flag of the policeman is supposed to be up and flying. But this was not the case with Kyari. The cop curled the con. With charm and cash, Ramon Hushpuppi took Kyari to bed and the romance was sizzling enough to sink Romeo and Juliet’s love. The baby of the union is the tide threatening to wash the police officer away now. Kyari is accused by the United States of colluding with and receiving bribe from Ramon, the international fraudster, to arrest an errant member of his gang.

Already, the cop is suspended from work. Two statements were out yesterday (Sunday) against him. The first was from the Police spokesman, Frank Mba, titled, ‘FBI indictment: IGP recommends suspension of DCP Abba Kyari.’ It said the Inspector-General of Police, Usman Baba, had recommended to the Police Service Commission the “immediate suspension” of the Head of the Police Intelligence Response Team, DCP Abba Kyari, from the Nigeria Police Force. The second statement was from the commission. It suspended the officer.

There is an old joke in the Nigerian Army: Fear God, fear Major. For the ordinary person on the street, the fear of policemen is a million times more recommended than the dread of peddlers of common crimes. And it is not strictly a Nigerian thing. Cops caught with common crimes and criminals are constant updates in police history – even in the developed world. Stephen Caracappa and Louis Eppolito were crack detectives with the New York City Police Department (NYPD). They were later found to have sold their badge for cash and committed grave crimes of various types. The Mafia Cops, prosecutors said at their trial, “earned $4,000 a month on the payroll of Luchese underboss Anthony (Gaspipe) Casso from 1986 to 1990 to orchestrate murders and pass along confidential police information.” Their careers came to a sad end in 2006 when they were found guilty of “extortion, narcotics, illegal gambling, obstruction of justice, eight counts of murder and conspiracy to commit murder.” The cops-turned-contract-killers got life sentences in 2009.

And what was their response to the sentence? Caracappa as reported by Daily News of March 6, 2009, said “I am innocent of all these charges. And you’ll never take away my will to prove how innocent I am.” His partner, Eppolito, while also denying the charges said defiantly: “The federal government can take my life. I’m a man. They can’t take my soul. They can’t take my pride. They can’t take my dignity. I was a hardworking cop. I never hurt anybody. I never kidnapped anybody. … I never did any of this.”

Kyari wrote a denial too. But after the initial attempts at dismissing the charge from America, he has kept quiet. He probably realised the reverse wisdom in digging while stuck in a ditch. All eyes are now on his employers and the results of their probe. Only very great optimists would say it is not over for the showy cop. But even he must be seeing a sad end to a whirlwind career. It was his choice.

There are lessons in this fall: I do not think Kyari started his career as a bad cop. Where I come from, there is a term called Ibaje (‘decay’ is its closest translation). Ibaje does not look for what is rotten to destroy. It seeks out the good to make bad. Have you ever asked yourself what makes fruits rot? The unseen beings, the bacteria or archaea or whatever that destroy fruits do so because they are also in search of nutrients for growth and survival. It was survival that led Hushpuppi to Kyari. Character is like fruits – or grains; it needs good storage to remain good and maintain the purity of its properties.

That is why the warning has always been out: It is not every outstretched hand that you shake. It is not every visitor that you embrace. Very great careers have been ruined and destinies altered because of wrong persons met and diseased hands shaken.

Illiya Bisalla was a Major General in the Nigerian Army. During the civil war, then Col. Bisalla was a General Officer Commanding (GOC). Some accounts say he did his difficult job with uncommon civility and never condoned abuse of the civilian population. He was quite popular – so much that after the war, a major street was named after him in Enugu. Five years after the war, the Murtala coup that sacked his kinsman, Yakubu Gowon happened to Nigeria and Bisalla became defence minister.

Seven months after he became minister, Bisalla was dead, executed on March 12, 1976 because of the Dimka coup that killed Murtala Mohammed a month earlier. Bisalla’s last words were: “I was to be set free yesterday, but for this boy Dimka who implicated me. God knows I didn’t know anything about it. Allah Sariki.”

But is it true that he didn’t really know anything about it? Or rather, how did he get implicated in the plot? The military government’s official explanation for his guilt was that the ousted and bitter General Gowon had, 54 days before the abortive coup, received Colonel B.S. Dimka in London while the colonel was in Madrid, Spain on an official business. General Gowon was accused of asking Colonel Dimka to meet General Bisalla in Nigeria and discuss the plot. Dimka said truly he met Bisalla. Bisalla denied meeting Dimka. General Gowon denied any knowledge of the abortive coup. He, however, admitted that he received Dimka and those he described as “a mixed group” of Nigerians in his London home in the night of December 21, 1975. He said he was “experienced enough militarily and in the art of government not to engage in serious discussion of planning a coup with a mixed group.” The state was not impressed.

The former Head of State lost his rank as a four-star General and was declared wanted by Nigeria which also demanded his extradition from London. He was a fugitive for the next six years. And what about the celebrated war hero, Bisalla? He was executed by firing squad on March 12, 1976 after a guilty verdict. And what is more, at that point, no one remembered any good he had done in the past. The New York Times, while reporting his execution, said that “security men had some difficulty in keeping the thousands of spectators under control.”

The secretary of the tribunal that tried Bisalla was Col. Mamman Vatsa. He rose to become a celebrated General of the Nigerian Army. A poet with 19 published poetry collections, Vatsa wrote for adults and for children. One of his poems that was to play an ironic prank on him has the title ‘Judgement Day.’ A commentator described him as “a facilitator and patron of the arts in Nigeria.”

He was quite popular because he was unusual as a General in love with the arts. He was very rich too – and that turned out his nemesis. An army officer, Lt. Col Musa Bitiyong, visited him and, after some discussions, he gave the officer N10,000 – that was a lot of money which only the super rich could give out that time. Bitiyong was later found to be coordinating a coup against the sitting government. On December 17, 1985, Vatsa was arrested at his Ikoyi home. His offence: He funded a coup plot. The N10,000 from Vatsa to Bitiyong came into focus as proof of coup financing. Vatsa said it was a loan for farming. No one listened to him. He got a guilty-as-charged verdict and was executed on March 5, 1986.

The wise gets humbled by how high life takes him; the foolish takes the opposite lane. Marie Antoinette was very popular when she arrived in France as the prince’s bride. She became queen, and made new friends and developed new tastes. History says her life of “complete splendour at the palace of Versailles” alienated her from the people and she became a sinner. She displayed the opulence of her endowments the way Kyari flaunted his exploits on Instagram and Facebook. When eventually Antoinette fell and was being led to her death on October 16, 1793, the love of her beginning was no longer there. “She was jeered on her hour-long journey to the guillotine.”

The world currently has a population of 7.7 billion and that precisely is the number of sinners that live on earth. So, I do not celebrate the fall of anyone. The fall of every leave degrades the forest and its foliage. I pray daily that we all end well. But there is a price to pay for the company we keep – and for every step we take. May our head lead us to what is good; may our legs carry us to do that which is right.

 

 

Dr. Olagunju, a political communicator, author, and Journalist writes from Ibadan

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NASS Pensioners: How Akpabio, Abbas Should Not Treat The Elderly

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On Monday and Tuesday last week, workers and political operatives within the precincts of the new Senate building in the National Assembly complex, Abuja, were treated to a replica of the Theatre of the Absurd. This type of drama originated in Europe and later spread to America in the 1950s. It was influenced by existential philosophy and Albert Camus’s essay The Myth of Sisyphus.

In that work, Camus captured the fundamental human needs and compared the absurdity of man’s life with the situation a figure of Greek mythology, Sisyphus found himself, where he was condemned to repeat forever the task of pushing a boulder up a mountain, and repeatedly sees the same roll down the hill as he approaches the top.

He, thereafter, juxtaposed life’s absurdities with what he called the “unreasonable silence” of the universe to human needs and concluded that rather than adopt suicide, in frustration, “revolt” was required.

82-year-old Dr. Muhammed Adamu Fika, former Clerk to the National Assembly and former Chairman, of the National Assembly Service Commission (NASC), who calls himself the “smaller Adamu Fika,” must have come across the Camus essay in deciding to lead an emergency meeting of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries of the National Assembly on November 18. The emergency meeting, which was jointly held with members of the Association of Retired Staff of the National Assembly was meant to salvage the pathetic plights of the National Assembly retirees.

Eighty-two-year-old Fika can hardly gather the pace to navigate round the corners of the National Assembly, but he insisted on making the trip to enable him to preside over the meeting as the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries. As his retiree colleagues, many of whom are far younger, saw him struggling to walk the required distance from the Bola Ahmed Tinubu Library, originally fixed as venue to the new Senate building, they had to provide some shoulders to lean on. At one stage, an office chair was converted to a wheelchair to ensure the elderly Fika got to certain locations. It was a sad tale, especially if you look at the essence of Fika’s trip to the National Assembly. He was there to preside over a meeting to press home the need for the payment of the entitlements of National Assembly retirees. An alarm had earlier been sounded on the different Whatsapp platforms of the retired workers of the National Assembly to the effect their members were dying in numbers. It was revealed that no fewer than 20 retired workers had died awaiting the payment of their entitlements in the recent past. Another set of retirees numbering 12 were said to have been bedridden in different hospitals across the land. That alarm was more than enough to prompt Fika and his retiree colleagues to an emergency meeting. But the sight of an elderly man, fighting a just cause on an improvised wheelchair was more than absurd.

Payment of the entitlements got stalled after former President Muhammadu Buhari assented to the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023, which mandated the National Pensions Commission (PENCOM) to hand over assets of the staff of the National Assembly in its custody after the passage of the National Assembly pension law.

In the beginning, there were no signs that things would go south on the implementation of the Act. Three months after the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act came into effect, PENCOM had written the management to convey its decision to hand off the pension assets of the staff of the National Assembly, while requesting the National Assembly management to provide it with account details to remit the accrued funds. The 10th Senate and the House of Representatives also provided hope for the retirees by providing a take-off grant to the tune of N2.5 billion in the 2024 budget. However, the NASS management could not comply with the request from PENCOM because the Pensions Board had not been inaugurated. Months after months, the retirees waited. Those who were already enjoying their benefits when PENCOM was administering had the payments terminated, while the waiting game ensued.

In trying to fast-track the implementation of the Act, Fika, as the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries had forwarded a letter to the President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, intimating them of the council’s recommendations for positions in the National Assembly Service Pensions Board.

Fika said in the letter, dated February 27, 2024, that “Considering the pathetic health conditions of our retired colleagues, Your Excellency will agree with me that the establishment of the National Assembly Pensions Board is overdue five (5) months after Mr. President’s assent.” He said that his letter was premised on the provisions of Sections 2 and 17(3) of the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023, which indicate that the presiding officers of the National Assembly shall make the appointments subject to recommendations of the Council of Clerks and Secretaries. But some persons are insinuating that the undue delay might have been instigated by two strange bedfellows-politics and money. Where the two are involved, simply things hardly follow a straight course. However, nothing justifies the nearly 20-month delay in inaugurating the Pensions Board.

At the end of the emergency meeting on Monday, further meetings were said to have been scheduled at the instance of the Senate President, Akpabio, his deputy, Jibril Barau and others but there were no conclusive steps, yet.

A communique released after the meeting indicated that the retirees observed that the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023 went through full legislative process in the 9th National Assembly and was assented to by President Muhammad Buhari. It further noted that the delay in implementing the Act has caused undue and untold hardship to the retirees who are unable to access their retirement benefits, adding that while a number of the retired Staff have died, many others are bedridden due to sufferings occasioned by the non-payment of their entitlements.

According to the communique, the meeting decried the pains the retired staff have been subjected to and recalled that appropriate recommendations as per the composition of the Pensions Board have been made to the Presiding Officers of the National Assembly, in line with the enabling Act.

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The Fuji Music House Of Commotion

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Like every lover of Yoruba traditional music, language and culture, I have of recent been inundated with requests to lend a voice to the newest raging fire in the Fuji music genre. Since the passage of Alhaji Sikiru Ayinde Balogun, popularly known as Ayinde Barrister or Agbajelola Barusati, there have been longstanding tiffs on whom of the trio of Ayinde Omogbolahan Anifowose, KWAM 1; self-named King Saheed Osupa (K.S.O.) and Wasiu Alabi Pasuma, was the “King.”

These musicians’ recent quest for supremacy is not new. From time immemorial, supremacy battles have been part and parcel of Yoruba music. Apparently now tempered by modernity, in the olden days, the battles were fought with traditional spells, incantations and talisman aimed at deconstructing and liquidating their rivals. Mostly fought on genre basis, I submit that pre and post-independence entertainment scene would have been livelier, far more robust than it was but for the acrimonious liquidating fights of those eras.

In the Sakara music, Abibu Oluwa, a revered early precursor of this Yoruba musical genre, who reigned in the late 1920s and 1930s, had Salami Alabi Balogun, popularly known as Lefty Salami, Baba Mukaila and Yusuff Olatunji as members of his band. Oluwa praise-sang many Lagos elites of his time, especially Herbert Macaulay to whom he sang his praise in the famous track named “Macaulay Macaulay.” In it, he sang the foremost Nigerian nationalist’s alias of Ejonigboro – Snake on the Street and prayed that he would not come to shame.

Sakara also produced the likes of S. Aka Baba Wahidi, Kelani Yesufu (alias Kelly). It was sung with traditional Yoruba instruments like the solemn-sounding goje violin whose history is traced to the north, and the roundish Sakara drum, beaten with stick and whose appearance is like that of a tambourine. Sakara music is often called the Yoruba variant of western blues music because of its brooding rhythm though laced with a high dosage of philosophy.

When Oluwa died in 1964, he literally handed over to Lefty who, born on October 1913, died December 29, 1981. Lefty, a talking drummer under Oluwa, churned out over 35 records before his demise, one of which was a tribute to Lagos monarch, Oba Adele (Adele l’awa nfe – Oba Adele is the king we want) and another to the Elegushi family. I dwelt considerably on Sakara because it is believed to have had considerable influence on other genres of traditional African Yoruba music, especially Apala and Fuji, with the former sometimes indistinguishable from Sakara.

Apala music, whose exponent is said to be Haruna Ishola, originated in the late 1930s Nigeria. Delivered with musical instruments like a rattle (Sekere) thumb piano, (agidigbo) drums called Iya Ilu and Omele, a bell (agogo) and two or three talking drums, Apala and Sakara are the most complex of these genres of traditional Yoruba music, due to their infusion of philosophy, incantations and dense Yoruba language into their mix. Distinct, older and more difficult in mastery than Fuji music which is considered to be comparatively easy to sing, Ayinla Omowura, Ligali Mukaiba, Kasumu Adio, and many others were Apala leading lights of the time. The three genres have very dense Islamic background.

The latest entrant of all the three genres is Fuji. Pioneered by Ayinde Barrister no doubt, for an Apala musician biographer like me, I am confused that Omowura, as far back as early 1970s, asked listeners in need of good Fuji music to come learn from him – “Fuji t’o dara, e wa ko l’owo egbe wa…” Sorry, I digressed.

While KWAM 1 emerged with his Talazo music from the ashes of his being a music instrument arranger for Barrister’s musical organization in the early 1980s, the feud in the house after Barrister’s death erupted when narratives allegedly oozed unto the musical scene that KWAM 1 referred to himself as the creator of Fuji music. He however promptly denied the claim. For decades, Osupa and Pasuma were locked in horns over supremacy of the Fuji music genre. In August 2023, the two however seemed to have decided to thaw their feud as they shared stage with Wasiu Ayinde, at Ahmad Alawiye Folawiyo, an Islamic singer’s 50th birthday celebration in Lagos. KWAM 1 glibly acted as their senior colleague at the event.

As an indication that they are no bastards of the teething and recurrent supremacy battles that emblemize traditional Yoruba music, the three Fuji music icons seem to have gone into the trenches again. It first started with Taiye Currency, an Ibadan-based alter-ego of Pasuma picking a fight with the musician who self-styled himself Son of Anobi Muhammed’s Wife. In a viral video, Currency had disclaimed reference to Pasuma as his “father” in the music industry. In another video not long after, KWAM 1, like some kind of father figure, was shown asking Currency to apologize to Pasuma.

A few days ago, a video of Osupa went viral. Therein, he was chastising a particular hypocrite he called “Onirikimo” and “alabosi”, who is “stingy and is ready to shamelessly collect money from those under him.” Osupa also claimed that this “shameless elder” had strung a ring of corn round his waist and should be ready to be made fun of by hens. Watchers of the endless tiffs among these Fuji icons swear that KWAM 1 was the unnamed Fuji musician Osupa was casting aspersion on.

The trio of Sakara, Apala and Fuji music also witnessed such petty squabbles. While many claim that the fights were promotional gambits aimed at having their fans salivate for their hate-laced musical attacks against one another, some others claim that the rivalries were genuine. In the Apala music scene, Haruna Ishola and Kasumu Adio fought each other to the nadir, with Adio, who sang almost in the same voice and cadence as Ishola, suddenly vamoosing from the musical scene. Rumours and speculations had it then that a mysterious goat bit Adio and rendered him useless. While Ayinla Omowura also fought Fatai Olowonyo, Fatai Ayilara, among others in the Apala genre, the duo of Yusuff Olatunji and S. Aka also feuded till their last days. This is not to mention the interminable fight between Kollington Ayinla and Barrister.

If the tiff between the trio of KWAM 1, Osupa and Pasuma is about age and Yoruba traditional respect for elders, KWAM 1 would easily go away with the trophy of the best of the three. However, if philosophical depth, musical elan, research of lyrics and deployment of Yoruba language are at issue, none of the other two musicians can unbuckle Osupa’s sandals. Osupa began his musical career in 1983 as a teenager and has gone through the mills, his late father being a musician, too and Awurebe music lord, Dauda Epo Akara’s musical contemporary.

Unlike their predecessors, the three Fuji musicians are literate and should thus address their musical issues in more mature manner. Osupa even recently bagged a degree from the department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. One thing they should know is that, whether one is supreme to the other or not, their fans will readily queue behind the brand that delights them.

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Almajiri: Why Northern Leaders Must Look Themselves in the Mirror

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Two incidents happened during the 1994/95 NYSC service year, which I was part of in Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State, and they gave me profound culture shocks that I still remember till today. I would equally say that those incidents probably justified the Federal Government’s decision to float the scheme.

 

We were told that part of the reasons General Yakubu Gowon floated the NYSC was to ensure national integration, cohesion and exposure of young Nigerians to cultures of other parts of the country other than where they were born.

First was the shock of seeing a director that I was attached to in the then Government House, who had just taken a new wife, and sat among drivers, gate men and other junior staff to dine. I saw them seated round a huge iron pot of Koko, a local delicacy, exchanging one big spoon made of calabash, as each took turns to use the spoon to eat the delicacy. It was as if I was witnessing a scene where children of a big family were struggling to catch a portion of food or where people were eating Saara, as they say it in Yorubaland.

As I walked past the noisy crowd, I was transfixed seeing the newly-wedded director among the lot. He saw me standing still, as I couldn’t comprehend what he was doing there, and he got the message. ‘Taiyo, (as he used to call me) you won’t understand,’ he said as he waved to me to keep going. When we later saw, he explained that what he just did was a way of assuring the commoners that ‘we are all one,’ as they felicitated him on the new bride. But I could not fathom how the occupant of a ‘huge office’ as that of a director in a Government House , would sit among “commoners” on a tattered mat to share a single spoon and eat in public.
The other incident was quite pathetic. My friend, Tunde Omobuwa, was posted to a school in Yauri, in the southern part of the state, for his primary assignment. But he found the place boring on weekends. So, he arranged to always be with me on weekends.

One such weekend, we decided to take a stroll round the streets near the Government House. We took off from the place of my primary assignment, the Federal Information Centre; bought corn beside the office, and started ‘blowing’ the ‘mouth organ’ as we strolled. We were too engrossed in our gist and the sweetness of the corn to note that some young boys were trailing us, praying that some leftovers of the corn would drop for them to scavenge. Somehow, the two of us dropped the corn cob almost simultaneously. We were more than taken aback by a commotion that erupted at our back. Four eight or nine year-olds had descended on the supposed leftovers and broken the corn cobs into pieces. I was again transfixed as if one was hit by an electric shock. Remember that feeling when you play with electric fish?

I was moved to tears as I had never ever seen a group of children scavenging on nothing as it were. I beckoned to the kids and offered them N20, which was the highest denomination at the time, and with some smattering Hausa words told them to go buy their own corn from the same place we got ours. As they left, heading to the corn seller, I couldn’t erase that ugly sight from my mind. Was it really possible that some people scavenge on nothing this way? I was later to see incidents of children swarming around restaurants and pouncing on near empty plates.

These incidents told me clearly that the North was a different place and that the life of the boy child is not only risky and endangered but sold to stagnation and deprivation, unless you are one of the lucky few.

Having benefited from the free education policy of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) between 1979 and 1983, when the Second Republic was terminated, I knew that there is a lot the government can do in educating the children. In my secondary school days, I was the Library Prefect at one point, and so I saw an excess of books supplied by the government to our school. So, I was an example of the feasibility of free education. It was the same way the Action Group government had handled education in the years preceding Nigeria’s independence and the First Republic.

So why can’t the state governments in the North declare free and compulsory education for the young ones out there? Why should children be made to scavenge on empty corn cobs just to see if they can find pieces of seeds left over?

And why was my director giving drivers and gate men in the Government House false hope that they were all the same, instead of him to challenge them to seek to lift themselves up the social ladder?
I think there was no excuse for the North not to have adopted a free education policy, just as Chief Obafemi Awolowo did in the South-West. And if we say the North needs to look itself in the mirror, you again remember the efforts by President Goodluck Jonathan to educate the multitude of Northern children through the Almajiri Schools. That government built more than 400 of such schools, which were abandoned because it could upset the oligarchy. The oligarchs forgot the truism that the children of the poor they refuse to train today won’t let their children sleep peacefully.

But the governor of Borno State, Prof Babagana Zulum, appears to have got the message. Last week, I was thrilled to see him organise a summit to reform the Almajiri system.

The Almajiri education system is a traditional Islamic method of learning widely obtained across states in northern Nigeria. Through that system, which is tied to Islamic teaching, youths, especially boys are kept out of the formal western education system. I don’t know why the teachings by Islamic scholars cannot go alongside that of Western education as it obtains in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq and other Islamic countries that are doing well economically and in the world of science, technology.
While addressing the summit, Zulum had mentioned the need to address the root causes of insecurity through the provision of education for citizens of Borno, adding that improper teaching of Islamic studies has contributed to the emergence of Boko Haram insurgents in the state.

According to him, to curtail whatever is the adverse effect of Almajiri education; the Borno State Government has established the Arabic and Sangaya Education Board to introduce a unified curriculum for Sangaya and Islamic schools. He said that the reform would include establishing Higher Islamic Colleges to cater for Almajiri children and blending the religious teachings with the secular curricula as well as skills.
He said: “The Sangaya Reform is a great development. It will give Almajiri a better chance in life, particularly the introduction of integrating western education, vocational, numeracy, and literacy skills into the centres, which are also described as Almajiri and Islamic schools.

“Distinguished guests and esteemed educationists, government’s intention was to streamline the informal and formal education systems to quality integrated Sangaya School for admission into colleges and universities.”

One would have thought that governors with radical postures like Nasir el-Rufai and others before him would have proposed this type of reform, but it is better late than never. Zulum should be supported to get something out of this.

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