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IGBO PRESIDENCY: The mystery of a ‘forbidden’ aspiration

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The constitution of Nigeria stipulates the criteria for becoming the president of the country. It never forbids any region or tribe of the country from mounting the seat of power.

Going down memory lane, since the advent of the 4th Republic, different individuals from different ethnic climes have been elected presidents. Late Umar Yar’adua, Mohammadu Buhari of the Northwest region, Olusegun Obasanjo of the Southwest, and Goodluck Jonathan of the South-south have all been democratically elected to become Nigerian presidents.

The Ibos are aggrieved, claiming to be marginalised for having not produced a president to lead the country. Why the grievances? Has any aspirant ever been disqualified from contesting for the presidency for being Igbo? Have the Ibos themselves spoken with one voice? Have they ever been serious with such aspiration? How have the Southeasterners fared with other tribes or regions? Is such grievance genuine?

The constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is in tandem with the Federal Character as a way of promoting equity, justice, and fair play, and giving every constituent of the Nigerian society a sense of belonging.

The 1979 Constitution states “the composition of the government of the federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from few states or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that government or any of its agencies” (Section 14 (3) of the 1999 Constitution). Under this, the appointment of Ministers shall reflect the Federal Character of Nigeria…the President shall appoint at least one Minister from each state who shall be an indigene of such state. (section 147 (3) 1999 Constitution). Appointment to the offices of the Secretary to the Government, Head of Service, Ambassadors, and Permanent Secretaries shall have regard to the federal character (section 171 (5) 1999 Constitution). However, no section of the constitution disenfranchises anyone seeking elective positions to incorporate federal character, so the grievance may be watery.

Choosing the flag bearers for the 1999 presidential election, the scheming never favoured the aspiring Ibos, because the Yorubas were seemingly being appeased over the June 12, 1993 injustice – Obasanjo emerged as PDP’s candidate, having enjoyed the support of the northerners the more, while Olu-Falae was to fly the joint ticket of AD/APP. Towards the presidential election, the Yoruba socio-cultural group, Afenifere had shown much commitment, backing the Alliance for Democracy which won all the 6 states of the zone. Such was never the case in the east! In 2003 when the ballot was thrown open to all and sundry, Biafran warlord, Chukwuemeka Ojukwu threw his hat into the ring but even the Ibos did not reckon with him. The ballot had 6 different other Ibos apart from Ojukwu, splitting the fortunes of the zone:

Ojukwu (APGA) 1,297,455

Jim Nwodo (UNPP) 169,609

Arthur Nwakwo (PMP) 57,720

Emmanuel Okereke (ALP) 26921

Kalu Idika Kalu (NNPP) 23830

Iheanyichukwu G. Nnaji (BNPP) 5,987

Harmonisation of efforts then could have proven a point but it was like the people of the region did not know what they wanted. Rather, all the 5 states of the region voted for the candidate of the ‘Fulani-owned party’, the PDP.

How have the Ibos fared with other regions?

The Ibos have appeared so inimical to the rest. The tribe remains the only one that has gone into civil war with the federation in a failed secession bid. To an average Ibo man, who is oblivious, ignorant of, or mischievous about the generational fold of events in the country, the Yorubas are forbidden traitors, the Fulanis, useless cows, and the Hausas, intruding parasites,…

At the inception of the country’s self-rule, in 1959 precisely, Nnamdi Azikwe orchestrated the grip of power by the Fulanis over other tribes – the 12th December 1959 parliamentary election was with no clear majority to form a government: Zik’s National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC) polled 2,594,577 with 81 seats; Awolowo’s Action Group (AG) had 1,992,364 with 73 seats; Ahmadu Bello’s Northern People’s Congress (NPC) came third, polling 1,922,179 votes with 134 seats. An alliance had to be formed to form a government. Approaching NCNC, Awolowo humbled himself, accepting the slot of Deputy Prime Minister or Finance Minister, ceding the position of Prime Minister to Zik’s NCNC, for having secured more seats and votes. Zik called for coalition talks between the 2 parties in Asaba, the diameter of the Southwest and the Southeast. While awaiting the NCNC delegates in Asaba, the AG heard in the news that Zik had gone ahead to form an alliance with the Northern People’s Congress. Zik ceded the position of Prime Minister to Tafawa Balewa, accepting the figurehead position of Governor-General. He had cunningly outsmarted Awolowo by distracting him from going into alliance with other minority parties ahead of him. Zik justified his action in his autobiography, where he referred to an issue he once had with some Yorubas, including Olufimilayo Ransom-Kuti, Prince Adeleke Adedoyin, and Dr. Olohunnimbe, in the NCNC. Then, he had the resolve that the Yorubas would never rule the country. He had thought he could easily manipulate the Hausas/Fulanis, which could not easily do with the sophisticated Yorubas.

In what could be described as being vindictive, Zik, historically, manipulated Tafawa Balewa to arrest Awolowo in 1962 and get him jailed in 1963. He also influenced Balewa to remove from the Western Region, Edo, Itsekiri, Western Ijaw, and Urhobo which account for 70% of the oil wealth of the country, and create for them, the Mid-West Region. Zik’s hatred for the Yorubas, no doubt, gave the Fulanis, the impetus to lord over other tribes.

When it was discovered that the Fulanis were even smarter than they thought they could be, and they no longer could be tamed, the Ibos resorted to the 1966 coup, the first-ever in the country, tagged ‘Igbo Coup’, in which numerous Northern and Southwest leaders were brutally killed while many Igbo leaders were spared. This was the remote cause of the civil war which was also initiated by the Ibos.

The Ibos’ hatred has always been so deep that, believing the direction of the Yorubas, they have remained conservative. In 1993 when in the then two-party system – MKO Abiola and Bashir Tofa were the flag bearers of the Social Democratic Party and National Republican Convention respectively, the Ibos, as usual, went their Fulani way, giving block votes to Tofa, jettisoning a co-southerner. Even as MKO won convincingly in some Northern states, including Tofa’s Kano State, the Ibos never spared a state for Abiola, as the whole 5 states went to Tofa massively. In the 2019 election when two Fulanis, were the major contenders for the presidency, the Ibos massively threw their weight behind the one that had less backing from the Yorubas. It was believed that Bola Tinubu, a leader in the Yoruba Race had much stake in the APC so Atiku Abubakar of the PDP got 100 % victory in the entire 5 states of the east.

The Yorubas might be waiting, one day, for a pound of flesh, paying the easterners back in their coin. Though a sociocultural group, Afenifere, of the Yorubas has frequently drummed support for an Igbo presidency the question to ask is ‘How relevant are such clamour and the group clamouring?’ Tinubu’s political empire has recently thrown the group into oblivion. The group is understandably having personal beef with Tinubu, and as such, it has always been antagonistic to his aspirations.

The post-Zik/Ojukwu era generation Igbo, in most cases, has seen the Hausa/Fulani or/and the Yorubas as their predicament. They see the Northerners as being domineering, clinching on to power. They see the Yorubas as those who have been harbouring the northerners, aiding them to win elections. In this era of social media, the ‘battle’ is widely discussed. A good example, as observed in an empirical work are archived tantrums of Nnamdi Kanu and Simon Ekpe, agitating for Biafra:

“These criminals cannot be stealing money belonging to everybody. These same men cannot be responsible for the length and breadth of the depth….”

Facebook: (Nnamdi Kanu, 2014.)

“They have no sea but they are in charge of all seaports in the south.

They have no single drop of oil but they own all oil wells in the south and are in charge of NNPC.

“They score lowest in every exam, yet they are Chief Justices, AGF, Supreme Court Judges, and Army Generals.”

Facebook (Nnamdi Kanu, via Inside Biafra, May 25, 2021.)

“The more you keep supporting evil in the zoo

The more your land will be taken from you;

The more your daughters will be raped and abducted;

The more your sons will be slaughtered in cold blood.”

Facebook (Nnamdi Kanu, addressing the Yorubas, via World Around Us, June 2, 2021).

“Oduduwa must now understand that the war is real. 6.6.2021.

NSA orders dismantling illegal security outfits nationwide to enable Fulanis to overrun Nigeria.

Okonjo Iweala is now a target as Fulani accused her of IPOB.”

Facebook (Simon Ekpa, June 6, 2021).

“Since the killings by Fulani terrorists, sponsored by the presidency has now spread across Southern Nigeria with the latest massacre of Oduduwa People in Oyo State, the acting president, Garba Sheu is hereby banned indefinitely from entering Southern Nigeria.”

Facebook (Simon Ekpa, June 7, 2021).

Also in another work, it has been documented that 62 % of those who post share like; or pass consenting remarks on such inflammatory ideological outbursts are from the Eastern region. All these have, of course negatively affected the trusts reposed in the easterners by other regions, seeing them as secessionists who could not be trusted with power.

Is the marginalisation grievance of the region, Southeast genuine?

A peruse of the archive may shed some light:

The North-West Region has produced the late General Muritala Mohammed, who was the military Head of State from 29th July 1975 – 13th February 1976 (6 months, 15 days); Alhaji Sheu Shagari, 1st October 1979 – 31st December 1984 (4 years, 61 days); Late General Sanni Abacha, 17th November 1993 – 8th June 1998 ( 4 years, 203 days ); Umar Yar’adua, 29th May 2007 – 5th May 2010 ( 2 years, 341 days); Muhammodu Buhari, 31st December – 27th August 1985, 29th May 2015 – 29th, 2023 ( 9 years, 239 days).

From the North-Central, there have been General Yakubu Gowon, 1st August 1966 – 29th July 1975 (8 years, 362 days); General Ibrahim Babangida, 27th August 1985 – 26th August 1993 (7 years, 364 days); and General Abdulsalam Abubakar, 8th June 1998 – 29th May 1999 (355 days).

Down the south, the South-West has General Olusegun Obasanjo, 13th February 1976 – 1st October 1979 & 29th May 1999 – 29th May 2007 (11 years, 8 months and 12 days); Late Ernest Shonekan, 26th August 1993 – 17th November 1993 (83 days).

The South-South has Goodluck Jonathan, 5th May 2010 – 29th May 2015 (5 years, 25 days).

The South-East has Late Nnamdi Azikwe, 16th November 1960 – 1st October 1963, & 1st October 1963 – 16th January 1966 ( cumulatively, 5 years, 61 days); General JTU Aguyi-Ironsi, 16th January 1966 – 29th July (194 days).

Lastly, the North-East has nobody, and as such, has ruled for 0 day!

Going by this, the only region that should be aggrieved is the northeast, which is the only region that is yet to produce a head of government either as a civilian or as a coup plotter. The South-East had Nnamdi Azikwe who willingly settled as a titular head and Aguyi-Ironsi, the first coup plotter in the country, who though never lasted being in power.

Will the Ibos ever right the wrongs?

The destiny of the Igbo Nation is lying right before them! They should be bold enough and mould their future. If is still secession that they desire, they should get so serious about it, realising that the process is not as easy as bread and butter. They should also realise that violence may not be productive as proven by the outcome of the 6th July 1967 – 15th January 1970, which they activated. They should also be mindful of the fact that social media is not the avenue for a referendum. Making unnecessary enemies is not the best option.

The leadership of the zone should put mercenaries in place to curb the incessant violence, killings, and civil unrest currently being witnessed in the zone; the menace has only been counterproductive so far. In a recent video’ that went viral, the IPOB miscreants went as far as killing Ibo men at the INEC registration center for having flouted the Monday-sit-at-home-order.

The Ibos should for once, prove that they are sincerely consequential by speaking with one voice. They should at this point forget about party politics, harmonise efforts, produce a widely acceptable candidate, and unanimously present them, seeking the blessings of the other zones rather than seeing any as enemies. At present, several Igbo political gladiators have shown interest in running in the 2023 presidency race, and history has it that they have always been divisive.

More importantly, the region should bury the hatchet of hatred lingering since the days of Late Zik as such has always boomeranged, inflicting on them and their aspirations.

This panacea is all that could solve the puzzle of that presidency debacle.

 

 

Kola Adebiyi writes from Ibadan, Oyo State

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G-WAGON: Dare Adeleke, A Liar’ll Steal; Why’re You Desperate To Conceal The Truth? | Maroof Asudemade

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I have read Dare Adeleke’s rather vacuous response to my article on Governor Seyi Makinde’s presentation of a brand-new Mercedes-Benz G-Wagon 500 to the President-General of the Central Council of Ibadan Indigenes (CCII), Barrister Sulaimon Ajeniyi Ajewole. Unfortunately, beneath the insults, name-calling on my person and his apparent eye-service desperation to impress his political benefactor, there is hardly any substance worth engaging.

Adeleke devoted considerable space to calling me a drunken, lowly writer. Yet, in all his verbal gymnastics, he conspicuously failed to address the fundamental questions raised in my article. Has Governor Makinde paid the statutory salaries and entitlements of the Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja, and the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Akeem Owoade, since their ascension to the respective thrones? Has his administration provided them with official vehicles, as expected under the applicable government arrangements? These were the issues Adeleke ought to address not my personality.

If he had any credible answers to these questions, he would have provided them. Instead, he chose to exhibit his wrakness as an intellectually exhausted defender. He resorted to abusing the messenger when he couldn’t dismantle the message.

However, there is one particularly interesting aspect of Dare Adeleke’s response that deserves immediate correction. He lied that Governor Makinde spent N1 billion on the completion of the Olubadan Palace. Is he sure he’s not addicted to stealing as a liar? The financial contributions towards the completion of the palace came from multiple sources, including the 11 local governments in Ibadanland, each of which contributed N50 million, amounting to N550 million.

Governor Makinde contributed N250 million. The governor’s contribution was N250 million, not N1 billion! Why would Adeleke inflate the governor’s contribution from N250 million to N1 billion? Is he so desperate to manufacture an impressive record for his political principal that figures have become expendable? Or does he imagine that exaggerating the governor’s generosity will make the unanswered questions of ridiculing our royal fathers disappear?

The 11 local governments of Ibadanland have a responsibility towards the Olubadan institution. Their contributions towards the palace should not be presented as a personal sacrifice by Governor Makinde. They are contributions made by public institutions to an institution that belongs to the people of Ibadanland.

Even more disturbing is Adeleke’s inane argument that because Makinde contributed money towards completing the Olubadan Palace, the governor deserves appreciation rather than criticism. This argument betrays a shocking failure of Adeleke to distinguish between governmental responsibilities and statutory obligations.

Let us even assume, for the sake of argument, that Makinde personally spent N1 billion on the palace. How does constructing or completing a building discharge the government’s obligation to pay the statutory salaries and entitlements of the Olubadan and the Alaafin? How does a palace building become a substitute for official vehicles? Are these royal fathers supposed to live in beautiful palaces while their statutory entitlements remain unpaid?

By Adeleke’s ‘logic’, Governor Makinde could build a magnificent headquarters for the Nigeria Labour Congress and subsequently refuse to pay workers their salaries, expecting the labour movement to applaud him for his generosity. Would that be acceptable? Could the government substitute office buildings for workers’ wages? Dare Adeleke is glaringly a peripheral thinker!

A building is a capital project. Salaries and official entitlements are separate obligations. Since Adeleke knew he could not understand this elementary distinction, he should have smelt his argument before presenting it to the public. His defence is not only logically defective; it is intellectually sour.

More importantly, the completion of the Olubadan Palace was not the subject of my article. I did not dispute the governor’s contribution. I questioned the apparent contradiction between his extravagant generosity towards the CCII President-General and the allegations of neglect concerning the official entitlements of the Olubadan and the Alaafin. Adeleke has not answered that question. He has merely introduced an unrelated expenditure in an attempt to divert attention.

I have no objection to Governor Makinde giving G-Wagons, aeroplanes or even private jets to people he loves, provided he does so with his personal resources. He is entitled to his private generosity. But public accountability should not cease because a governor is generous to his friends, associates or political admirers. The issue is not his freedom to give birthday presents. It is his responsibility to discharge governmental obligations.

As for Adeleke’s unnecessary personal attacks, I refuse to dignify his descriptions of me as a drunken or lowly writer with an elaborate defence. Neither description reflects my personality, and neither alters the substance of my argument. He only needs to be aware that despite his opinion of me as a drunken, lowly writer, I am his better by far as a family man and a responsible father – two essential duties he has failed in. I will also not allow his inability to sustain an intelligent argument to dictate the level of my engagement.

I am upset with Dare Adeleke for not living up to his claim of belonging to Oja’ba. He lacks the intellectual discipline, street wisdom and argumentative dexterity traditionally associated with the historic Ibadan community. His response has demonstrated an unfortunate deficit in all three. “Dare ò m’èsì, ó tún gọ!”

There is also something deeply incongruous about Adeleke’s pretentious defence of Governor Makinde. Those familiar with the undercurrents of Oyo politics may find his public posturing rather amusing. He presents himself as an unquestioning defender of the governor, yet political hypocrisy has a way of concealing its true colours beneath an appearance of loyalty. If the human stomach were transparent like a calabash, perhaps the governor would have a clearer view of Dare Adeleke as the green snake lurking beneath the green grass.

But my concern remains the dignity of the Olubadan and Alaafin institutions, not Adeleke’s political theatrics. He has had an opportunity to answer straightforward questions. He failed. He has had an opportunity to correct the allegations with verifiable facts. He avoided them. Instead, he manufactured a N1 billion contribution, inflated the governor’s generosity and attempted to intimidate a critic with insults.

Let me therefore restate the questions he could not answer: Has Governor Makinde paid the statutory salaries and entitlements of the Olubadan and the Alaafin since their ascension? Has he provided them with their official vehicles in accordance with applicable government policy? If yes, let Adeleke produce the evidence. If no, let him explain why.

A G-Wagon cannot answer questions about unpaid salaries. A palace cannot substitute for statutory entitlements. And N1 billion in political propaganda cannot turn N250 million into N1 billion. Dare Adeleke may choose to defend Makinde with insults, exaggerations and emotional outbursts. I will continue to interrogate the administration with facts, logic and questions that public officeholders owe the people answers to.

The dignity of the Olubadan and the Alaafin is far more important than Adeleke’s desperate attempt to earn political applause. And no amount of name-calling will make me abandon the responsibility of holding those in power accountable.

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OYO AHEAD: Senator Alli Blueprint for Oyo Renewal | Muji Armstrong-Bello

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The unveiling of Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli’s OYO AHEAD manifesto has introduced a new dimension to the 2027 Oyo State governorship conversation. Beyond the usual campaign promises, the document presents an attempt to define not just what a government intends to do, but how it proposes to govern. Its central message is that Oyo State needs a development model built around grassroots empowerment, economic productivity, institutional accountability and measurable performance.

What makes the manifesto politically significant is its attempt to connect the candidate’s personal political journey with a proposed programme of government. From his experience as Chairman of Ibadan North Local Government to his service as Secretary to the State Government, Chief of Staff, Senator and Chairman of Odu’a Investment Company, Alli presents himself as a politician whose experience cuts across grassroots administration, constitutional politics, legislative representation and business management. These experiences provide a solid foundation for effective governance and reinforce the expectation that his proposed agenda can be translated into tangible results for the people of Oyo State.

The first pillar, local government autonomy, may well become the most politically consequential. By promising transparent access to council allocations, monthly funding arrangements and greater freedom for local governments to address community needs, BSA is placing grassroots governance at the centre of his development philosophy. The message is unmistakable: democracy must be felt beyond the Government House, and the dividends of government must reach the communities where ordinary people live and work.

His infrastructure proposals also deserve attention. Rather than concentrating exclusively on new construction, the manifesto promises an audit of unfinished roads, published completion schedules, farm access roads, improved electricity, potable water and affordable housing. This suggests an understanding that infrastructure should be judged by its economic and social usefulness, not simply by the political visibility of projects.

In healthcare, the proposed Oyo Care Guarantee for infants, pregnant women and residents above 70 is a significant social intervention. The commitment to strengthen primary healthcare, address shortages of medical personnel and expand health insurance coverage recognises that healthcare is not a privilege reserved for those who can afford it. With the right funding arrangements, adequate staffing and firm institutional commitment, these promises can be translated into a sustainable healthcare system that delivers tangible benefits to the people of Oyo State.

Education is another area where the manifesto attempts to reconnect Oyo with its historic reputation as a pioneer of educational development. Reducing classroom congestion, repairing schools, expanding scholarships, establishing skills centres and linking graduates to employment are proposals that speak directly to the future of the state’s young population. These interventions are designed to translate educational investment into measurable improvements in learning outcomes, practical skills and employment opportunities for the next generation.

Perhaps the most compelling economic proposition is the commitment to move Oyob beyond an economy of consumption towards one of production, investment and job creation. The proposed industrial parks, revival of the Oluyole Free Trade Zone, ₦10 billion Youth Fund, digital skills programme and support for small businesses suggest an administration seeking to make employment creation a central responsibility of government. The ₦150 billion annual internally generated revenue target reflects an ambitious vision of economic growth, driven by expanded business activity, increased investment, efficient revenue administration and the elimination of financial leakages, while preserving a favourable environment for citizens and businesses to prosper.

Agriculture gives the manifesto another important regional dimension. Oyo possesses considerable agricultural potential, particularly across Oke-Ogun, Ogbomoso and Ibarapa. The proposals for processing facilities, revived farm settlements, mechanisation, storage, agricultural insurance and export promotion recognise that farmers cannot prosper merely by producing crops; they must also have access to markets, processing facilities and value chains. If properly executed, this could transform agriculture from subsistence activity into a major engine of industrial growth.

Security, appropriately, is treated as the foundation upon which every other pillar depends. The proposed strengthening of community security networks, protection and insurance for hunters and vigilantes, improved surveillance and farmer-herder mediation reflect the reality that development cannot flourish where fear controls access to farms, schools and businesses. The accompanying commitment to public disclosure of projects, contractors and costs also reinforces the argument that security and accountability are inseparable responsibilities of government.

One particularly striking feature is the candidate’s personal commitment to publish quarterly performance reports and to decline a second-term request if Oyo State is not measurably better by the end of his first tenure. This is a bold political undertaking. It shifts the conversation from the traditional entitlement of incumbency to the obligation of performance. This commitment further underscores the importance of measurable performance targets, transparent reporting and regular public assessments as the foundation for accountable and results-driven governance.

The strength of OYO AHEAD lies not only in the breadth of its promises but also in the opportunity to translate them into a practical development programme. The proposed revenue expansion, healthcare guarantee, youth and women empowerment funds, educational reforms and infrastructure projects provide an ambitious agenda for the state. With proper financial planning, sound legal frameworks, effective coordination and measurable implementation targets, these proposals can form the foundation of a purposeful and results-oriented administration.

This places an important responsibility on the OYO AHEAD Steering Committee. Beyond campaign mobilisation and public presentation, the Committee must sustain the technical work required to support the manifesto with reliable data, realistic costing, legal guidance, implementation timelines and measurable outcomes. The depth of this preparation will be central to demonstrating that OYO AHEAD is not merely a collection of campaign promises, but a carefully considered programme for governing Oyo State.

As the 2027 governorship election approaches, the debate should increasingly focus on the future of Oyo State: the governance philosophy, experience, policy direction and preparedness of those seeking the people’s mandate. Political alliances and personalities will naturally shape the contest, but the enduring question is which proposals offer a clear and practical pathway to development, prosperity and accountable leadership.

OYO AHEAD has placed such a pathway before the people of Oyo State. Its seven pillars provide a framework for addressing the state’s development priorities, while its emphasis on grassroots governance, economic productivity, human capital development and accountability speaks to the need for a new direction. With his political experience, administrative background and familiarity with the challenges of Oyo State, Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli is well positioned to lead the effort to translate this blueprint into meaningful progress. The promise of OYO AHEAD is renewal; its ultimate measure will be the transformation it delivers to the lives of the people.

 

Prince Armstrong-Bello, JP. Akogun Aliiwo Ibadanland, Author of “Yoruba Leadership in Diaspora: Equity Justice and Tradition” is a Political Communication Strategist and Public Affairs Analyst

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OYO 2027: MAKINDE EATS SOUR GRAPES, ADEKANMBI’S TEETH MUST BE SET ON EDGE

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The confusion within the ranks of the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) is becoming increasingly difficult to describe.

The political empire built by Governor Seyi Makinde on what critics describe as lies, betrayals, broken promises and greed appears to be crumbling by the day.

Indeed, Makinde and his APM loyalists are providing an endless source of amusement these days.

Virtually everyone who leaves the Makinde administration is suddenly dismissed as a “paperweight” by the party’s social media attack dogs.

I have often wondered whether these fellows are unaware of the wisdom behind the Yoruba belief that even cotton wool, when gathered in sufficient quantities, can become a load too heavy for one person to carry.

As the Yoruba proverb puts it: Eni ní òwú ò t’ẹrù; ìwọ̀nba tó fẹ́ fi tan iná ló mú.

You keep losing prominent politicians and influential party stakeholders, yet you dismiss them as political nonentities. But which heavyweight has the power to cast more than one vote for a preferred candidate?

I am certain that even Bimbo Adekanmbi must be wondering how things deteriorated so badly for the APM.

Before his emergence as Governor Makinde’s anointed governorship candidate was made public, I granted an interview on a television station during which I openly predicted that Adekanmbi would get the governor’s endorsement and that his choice as successor would spell trouble for both men.

To one another, both men have become potential political albatrosses. Unfortunately, Governor Makinde’s ego appears to have blinded him to realities beyond his immediate political calculations.

I am particularly surprised that Adekanmbi failed to recognise that he was walking into a political trap by accepting Makinde’s endorsement.

Greed, indeed, can be a dangerous disease. In Adekanmbi’s position, no discerning politician would have ignored the number of political enemies Governor Makinde had accumulated during his seven years in office.

It follows, therefore, that Adekanmbi would inevitably inherit many of those political liabilities. Sadly, he either failed to appreciate the implications or simply chose to overlook the consequences.

By the time Governor Makinde, or perhaps Seye Famojuro, settled for Adekanmbi, the governor was already embroiled in disagreements with prominent political figures, including former Deputy National Chairman of the PDP, Ambassador Taofeek Oladejo Arapaja, Alhaji Bisi Olopoeyan and several first-class traditional rulers in Oyo State.

He had also fallen out with several influential political figures, including Senator Hosea Agboola, Alhaji Razak Gbadegesin, former Deputy Governor Barrister Gbolarunmi Hazeem, Chief Mrs Jumoke Akinjide, Hon. Mulikat Adeola Akande, former Deputy Governor Engr. Rauf Aderemi Olaniyan, Prince Diran Odeyemi, former Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose, former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike and even President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Beyond these strained relationships, several stakeholders within the Makinde political camp were already uncomfortable with the process that produced Adekanmbi as the APM governorship candidate.

There were also contentious discussions about whether Governor Makinde should be succeeded by a Christian. Equally troubling to some stakeholders was the question of whether it made political sense for Makinde to present Adekanmbi as his preferred successor when both men hail from Ona-Ara Local Government Area.

At the time, agitations were mounting over Governor Makinde’s alleged failure to comply with the Supreme Court judgment granting financial autonomy to local governments.

Other contentious issues included the controversial Circular Road project, the sale of government assets and the proposed transfer of Oyo State farm settlements to estate developers.

The state’s debt profile, which has remained a subject of public concern and debate, was another issue that had yet to be satisfactorily addressed.

All these issues were already in the public domain before Adekanmbi accepted the offer to become Makinde’s anointed candidate.

One is therefore compelled to ask: what could have persuaded Adekanmbi to accept such a politically dangerous offer?

I can only think of one reason: greed.

When Governor Makinde claimed that he had advised Adekanmbi not to inherit his enemies, he was being economical with the truth.

The reality is that those political liabilities became Adekanmbi’s the moment he accepted Makinde’s endorsement.

The governor knows that he is carrying a political baggage that could weigh heavily on his preferred successor. Yet, he appears unwilling to be held accountable for the political consequences of his own administration.

Unfortunately for both men, even Adekanmbi’s campaign slogan tells a story of its own: “Omi Tuntun 3.0”.

How, then, does he intend to separate himself from the “Omi Tuntun” administration and the controversies surrounding it?

Governor Makinde has never hidden his discomfort with genuine local government autonomy. Adekanmbi, by his posture, appears prepared to sustain the same political template, which critics blame for weakening the 33 local government councils in the state.

On virtually every issue over which the people of Oyo State have expressed concern, Adekanmbi appears to be offering continuity rather than a departure from the policies of the present administration.

He has failed to condemn the controversy surrounding the proposed transfer of the Ogbomoso Farm Settlement to estate developers, despite protests by residents of the ancient town.

He has equally remained silent over the controversy surrounding the administration’s reported moves involving the Saki Farm Settlement.

He also appears untroubled by the reported transfer of the 4,000-hectare Eruwa Farm Settlement to investors, whose whereabouts and activities have, according to critics, remained unclear two years after the arrangement.

Indeed, Adekanmbi appears not to appreciate the extent of the challenges facing the state. For instance, Oyo State is said to be short of six general hospitals if the benchmark of one general hospital per local government area is adopted.

Yet, when Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli promised in his manifesto to address this deficit, APM spokespersons reportedly went on the offensive, describing the manifesto as “lacking in originality”.

Governor Makinde has been in office for more than seven years. During this period, his administration has received ecological funds on several occasions.

The question, therefore, is simple: what has happened to those funds?

There are concerns over the utilisation and accountability of the ecological funds received by the state. The governor owes the people a clear explanation of how these resources have been deployed.

There are also questions surrounding the proposed upgrade of the Alakia Airport, a project for which Adekanmbi himself was appointed by Governor Makinde to head a committee.

I have been reliably informed that the contract sum for the airport upgrade was reportedly reviewed upwards from its original figure of over N50 billion to well above N150 billion.

I have raised this question before, but I am yet to hear Adekanmbi offer a convincing explanation or response to the allegation.

Similarly, Governor Makinde reportedly approved more than N60 billion for the renovation of the Government House, an expenditure that attracted public criticism.

As of today, the visible works include the construction of a hall, the painting of the Government House mosque and church, and the replacement of tiles in both places of worship.

I challenge Governor Makinde to tell the people of Oyo State how much of the more than N60 billion reportedly approved for the renovation has actually been released and expended.

Beyond that, the governor should invite members of the press to conduct an independent assessment of the work carried out so far. The people deserve transparency and accountability, not unanswered questions.

The state government’s performance in education is another area that demands urgent attention.

Oyo State’s performance in WAEC and NECO examinations has continued to attract concern, particularly when compared with the performance of other states, including neighbouring Osun, which has been celebrated for its fifth-place position in a recent examination ranking.

Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli has argued that the state must return to an educational system that makes teaching and learning more conducive. One of his proposals is a 30-pupils-per-classroom policy.

But rather than engage constructively with the proposal, APM voices have dismissed its feasibility.

Adekanmbi, as the party’s governorship candidate, has also failed to offer a clear departure from the present arrangement, under which many public primary and secondary school classrooms remain severely overcrowded and unconducive to effective learning.

Oyo State cannot afford another administration that merely promises continuity without addressing the shortcomings of the present one.

The people deserve better, and they now have an alternative in Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli.

Governor Makinde has eaten sour grapes. Unfortunately, Bimbo Adekanmbi appears destined to bear the consequences.

His teeth, indeed, must be set on edge.

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