The Nigerian government has revealed plans to begin oil production in the Northeast.
Timipre Sylva, the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, who disclosed this during an interview on Channels Television’s Newsnight in Abuja, the nation’s capital, which was aired on Monday and monitored by Mega Icon Magazine also submitted : “I have said it a few times that we have found oil in the northeast and we have started drilling activities in the Lake Chad Basin”.
“I don’t know how the discovery of oil in the area will impact all the issues there but on our side, we believe that in a very short time, we will start production”, Sylva continued.
He added that the COVID-19 pandemic has changed the world’s narrative, including the oil and gas industry, recalling that the recent meeting held by the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in which Nigeria is a member was held virtually.
Justifying his claims, the Minister noted that such meetings were not envisaged before the COVID-19 era.
Reacting to the piracy, oil bunkering and illegal refining in the oil-producing region, Sylva said such activities had reduced when compared to what was obtained in the past.
“Pipeline vandalisation is less than it used to be. Before now, we had less than 50 per cent production, I can assure you that pipeline vandalisation is less than it used to be. If you compare what happens now with what obtains in the past, I think it is less now.
“There is still a lot of piracy I understand, but the law enforcement agencies are dealing with it. We are looking at other ways of dealing with it and believe that in a very short time, we will be able to get the full handle on it”.
Also speaking on the gas conversion, the Minister informed that the policy was necessitated by the Federal Government issuing an alternative to Nigeria following the deregulation of oil that will lead to the rise in oil prices.
The Minister, though, noted that gas is a cleaner and more efficient fuel, however, regretted previous administrations had not developed the nation’s gas, maintaining that Nigeria’s gas penetration is the lowest in Africa.
Insecurity: South-West govs, traditional rulers, security chiefs back end to open grazing
The South-West Region on Saturday agreed that open grazing must be checked and looked at to curb the incessant security threats in the zone, especially the farmer- herder clashes which has continued to remain topical issue.
The decision was reached by the governors, traditional rulers who gathered in Ibadan, Oyo State capital, to review the security situation of the zone.
The meeting, which was held inside the Executive Council Chambers of the Governor’s office, Agodi, Ibadan, had in attendance five governors including the host, Governor Makinde; Governors Akeredolu of Ondo, Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti, Gboyega Oyetola of Osun and Dapo Abiodun of Ogun State.
The meeting equally had in attendance the Deputy Inspector General of Police in charge of South-West, David Folawiyo, and security chiefs serving in Oyo State.
Others included the chairmen of Council of Traditional Rulers in each of the South-West states and some first class monarchs.
Some of the traditional rulers who took part in the meeting include the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III; Ooni of Ife, Oba Enitan Ogunwusi; Akarigbo of Remo, Oba Babatunde Ajayi; Olugbo of Ugbo kingdom, Oba Fredrick Akinrutan; Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Saliu Adetunji, Aje Ogungunnjso 1; and Olugbon of Orilegbon, Oba Francis Olusola Alao.
Also in attendance was the Oyo State Commissioner of Police, Ngozi Onadeko, and other heads of security agencies in Oyo State.
Governor Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo State and chairman of the South-West Governors’ Forum, who spoke at the end of the meeting hinted that though the meeting was at the instance of the Chief of Staff to the President, Prof. Ibrahim Gambari, the Inspector General of Police, Mohammed Adamu, and the Director-General of the Department of State Services, the trio could not fly out of Abuja due to bad weather.
He said that the governors and the traditional rulers thereafter decided to meet to appraise the security situation in the zone.
Akeredolu, who briefed newsmen about the resolutions of the meeting said, “The discussion we had with our Obas and security chiefs have been most productive. Many things we never thought of came up and we heard from our Kabiyesis more mature approach to challenges we are facing in the South West and the country at large.
“And from our discussion, we all agreed that the time is now that we support the decision of National Economic Council (NEC) about forests management. They believe that all the states should be in the position to manage their forests, which will give enough room to determine who is there, what purpose they are serving, and where you have people illegally. The states should be able to take steps to enable us preserve our forests.
“We all agreed that our borders have become too porous, and that we need to do something urgently to prevent foreign herdsmen from coming into this country without any form of caution, because a number of them have come in with their herds and what they do is of concern to us. We all believe that our borders need to be checked and tightened, so that all those foreigners from Niger Republic and those beyond bordering states don’t come in with their herds and destroy our farms.
“We also discussed that, as we are supporting other areas of farming, like rice farmers and others, there is need for government to support cattle breeding.
“One of the ways we can support cattle breeding is to change the ways cattle breeders are adopting now. So, there will be designated grazing areas, as well as feed mills. With these, there is no need to trek with herds from far. But, things that will lead to open grazing in these modern times must be looked at and the state and federal government, in particular, should give as much support as possible to cattle breeders”, he concluded
Gov Bala Mohammed’s paradise for AK-47, cows and Fulani | By Festus Adedayo
At the risk of being charged for excessive hyperbolism, “AK-47,” “cows” and the word, “Fulani,” are the most notorious clichés on parade in Nigeria today. And, come to think of it, they are woven together in narratives of the affliction that threaten to tear Nigeria asunder today.
As if by coincidence, the three also bear very similar traits that unite them. While the Fulani herdsman is one of the most ubiquitous tribes in Africa, encircling the region like a contagious pestilence and sowing tears and sorrows in their trails, the cow is a common denominator on every dining table on the continent. Aside from kittens and dogs, the cow is one of man’s most abiding acquaintances. Until it shows its destructive tendency and inability to differentiate between what to eat and what not to trample in plunder, the cow has a gentle demeanor.
The AK-47, also referred to as Kalashnikov Model 1947, is a Soviet assault rifle rated to be the most pervasive and widely used shoulder weapon in the globe. The word “AK,” the gun’s initials, is a representation of the name Avtomat Kalashnikova, a Russian byword for “automatic Kalashnikov,” and a memorialization of Mikhail Timofeyevich Kalashnikov, the man who designed the gun. Kalashnikov designed the assault rifle in 1947. The rifle looks very inviting while lying undisturbed, with its brown wooden butt and nose like a hippopotamus.
The Fulani herdsman too has an ambiguous persona, with a tender, inviting, ripe pumpkin-like skin and friendly mien. Shunned of histrionics and profiling, however, make no mistake about their seeming friendliness: the AK-47, Fulani herdsman, and the cow are a deadly trio. While the cow is deadly and destructive with its hooves, orange spurts from the mouth of a Kalashnikov assault rifle can assault a life and bring it quickly to the presence of its creator. The Fulani herdsman, especially the variant in the last decade, can also unconscionably ruin a whole village, especially if his cow gets killed.
Since the Soviet military officially adopted it into its weaponry in 1949, the AK-47 has manifested its simplicity to operate, ruggedness in the midst of use, and reliability to manipulate, even under pressure. However, like the cow and the Fulani herdsman, even the Soviet military couldn’t stand the AK-47’s lack of scientific accuracy. This is said to be due to challenges with the gun’s recoil forces, a product of its powerful 7.62-mm round. Other shooting mechanisms called blowback, engendered by the gun’s “heavy internal mechanisms are also responsible for its inaccuracy.”
These three indices are the most constant bywords in Nigeria’s troublous narratives today. Unless Nigeria successfully interrogates the place of the three, it may be difficult for her to make any headway. Apart from these, one other unifying characteristic of the AK-47, the Fulani herdsman and the cow is that none of them considers any land, any man, or any object sacred: Once the cow, Kalashnikov, and Fulani are on their devious assignment, they can penetrate the most inviolate territory. Again, wherever the troika decides to unleash their anger, logic is always absent.
Bauchi State Governor, Senator Bala Mohammed, demonstrated this last week and even more. At the closing ceremony of the 2021 Press Week of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Bauchi State Council’s Correspondents’ Chapel, Mohammed literally went back to that same self-serving argument that Fulani, cows, and AK-47 have a right to any part of Nigeria, no matter the villainy they demonstrate to their hosts. You can glean from his long sermon a feeling of Fulani conquest and superintendence over the rest of Nigeria, a belief that other tribes are captives of his ethnic group. His prong for exhibiting all these was what he perceived as some of his governor colleagues’ inability to accommodate Fulani herdsmen who the former have ample evidence to confirm are unleashing violence on their constituents. Remove the siren, the expensive babanriga and the environment where Mohammed made the statement, you would think a Miyetti Allah representative was spewing their regular territorial bunkum.
Yes, regular. Some Miyetti Allah cattle officials have spoken in the same vein before now. They all took their inspiration from Sokoto Caliphate founder, Fulani warlord, and religious reformer, Usman Dan Fodio, who was quoted to have said that he would not stop expanding the Caliphate’s territory until he dipped the Koran into the sea. Initially sounding like a tale from the moonlight, but when you hear otherwise highly placed individuals like Mohammed espousing such territorial irritancy with amazing candour, then you begin to wonder. All forests belong to Nigeria and Fulani herdsmen can ply their trade everywhere. Fine. The Nigerian Constitution guarantees all Nigerians the right to live in any part of Nigeria, so far it is their place of choice. Great.
“You have seen what our colleagues in South-West are doing and some of them in South-East. Some of us told them with all modesty and humility – you are wrong… Governor (Samuel) Ortom, he started all these. If you don’t accommodate other tribes, we are also accommodating your people in Bauchi and other places. We have so many Tiv people working and farming in Alkaleri, farming in Tafawa Balewa, farming in Bogoro Local Government areas of Bauchi, has anyone asked them to go? We have not, because it is their constitutional right to be there. We have Yoruba people in Bauchi for over 150 years, even before the birth of Nigeria. Nobody has told them to go, some of them have risen to become permanent secretaries in Bauchi, Gombe, and Borno. Nobody owns any forests; the forests are owned by Nigeria,” he said.
“And now, the Fulani man is practicing the tradition of pastoralism, he has been exposed to the dangers of the forests, the animals, and now, the cattle rustlers, who carry guns, kill him and take away his commonwealth, his cows, he had no option than to defend himself because the society and the government are not protecting him. It is not his fault, it is the fault of the government and the people, you don’t criminalize all of them because in every tribe there are criminals. You should be very sensitive,” he concluded.
The above was the long-winding defence of the Fulani by Governor Mohammed, which can be broken into the conversation in this piece, to with the troika of AK-47, cow and Fulani. One wonders what Mohammed’s Fulani’s kin have done to warrant this chest-thumping that other tribes haven’t done in amazing proportion.
Go to Afenai Market or even the Ogbete Market in Enugu and you will wonder whether you were in Ilela in Sokoto State, with the heavy presence of Hausa and Fulani therein. They have been there for almost a century. In fact, as far back as 1952, Mallam Umaru Altine became the First Mayor of Enugu Municipal Council and administered it till 1958. Altine, a cattle dealer who hailed from the Sokoto province, had sojourned to the Coal City and got married to an Igbo named Esther.
He later became youth president of the Enugu branch of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC).
Go to Kishi in Oyo State and you will momentarily think you had crossed the southern border into the north. About half of the blood of the people in the latter place is said to contain Fulanis’ due to intermarriage. Some of them get elected councilors and even angle to head local councils. More fundamentally, if southerners living in those places were as violent as the Fulani living in the south, they ostensibly could never have risen that high in their places of domicile in the north. So what is the need for Governor Mohammed’s self-aggrandizement?
To proceed from the elementary reasoning level that Governor Mohammed inhabited and get to the level of articulating why people who had lived together for almost a century, now seek to live apart, is where the intellectual competence of anyone canvassing Fulani spatial hegemony seems to meet its waterloo. What went wrong is, first, Fulani settlers in those lands became hostile to the lands, raping, stealing, killing, and kidnapping their hosts. So, the land, which the Yoruba venerate as a spiritual object – the ile ogere afikuyeri – rebelled against them.
Again, with the advent of Muhammadu Buhari and his ultra-underscore of Fulani ascendancy, foreign Fulani herders, many of whom obviously had a fraternal relationship with notorious terrorist groups in the world, are infiltrating the Nigerian borders and Buhari is too ethnic-blind to stop them. For as long as Nigerian Fulani justify the infiltration of Nigeria’s borders by foreign herdsmen, in the name of Fulani nationalism, they and their kin in Nigeria who we had been living with in peace for about a century now, without any bother, would continue to have criminal blankets spread over them, without any demarcation. This is because many southerners cannot differentiate between them. A dog which, awhile ago, wagged its tail in obvious welcome and acceptance of its host and which, awhile thereafter, kept on barking in obvious hostility, should alert any sensible person of the need to conduct an examination into this obvious u-turn.
Many submissions on Fulani pastoralists’ residency in southern forests, especially the reserves, have been made. They perfectly responded to Mohammed-type puerile constitutional backing and latitude to Fulani inhabiting the forests. Thus, responding to him would be worthless. One of such is: how can a right-thinking person, in a 21st century Nigeria, justify human habitation of the forest? Those who reserved the forest did so for its habitation by flora and fauna, not human beings. Even if Fulani forefathers had been making forests their habitation, there is the need for a u-turn by their current progeny.
Governor Mohammed’s justification of the ownership of AK-47 by Fulani pastoralists is another self-serving slant of an extremely self-centered Fulani irredentist. If he glibly mouths constitutional explanation for Fulani’s ubiquitous rove across Nigeria, he should also address the constitutionality of these pastoralists owning AK-47. Where and from whom did herders get licensed to possess guns? If anyone who roves the bush could own an AK-47 because of dangers of the forest, farmers and chicken farmers should also be licensed to do the same as they are equally exposed to dangers of foxes and reptiles. Mohammed should explain the transmutation of Fulani herders of yore, who only went about with knives to confront their attackers, into wild terrorists who wield deadly AK-47 as weapons.
Why is it that when it comes to AK-47, cow, and Fulani, Fulani elite think like people who recently leased out their faculty? It was the same poisoned thinking that oozed out of renowned Islamic scholar, Sheikh Abubakar Gumi a few weeks ago. After meeting AK-47-wielding bandits inside the forests of Shinkafi and Gummi council of Zamfara State, Gumi asked for federal amnesty for these criminals. “You all have a legitimate concern and grievances and I believe that since the Niger Delta armed militants were integrated by the Federal Government and are even in the business of pipelines protection, the Federal Government should immediately look into how something like that will be done to the Fulani to provide them with reasonable means of livelihood, including jobs, working capitals, entrepreneurship training, building clinic and schooling,” he said.
If that isn’t the height of criminal complicity and opaque thinking, I cannot find a substitute. Minister of Information and Culture, Lai Mohammed, on a TVC programme last week, even confirmed that Gumi had the consent of the Federal Government to go inside the forests to talk to those bandits. He further said that the doggerel-spitting Sheikh was acting as a bridge between government and the bandits. How come Gumi didn’t go to Ibarapa and Oke-Ogun to talk to Fulani terrorizing the Yoruba in those enclaves if indeed peace was what he desired?
President Umaru Yar’Adua, who gave amnesty to Niger Delta militants during his tenure, didn’t do that because he loved the Niger Delta. He did it because militants at that time had constituted economic sabotage to Nigeria. Without that armistice ensured by Yar’Adua, Nigeria would probably vanish from the economic world. On the reverse, these terror-baking pastoralists are social leeches whose nuisances are basically their irritancy. Unlike the militants whose umbilical cords are tied to the oil from their land, the oil which has served as water trough which wets northern arid lands, the bandits are criminals, plain and simple. So why does any reasonable government need to court, rather than execute, them for their spate of murders?
The audacity of Fulani herders and their violence are on the ascendancy because the Buhari government looks the other way while their impunity lasts. They don’t have a monopoly of killing and violence but the feeling that they have government’s backing makes their victims look like cowards. It is that audacity that explains Fulani and their cows – probably with an AK-47 abetting them – infiltrating Wole Soyinka’s own forest of a thousand daemons territory in Abeokuta last week.
The truth that Bala Mohammed and the Fulani elite may not want to listen to is that southerners who have lived for almost a century with their well-behaved Fulani neighbours, could not have turned against them, all of a sudden if they had not chosen to be social leeches, burdens, and threats to their existence. In case it is bitter for them to swallow, let me embitter their spleen once again: Nigerians will continue to resist this mentality that excuses, legitimizes and justifies the tyranny of the cow, AK-47 and Fulani terrorists.
Nigeria’s cow war: Northern elites as Orogun Adedigba | By Festus Adedayo
Oyin Adejobi, late Yoruba cripple thespian, renowned for his famous African alternative dispute resolution drama sketches called Kootu Asipa of the 1980s, once allegorized the story of how he became disabled. In Orogun Adedigba, (the wicked co-wife) an autobiographical movie, Adejobi narrativized how his mother’s jealously wicked co-wife puffed up the fire of a destructive potion that immobilized him for life. That singular malediction became the burden Adejobi shouldered for his 74 years on earth. Though the Osogbo-born thespian’s stepmother’s potion succeeded in crippling him, it couldn’t stop the realization of his life’s attainment. Iconoclastic Yoruba Kennery brand music lord, Orlando Owo’s Itan Orogun Meji (the story of two co-wives) also explains the concept of a polygamous home’s squabbles.
Owo, the nonconformist musician’s narrative goes thus: Two co-wives in polygamy, in a traditional African Yoruba home, were engaged in spirited scuffles for the heart of their joint household. One day, the eldest wife conspired to kill the son of her co-wife, simply because he was more brilliant than hers. She cooked a portage delicacy served on two different plates. One, which was invitingly reddish and garnished with condiments, was sauced with a killer potion while the second plate, bereft of any poison, was whitish and uninviting. As the children of the two women arrived from school, they headed for the plates of food. While the son of the woman who hewn the death drama picked the reddish but poisoned plate, her stepson picked the one without. The malefactor’s son dies but the co-wife’s immediately went to the local football field and went a-playing football. Owo’s moral is similar to that in Bob Marley’s Small Axe track (by the way, happy posthumous anniversary to Bob. If he were alive, he would have been 76 on Saturday). They both teach that anyone who contrives calamity for his fellow man would soon pick its evil faggots, or what Marley termed “whosoever diggeth a pit, shall fall in it.”
Northern and Southern Nigeria are the proverbial co-wives in a polygamous home, A home always replete with commotion, tension is visible at the moment. There is a cow war. Are you a doctor who frequently watches patients’ throes as they wangle through their last breaths? Or, you were old enough to witness the fire and brimstones hauled at each other by Eastern and Northern Nigerian centrifugal forces in July 1967, prior to Chuwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu’s declaration of a state of Biafra? Nigeria personifies the last breaths in those narratives. For those who live within Nigeria’s borders today or who live without but regularly scoop up daily saber-rattling effusions from Nigeria, de ja vu is the eerie feeling. In their subconscious, they reckon that they had been here before. It is like a voyage through Nigeria’s jungle past, arriving at a hostile present.
In typical polygamy, illogical, selfish, and self-centered postulations are always fired. It is like hot artillery fires. As Ojukwu hauled his, they were repelled by more destructive canons from the western and northern flanks. Perhaps because they were soldiers, their exchanges were uncivil and lacked a human touch. Fast-forward to January 1970. Over a million people martyred to selfish ego and senseless tribal nationalism, millions of dollars propitiated by the groove of a blood-thirsty god of war, the two sides concluded that the spillages could have been averted at a peace table.
In 1950s Nigeria, under Ahmadu Bello and Tafawa Balewa, his Prime Minister surrogate, Nigeria’s ethnic disagreements reached their zenith. Palpable ethnic tension was the code of relationship. The north was terribly afraid of the southern head-start in the field of education which it felt conferred developmental advantages. Southern Nigeria also feared that the north’s geographical advantage and its disadvantageous fraternalism with British colonialists could make an intellectual weakling the valiant. Time proved it right after all.
Though the 1946 Richards constitution allowed the three regions to develop at their own paces, mutual suspicions defined the relationships as in polygamy. The Orogun adedigba syndrome made Balewa and Bello to side with Premier S.L. Akintola in the Western Nigerian crisis, against the Obafemi Awolowo group. It was as if they took pleasure in and sought a nihilistic end for their highly hated western region. It provoked Michael Okpara, Eastern Premier, his region and the rump of Action Group in the west to jointly fight the wicked co-wife called the northern hegemons. The ethnic tension, rather than abate, grew over the decades. Even years of military rule, led by northern military coup plotters, savoured by a sprinkle of southern officers, couldn’t tame the tension.
Today under Muhammadu Buhari, Nigeria has taken ten steps backwards to the period of 1950s and 1960s. Unless it is a matter of life and death, it is almost an unconscionable plunge for any southerner to undertake a journey to the north today. Fear of a rekindling of the 1966 pogrom is the beginning of wisdom. That pogrom was a series of mindless massacres perpetrated against Igbo and other sympathetic ethnic groups of southern Nigeria who lived in northern Nigeria. It began in May of that year and by September 29, 1966, an estimated 8,000 to 30,000 Igbo/easterners and their southern sympathizers had been butchered.
Unlike the spat of the 1950s/1960s, today’s impending war cries have nothing to do with the spatial contest with the north over its unfair dominance of the political space. It is about cows – cattle – and where they should graze. While Rwanda is carving new dominance in technology and the world is going to space, Nigeria’s internal squabble is cattle territory.
Yes, the nationalism of Fulani tribesmen has engaged literature over the years. In 1985 as Head of State, Buhari voted against Nigerian Igbo man, Peter Onu, who was vying for OAU’s Secretary-General position, choosing instead to vote his Fulani brother, Ude Oumarou. Oumarou, born in N’Dounga in the Niger Republic in 1937, was a Nigerien diplomat, government minister, as well as a journalist. He was Niger’s ambassador to the United Nations from 1980 to 1983 and served as the country’s foreign minister between 1983 and 1985. No thanks to Buhari’s vote, he later became the Secretary-General of the OAU and served between 1985 and 1988. He died on February 12, 2002. Nwalimu Julius Nyerere, late Tanzanian leader, could not stomach this scum of a stab of the Nigerian people and openly berated Major General Buhari for that spineless betrayal.
We didn’t however know that this Fulani nationalism was this iniquitously pervasive and destructively genetic.
Its metastasis is so bad that a Nigerian president would wangle in spaces for foreign members of his Fulani kindred in the geographical territory of the place he administers. He never utters a word while these same people kill his Nigerian constituents. It is something in the mold of a contrived Olusegun Obasanjo, as Nigerian president, because he is Yoruba, forcefully using his presidential powers to seek spaces in Yobe State for his Beninese brethren who speak fluent Yoruba, sing/dance Bolojo traditional song more than even his brother in Ipokia, Ogun State and practice same traditional religion that can be found in Yorubaland. And on top of it, look the other way if they kill, maim and rape his Northern Nigerian brothers and sisters in that Nigerian territory. It is eerily curious. A scriptwriter would need a vastly fertile mind to concoct such a weird scenario. But that is Nigeria’s lot in the hands of Buhari.
Estimated to be about 38 million, Fulani are spread across West Africa, beginning from Senegal to the Central African Republic. They live in numerous countries in Africa which range from Nigeria, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Cameroon, Senegal, The Gambia, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Sudan, Chad, Mauritania, among many others. They even represent between 32.1% and 40% of the population in Guinea. One noticeable feature of theirs is also that they are ultra-violent. In 2014, their violence in Nigeria was ranked fourth most deadly in the world. Just like in Nigeria, Fulani of Mali were accused of herding their cattle onto farms and destroying crops. In March, 2019, irked by their repugnant insolence and audacity, the Mali’s Dogon ethnic group slaughtered more than 130 Fulani herdsmen, in the yet most deadly riposte ever. Earlier in 2018, 202 were killed in the same Mali’s Mopti region.
Buhari has sought land for these same people in Nigeria through his RUGA policy and protection for them through the Water Resources Bill. He and his aides have told Nigerians repeatedly that these itinerant Fula pastoralists, who have no passport or any immigration clearance, can live in any part of Nigeria. Caring less whose ox was gored, his kin in Niger were the first he visited immediately he was made president in 2015. In September 2020, Buhari’s Federal Executive Council approved the sum of $2 billion for the construction of a rail line from Kano to Maradi in Niger Republic.
If Nigerians know Buhari’s huge infrastructural spending in Niger Republic, we probably will collapse. In February last year, his government announced that it would construct $81 million worth of road network from Sokoto, Jigawa down to Niger Republic. In April 2018, it also said that it would be collaborating with Niger to build a $2billion refinery to be located in Niger. Justifying the influx of criminal elements from Niger to Nigeria, he recently said that only God could protect that route from criminals.
What kind of human being justifies killings and pains inflicted on his fellow man? It is only on the Animal TV Channel that one would think this was excusable and practicable. But no, northern elders have proven that that Animal Channel trait isn’t an exclusive preserve of the carnivorous fauna society. For more than half a century, Yoruba have lived peaceably with Fulani herders. In some northern parts of Oyo State, especially those who trace their progeny to Ibaribaland, intermarriages of decades have subsisted. Many of these so-called Yoruba there have a mixture of Fulani/Yoruba blood. Fulani are councilors in local councils in the area and fight for political space to be chairmen.
They speak Yoruba more than they do their own Fulani. Now that an influx of their murderous Fula kin have infiltrated the people’s land, destroying crops, raping women and visiting unknown banditry on the people as they did to the Dogon of Central Mali, it is only logical that this violent variant of Fulani be flushed out from Yorubaland. Policemen would not lift a finger against these lords of the manor as they are the president’s kinsmen. There is nowhere that they have ever been convicted for their crimes. It is only logical for the law not to prosecute kin of an Almighty Buhari who, about two decades ago, stormed same Oyo State as the champion of the rights of “his people” being killed “by your people.”
In all this, Yoruba’s Northern Orogun adedigba and their elders never raised their voices against the villainy of the Fulani. When their fly was feasting on the Yoruba wound, it was desirable to keep mute but when the victim started to masticate the offending fly, all hell is now let loose. Now that the Yoruba have had a fill of the Fulani violence and are asking their murderous guests to leave them in peace, a cacophony of sickening, self-centered cries is flying in the firmament. The Northern Elders Forum (NEF) was the first to grump. Last week, it worried over ejection notices given to Fulani herders and their families in some states of the south. No one heard NEF upbraid Fulani when they embarked on their spate of murders.
Enters Nasir el-Rufai, the Kaduna State governor. Under him, Fulani have allegedly killed Southern Kaduna indigenes probably in proportion to the casualties of the Nigerian civil war. Now, el-Rufai is preaching against anarchy. This is simply because his Fula kindred have been asked to leave Yorubaland for peace to reign. In a statement he issued last week, el-Rufai expressed worry over video clips he said were circulating on the social media, even though he said he had not seen any himself, of how his people were being “massacred and their property destroyed.” These were one of the same set of people who claimed that the word “massacre” by soldiers was inappropriate for the Lekki Toll Gate killings. Now, el-Rufai is bothered about “avoidable rhetoric, frenzied ethnic profiling” and the place of the law in human killings. Neither he nor Buhari has expressed disgust at the broad daylight rape and killing of Yoruba by Fulani herdsmen.
Restructuring in a properly practiced federal Nigeria, akin to the two Orogun adedigba living in their different abodes, working for their individual survival and sustenance and being given their dues by their superintending husband, is the only remedy to this quarrelsome togetherness. That is if the two troublous wives won’t go their separate ways.
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