Connect with us

Opinion

IGBO PRESIDENCY: The mystery of a ‘forbidden’ aspiration

Published

on

The constitution of Nigeria stipulates the criteria for becoming the president of the country. It never forbids any region or tribe of the country from mounting the seat of power.

Going down memory lane, since the advent of the 4th Republic, different individuals from different ethnic climes have been elected presidents. Late Umar Yar’adua, Mohammadu Buhari of the Northwest region, Olusegun Obasanjo of the Southwest, and Goodluck Jonathan of the South-south have all been democratically elected to become Nigerian presidents.

The Ibos are aggrieved, claiming to be marginalised for having not produced a president to lead the country. Why the grievances? Has any aspirant ever been disqualified from contesting for the presidency for being Igbo? Have the Ibos themselves spoken with one voice? Have they ever been serious with such aspiration? How have the Southeasterners fared with other tribes or regions? Is such grievance genuine?

The constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is in tandem with the Federal Character as a way of promoting equity, justice, and fair play, and giving every constituent of the Nigerian society a sense of belonging.

The 1979 Constitution states “the composition of the government of the federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from few states or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that government or any of its agencies” (Section 14 (3) of the 1999 Constitution). Under this, the appointment of Ministers shall reflect the Federal Character of Nigeria…the President shall appoint at least one Minister from each state who shall be an indigene of such state. (section 147 (3) 1999 Constitution). Appointment to the offices of the Secretary to the Government, Head of Service, Ambassadors, and Permanent Secretaries shall have regard to the federal character (section 171 (5) 1999 Constitution). However, no section of the constitution disenfranchises anyone seeking elective positions to incorporate federal character, so the grievance may be watery.

Choosing the flag bearers for the 1999 presidential election, the scheming never favoured the aspiring Ibos, because the Yorubas were seemingly being appeased over the June 12, 1993 injustice – Obasanjo emerged as PDP’s candidate, having enjoyed the support of the northerners the more, while Olu-Falae was to fly the joint ticket of AD/APP. Towards the presidential election, the Yoruba socio-cultural group, Afenifere had shown much commitment, backing the Alliance for Democracy which won all the 6 states of the zone. Such was never the case in the east! In 2003 when the ballot was thrown open to all and sundry, Biafran warlord, Chukwuemeka Ojukwu threw his hat into the ring but even the Ibos did not reckon with him. The ballot had 6 different other Ibos apart from Ojukwu, splitting the fortunes of the zone:

Ojukwu (APGA) 1,297,455

Jim Nwodo (UNPP) 169,609

Arthur Nwakwo (PMP) 57,720

Emmanuel Okereke (ALP) 26921

Kalu Idika Kalu (NNPP) 23830

Iheanyichukwu G. Nnaji (BNPP) 5,987

Harmonisation of efforts then could have proven a point but it was like the people of the region did not know what they wanted. Rather, all the 5 states of the region voted for the candidate of the ‘Fulani-owned party’, the PDP.

How have the Ibos fared with other regions?

The Ibos have appeared so inimical to the rest. The tribe remains the only one that has gone into civil war with the federation in a failed secession bid. To an average Ibo man, who is oblivious, ignorant of, or mischievous about the generational fold of events in the country, the Yorubas are forbidden traitors, the Fulanis, useless cows, and the Hausas, intruding parasites,…

ALSO READ  2023: Shettima, best choice as Tinubu’s running mate - SWAGA okays ex-Borno governor

At the inception of the country’s self-rule, in 1959 precisely, Nnamdi Azikwe orchestrated the grip of power by the Fulanis over other tribes – the 12th December 1959 parliamentary election was with no clear majority to form a government: Zik’s National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC) polled 2,594,577 with 81 seats; Awolowo’s Action Group (AG) had 1,992,364 with 73 seats; Ahmadu Bello’s Northern People’s Congress (NPC) came third, polling 1,922,179 votes with 134 seats. An alliance had to be formed to form a government. Approaching NCNC, Awolowo humbled himself, accepting the slot of Deputy Prime Minister or Finance Minister, ceding the position of Prime Minister to Zik’s NCNC, for having secured more seats and votes. Zik called for coalition talks between the 2 parties in Asaba, the diameter of the Southwest and the Southeast. While awaiting the NCNC delegates in Asaba, the AG heard in the news that Zik had gone ahead to form an alliance with the Northern People’s Congress. Zik ceded the position of Prime Minister to Tafawa Balewa, accepting the figurehead position of Governor-General. He had cunningly outsmarted Awolowo by distracting him from going into alliance with other minority parties ahead of him. Zik justified his action in his autobiography, where he referred to an issue he once had with some Yorubas, including Olufimilayo Ransom-Kuti, Prince Adeleke Adedoyin, and Dr. Olohunnimbe, in the NCNC. Then, he had the resolve that the Yorubas would never rule the country. He had thought he could easily manipulate the Hausas/Fulanis, which could not easily do with the sophisticated Yorubas.

In what could be described as being vindictive, Zik, historically, manipulated Tafawa Balewa to arrest Awolowo in 1962 and get him jailed in 1963. He also influenced Balewa to remove from the Western Region, Edo, Itsekiri, Western Ijaw, and Urhobo which account for 70% of the oil wealth of the country, and create for them, the Mid-West Region. Zik’s hatred for the Yorubas, no doubt, gave the Fulanis, the impetus to lord over other tribes.

When it was discovered that the Fulanis were even smarter than they thought they could be, and they no longer could be tamed, the Ibos resorted to the 1966 coup, the first-ever in the country, tagged ‘Igbo Coup’, in which numerous Northern and Southwest leaders were brutally killed while many Igbo leaders were spared. This was the remote cause of the civil war which was also initiated by the Ibos.

The Ibos’ hatred has always been so deep that, believing the direction of the Yorubas, they have remained conservative. In 1993 when in the then two-party system – MKO Abiola and Bashir Tofa were the flag bearers of the Social Democratic Party and National Republican Convention respectively, the Ibos, as usual, went their Fulani way, giving block votes to Tofa, jettisoning a co-southerner. Even as MKO won convincingly in some Northern states, including Tofa’s Kano State, the Ibos never spared a state for Abiola, as the whole 5 states went to Tofa massively. In the 2019 election when two Fulanis, were the major contenders for the presidency, the Ibos massively threw their weight behind the one that had less backing from the Yorubas. It was believed that Bola Tinubu, a leader in the Yoruba Race had much stake in the APC so Atiku Abubakar of the PDP got 100 % victory in the entire 5 states of the east.

The Yorubas might be waiting, one day, for a pound of flesh, paying the easterners back in their coin. Though a sociocultural group, Afenifere, of the Yorubas has frequently drummed support for an Igbo presidency the question to ask is ‘How relevant are such clamour and the group clamouring?’ Tinubu’s political empire has recently thrown the group into oblivion. The group is understandably having personal beef with Tinubu, and as such, it has always been antagonistic to his aspirations.

ALSO READ  DCP Killed In Shiite Protest, Police Confirms

The post-Zik/Ojukwu era generation Igbo, in most cases, has seen the Hausa/Fulani or/and the Yorubas as their predicament. They see the Northerners as being domineering, clinching on to power. They see the Yorubas as those who have been harbouring the northerners, aiding them to win elections. In this era of social media, the ‘battle’ is widely discussed. A good example, as observed in an empirical work are archived tantrums of Nnamdi Kanu and Simon Ekpe, agitating for Biafra:

These criminals cannot be stealing money belonging to everybody. These same men cannot be responsible for the length and breadth of the depth….”

Facebook: (Nnamdi Kanu, 2014.)

“They have no sea but they are in charge of all seaports in the south.

They have no single drop of oil but they own all oil wells in the south and are in charge of NNPC.

“They score lowest in every exam, yet they are Chief Justices, AGF, Supreme Court Judges, and Army Generals.”

Facebook (Nnamdi Kanu, via Inside Biafra, May 25, 2021.)

“The more you keep supporting evil in the zoo

The more your land will be taken from you;

The more your daughters will be raped and abducted;

The more your sons will be slaughtered in cold blood.”

Facebook (Nnamdi Kanu, addressing the Yorubas, via World Around Us, June 2, 2021).

“Oduduwa must now understand that the war is real. 6.6.2021.

NSA orders dismantling illegal security outfits nationwide to enable Fulanis to overrun Nigeria.

Okonjo Iweala is now a target as Fulani accused her of IPOB.”

Facebook (Simon Ekpa, June 6, 2021).

“Since the killings by Fulani terrorists, sponsored by the presidency has now spread across Southern Nigeria with the latest massacre of Oduduwa People in Oyo State, the acting president, Garba Sheu is hereby banned indefinitely from entering Southern Nigeria.”

Facebook (Simon Ekpa, June 7, 2021).

Also in another work, it has been documented that 62 % of those who post share like; or pass consenting remarks on such inflammatory ideological outbursts are from the Eastern region. All these have, of course negatively affected the trusts reposed in the easterners by other regions, seeing them as secessionists who could not be trusted with power.

Is the marginalisation grievance of the region, Southeast genuine?

A peruse of the archive may shed some light:

The North-West Region has produced the late General Muritala Mohammed, who was the military Head of State from 29th July 1975 – 13th February 1976 (6 months, 15 days); Alhaji Sheu Shagari, 1st October 1979 – 31st December 1984 (4 years, 61 days); Late General Sanni Abacha, 17th November 1993 – 8th June 1998 ( 4 years, 203 days ); Umar Yar’adua, 29th May 2007 – 5th May 2010 ( 2 years, 341 days); Muhammodu Buhari, 31st December – 27th August 1985, 29th May 2015 – 29th, 2023 ( 9 years, 239 days).

From the North-Central, there have been General Yakubu Gowon, 1st August 1966 – 29th July 1975 (8 years, 362 days); General Ibrahim Babangida, 27th August 1985 – 26th August 1993 (7 years, 364 days); and General Abdulsalam Abubakar, 8th June 1998 – 29th May 1999 (355 days).

Down the south, the South-West has General Olusegun Obasanjo, 13th February 1976 – 1st October 1979 & 29th May 1999 – 29th May 2007 (11 years, 8 months and 12 days); Late Ernest Shonekan, 26th August 1993 – 17th November 1993 (83 days).

ALSO READ  Oyo:  Makinde promises to conduct local government election in 2020

The South-South has Goodluck Jonathan, 5th May 2010 – 29th May 2015 (5 years, 25 days).

The South-East has Late Nnamdi Azikwe, 16th November 1960 – 1st October 1963, & 1st October 1963 – 16th January 1966 ( cumulatively, 5 years, 61 days); General JTU Aguyi-Ironsi, 16th January 1966 – 29th July (194 days).

Lastly, the North-East has nobody, and as such, has ruled for 0 day!

Going by this, the only region that should be aggrieved is the northeast, which is the only region that is yet to produce a head of government either as a civilian or as a coup plotter. The South-East had Nnamdi Azikwe who willingly settled as a titular head and Aguyi-Ironsi, the first coup plotter in the country, who though never lasted being in power.

Will the Ibos ever right the wrongs?

The destiny of the Igbo Nation is lying right before them! They should be bold enough and mould their future. If is still secession that they desire, they should get so serious about it, realising that the process is not as easy as bread and butter. They should also realise that violence may not be productive as proven by the outcome of the 6th July 1967 – 15th January 1970, which they activated. They should also be mindful of the fact that social media is not the avenue for a referendum. Making unnecessary enemies is not the best option.

The leadership of the zone should put mercenaries in place to curb the incessant violence, killings, and civil unrest currently being witnessed in the zone; the menace has only been counterproductive so far. In a recent video’ that went viral, the IPOB miscreants went as far as killing Ibo men at the INEC registration center for having flouted the Monday-sit-at-home-order.

The Ibos should for once, prove that they are sincerely consequential by speaking with one voice. They should at this point forget about party politics, harmonise efforts, produce a widely acceptable candidate, and unanimously present them, seeking the blessings of the other zones rather than seeing any as enemies. At present, several Igbo political gladiators have shown interest in running in the 2023 presidency race, and history has it that they have always been divisive.

More importantly, the region should bury the hatchet of hatred lingering since the days of Late Zik as such has always boomeranged, inflicting on them and their aspirations.

This panacea is all that could solve the puzzle of that presidency debacle.

 

 

Kola Adebiyi writes from Ibadan, Oyo State

Comments

Opinion

OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

Published

on

The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

ALSO READ  DCP Killed In Shiite Protest, Police Confirms

‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

ALSO READ  10.5m out-of-school children, a time bomb waiting to explode - Gbajabiamila laments

‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

ALSO READ  Oseni Urges Nigerians to Honour Founding Fathers' Legacy of Unity, Peace, Progress

For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

Published

on

I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

ALSO READ  Oyo Shops For Partners To Revamp Paper Mill, Cashew Processing Company, Others

There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

ALSO READ  2023: Shettima, best choice as Tinubu’s running mate - SWAGA okays ex-Borno governor

Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

ALSO READ  Oyo:  Makinde promises to conduct local government election in 2020

Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

Published

on

By

Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

ALSO READ  Oseni Urges Nigerians to Honour Founding Fathers' Legacy of Unity, Peace, Progress

It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

Continue Reading
Advertisement

Tweets by ‎@megaiconmagg

Subscribe to our Newsletter

* indicates required

MegaIcon Magazine Facebook Page

Advertisement

MEGAICON TV

Trending