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Dele Momodu@60: Relationship Beyond Ovation | By Olayinka Agboola

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(L-R) Yinka Agboola and his boss, Dele Momodu

We were all born to achieve different purposes in life. Yes. We all desire to be successful but most of us never really develop that critical sense of focus, passion and perseverance.

Ayobamidele Abayomi Ojutelegan Ajani Momodu had all these ‘packaged’ for him in copious measures by the Creator as he journeyed down to this world sixty years ago.

It has been a very long time since I wrote tributes like this about anybody, anywhere. I have, perhaps, become lazy or maybe I have been too busy keeping myself and my businesses alive to bother about scripting eulogies to deserving friends and loved ones.

I can quickly submit here before I forget that I am yet to meet a Nigerian that has passion for Journalism as much as Basorun Dele Momodu. And I have so many reasons for my submission. It is no gainsaying that the Creator bestowed on him a far more than average intelligence quotient matched with a gargantuan native balance to push ahead in life. He is truly a man with a divine mission.

How did I meet Basorun?

I first met him while I was a student of the defunct Oyo State College of Arts and Science (OSCAS), Ile Ife, Osun State in 1982 after I left Lagelu Grammar School, Ibadan.

Even at that time, it was obvious he was going to end up in life as a popular man. I knew him. But I was sure he did not know me. I was certainly not one of those to attract his attention that time. He was one of our young lecturers and I recall that he handled English Literature under Mr Ogunmodede then. But he was so popular we all called him ‘Dele Mad’. How we came about that, I cannot readily recollect here. Seye Oyeleyo of DAWN Commission, a friend and fellow student at that time may recollect…

After our encounter in Ile Ife, I did not get to hear anything about him until I got to Lagos in 1991.The story of my sojourn in Lagos will come later (if I end up squeezing time to knock it together).

I landed in Lagos after serving in Bauchi and running a company with Brother Gbenga Adeyemi (Guze), the elder brother of one of my mates at Lagelu Grammar School, Ibadan. I left the North-Eastern city owing to the religious riots that broke out in 1991. I thereafter chose to stay briefly in Ibadan before proceeding to Lagos in tandem with the adrenalin of adventure which had overtaken my being. I took my father’s car with me. It was this car that I used in borrowing money to uplift the career of a popular juju musician in whose talent I had faith. He defaulted in paying and the issue became a media war between us. I still have copies of editions of The Punch, Daily Sketch, Vanguard, Nigerian Tribune, Daily Times, Hints and several others who published our ‘war’ then. It was during this brouhaha in 1992 that I encountered Dele Momodu officially.

Apparently, he read about the media brickbats the musician and I were throwing at each other and somehow, we met and he sat me down for a serious lecture. During the session, he told me the story of how he fell out with his own boss too, late May Helen Ezekiel who owned Classique Magazine. He told me about how he started a media war against her before Otunba Mike Adenuga, the owner of Globacom lectured him on why it is against the laws of propriety to engage close associates or friends in media war. This drew me to Momodu and prompted me to immediately drop my ‘toga of battle’ to follow him just like Peter began to follow Christ the Messiah.

By this time, he was a major distributor of the now defunct famous Abiola Bread owned by late Basorun Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola. He sold bread with his blue-colored Volkswagen Jetta Car. At the same time, he was a Contributing Editor at the defunct FAME WEEKLY MAGAZINE where he maintained a weekly column, PENDULUM.

Bob Dee, as I met others calling him that time was the man everybody wanted to talk to and be with. His column was one of the very major reasons people bought FAME WEEKLY MAGAZINE. The directors then were Mayor Akinpelu, Kunle Bakare and Femi Akintunde-Johnson.

Unofficially, I became Bob Dee’s Personal Assistant running stuffs for him. I must at this point confess that this new relationship with the prolific writer fanned the flair for writing in me. I would take the manuscript of his PENDULUM from him as he wrote each page and re-write. I never really graduated as an apprentice writer because we almost immediately got involved with the MKO Abiola presidential campaign.

Bob Dee got his friends to employ me as a reporter at FAME WEEKLY. I was put under the late WALE OLOMU to also learn how to write entertainment stories. But Dele Momodu was still my boss.

Later, Prince Nduka Obaigbena asked Bob Dee to set up THISDAY Newspapers for him. He gave him a brand new Peugeot 504. Before this time, Chief MKO Abiola had arranged for a grey Mercedes Benz for him.

The newspaper took off somewhere on Norman Williams in Ikoyi, if I still remember. Okagbue Aduba, a complete gentleman, was brought in as the pioneer Editor. This is an interesting story for another day.

The point here is that Bob Dee put everything he had behind everything he did and is still doing. He is an excellent multi-tasking guru who kept his weekly column writing alongside his private consultancy businesses while still ensuring that THISDAY took off even as he continued running stuffs for MKO Abiola and his campaign team.

Permit me if I miss anything out because at this point, things started moving at a dizzying pace. The Jos Primary election that produced MKO Abiola took place; Baba Gana Kingibe was chosen as his running mate; their party was Social Democratic Party (SDP);Bashir Tofa emerged as the candidate of NRC; the elections held and MKO won. Yes, he won. Thereafter, the June 12, 1993 struggle started. We all abandoned what we were doing to concentrate on how to actualize the mandate given to the legendary MKO.

At this time, the owner of THISDAY, Nduka Obaigbena had become a strong anti-June 12 advocate. He wanted Bob Dee to join him. Of course, Dele Momodu declined, stuck to the June 12 struggle. He never wavered. He was resolute. This landed him in Alagbon. He was detained for several days. After this, we smuggled him out of Nigeria to the United Kingdom.

While in London, he never allowed the challenges he faced in the bid to firmly entrench himself in his new abode to obliterate his passion for journalism. This was how he ‘conjured up’ with the idea of establishing OVATION INTERNATIONAL MAGAZINE.

For those who do not know, we operated in Lagos like a ‘triumvirate family’. Dele Momodu was the father, Kunle Bakare of the then, Fame Weekly Magazine was his best friend and son and I was the grandson. In those days, if one of us was at the then famous Nite Shift Nite Club with Ken Calebs Olumhese, you could be sure the others were around. Such was the strength of the chord that bound us! The rest is history.

When he therefore came up with the idea of OVATION INTERNATIONAL MAGAZINE, he relied on Kunle Bakare and my humble self. We handled the Nigerian end of the business. We would arrange for materials and send to him. He would then package and publish and send to Nigeria. We distributed the magazines alongside FAME WEEKLY.

Somehow, Bob Dee and Kunle Bakare fell out. This became a huge dilemma for me. I assumed Kunle Bakare was my best friend that time. God bless his enigmatic wife, Desola. I was unfortunately caught in the middle of a quarrel between two great friends. I did not know what to do or on whose side to stay. Bob Dee was my boss. Bakare also known as Mr. KB was my friend.

It took me almost three months to make up my mind on what to do. I give thanks to God for the lives of Chief Ezekiel Fatoye, Godwin Mekwuye of Vivid Imagination, Hassan Fatungase of the then Bakers’ World and Sir Doksy, now Oba Adedokun Abolarin, the Orangun of Oke Ila; late Sonny Okosuns, Olabode Opeseitan, Daniel Wilson and Daddy Showkey. They helped me to make up my mind.

I had two options -join Kunle Bakare and abandon the OVATION INTERNATIONAL project, or stay with Dele Momodu and lose KB’s friendship and resign from Fame Weekly as Assistant Editor.

Chief Fatoye, Hassan Fatungase, Vivid and Doksy and others all asked me one question…How did you meet the two warring gentlemen? My answer, ‘Dele Momodu introduced me to Kunle Bakare’. Then, they unanimously advised me to stay with Dele Momodu, who, at this time could not come to Nigeria.

After this admonition, I packed Ovation Magazine’s documents and all appertaining to it out of the Wemabod Estate, Ikeja office of FAME WEEKLY MAGAZINE to Afisman Drive, Anifowose in Central Ikeja where late Brother Rotimi Seriki(another wonderful soul), the husband of senior sister of Dele Momodu’s wife had a ready office for Ovation Magazine. So, the business of running the magazine continued under my humble self. And this was an assignment I carried out to the best of my ABILITY. Afterall, I could not have offered what I did not have. The rest is history…

As someone close to him at that time, I learnt so many lessons following him around, I learnt to practically worship him because he was to me, an enigma. He could speak both Yoruba and English fluently, he could write both, he was creative and he was extremely humane. He loved to read and had a very rich library. These were the virtues in him that served to cement our bond.

I stand the risk of sounding like a broken record but, permit me to mention specific examples to buttress the virtues that made Bob Dee tick.

Selfless

Bob Dee was not a rich man, but I saw him, at that time, sponsor at least four young men through their Law School programmes. One of them, Barrister Bamidele Abolarin (Super Dee) lives in Ibadan like me today.

Live and Let Live

Bob Dee lived for the day. If he had ten thousand naira, he would dash out eight and keep two. And if he had reason to dash out the two, he would. Fellow journalists would come to him at his Adigboluja, Ojodu, Lagos residence with myriads of problems and he would not only listen, he would lift fingers to support. Examples are too numerous to mention here. One of us then had problems with his wife because he did not have a car. Dele Momodu dashed him his Jetta Car!

Courageous and Committed

If you are looking for an example of courage, Bob Dee was one. For those who can remember, in 1993 during the heat of the election annulment, Bob Dee staged a ‘coup’ which saw the leader of the infamous Association for Better Nigeria (ABN), Chief Abimbola Davis speaking to the press from The Kitchen Restaurant on Allen Avenue. After the epochal media meeting, we all ran away. Davis was smuggled out of Lagos to Togo using a Peugeot 504 car that I was commissioned to arrange. Bob Dee also disappeared while I escaped to Ibadan. In addition, Bob Dee was in charge of several underground moves to actualize the June 12 mandate of MKO.

Today, on behalf of my wife, Oluwatoyin and children, I thank him for being a great mentor to me despite our differences. He taught me that I must always restrict myself to my area of competence, be contented and to always stay on my own lane. He also lectured me on the need to dress well and be decent at all times. These orientations I got from the great Bob Dee, added to the Grace of God have helped me in life. This, to me is a relationship, brotherhood beyond Ovation. I am always proud to associate with this selfless mentor.

Basorun Dele Momodu, omo Iya Oyo, happy 60th birthday sir! God bless you, God bless your elegant wife, Omobolaji and all your children.

 

 

Olayinka Agboola is the Crew Leader at Parrot Xtra Magazine, PMParrot.com and Parrot Xtra Hour On Radio

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Opinion

Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration

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The popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.

For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.

Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.

Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.

What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.

Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.

Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.

Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.

The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.

One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.

As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.

Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.

At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.

At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.

The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.

Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.

Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.

As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.

History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.

 

Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator

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Opinion

An Open Letter to Northern Leaders: Arewa Is Bleeding. Who Will Answer the Call? 

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I write this letter with a heavy heart to the sons and daughters of Arewa, particularly those entrusted with leadership and influence, concerning the painful reality confronting our region today. Once united in purpose and driven by a shared vision, Arewa now appears to be living in the shadow of its glorious past.

Our forefathers built this great region with one voice, setting aside differences of ethnicity and religion. They understood that unity was our greatest strength and that our diversity was not a weakness but a blessing. Their legacy was one of peace, mutual respect, visionary leadership, and collective progress.

Today, it is heartbreaking to witness how far we have drifted from those ideals. This letter is a sincere call for reflection, reconciliation, and a renewed commitment to rebuilding the unity, security, and prosperity that once defined our beloved Arewa.

Arewa Under Siege

Northern Nigeria has become widely known as a hotspot for multiple forms of insecurity. From the Boko Haram insurgency to widespread kidnapping, armed banditry, and violent attacks, fear has become part of everyday life. People no longer feel safe in their homes, workplaces, on their farms, or while travelling on the highways. Every journey is undertaken with uncertainty, with no guarantee of arriving safely.
Even more troubling is the perception that these security challenges have become normalised. Reports of abductions, killings, and attacks have become so frequent that they often receive far less attention than they deserve. This perceived indifference from those in positions of authority has contributed to a growing public belief that criminal groups now operate with confidence and relative impunity.

Consequently, many residents feel abandoned, while public trust in the government’s ability to protect lives and property continues to erode.

Addressing this crisis requires a coordinated and sustained response through stronger security operations, improved intelligence gathering, greater support for affected communities, and genuine accountability. Without decisive action, the cycle of violence and fear will continue to undermine the region’s stability, economic development, and the well-being of its people.

Beyond Insecurity: A Crisis of Leadership

The North’s challenges are not accidental. Poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment are the cumulative consequences of long-standing structural failures, weak governance, and policy choices that have compounded over decades.

Responsibility is shared across different segments of society—including the political elite, the educated class, and the business community—many of whom have possessed both the influence and the opportunity to intervene more decisively than they have.

Rather than being the result of a single coordinated agenda, what is evident is a persistent pattern of neglect, weak accountability, and recurring governance failures that have allowed social and economic conditions to deteriorate. These failures have contributed to rising unemployment, declining educational outcomes, inadequate healthcare, and the expansion of insecurity across much of the region.

Breaking this cycle requires more than assigning blame. It demands institutional reform, accountable leadership, strategic investment in human capital, and a renewed sense of public responsibility.

Where Are the Northern Elite?

This brings us to the most difficult question: Where are the Northern elite? Where are the governors, ministers, lawmakers, business leaders, scholars, and other influential voices? Many command enormous influence, considerable private wealth, and extensive international networks, yet too often appear unable—or unwilling—to meaningfully confront the conditions that continue to leave large parts of the region insecure, impoverished, and politically weakened.

Why does this gap persist?

Part of the answer lies in proximity to power. In political environments shaped by patronage, speaking boldly may threaten access, while silence preserves influence. Over time, self-preservation begins to resemble strategy.

Unfortunately, the cost is borne not by those in positions of privilege but by ordinary communities far removed from the rooms where decisions are made.

Reviving the North’s Industrial Legacy
Northern Nigeria was once the industrial powerhouse of the country. Cities such as Kano and Kaduna were thriving centres of manufacturing, commerce, and employment. Today, much of that industrial strength has faded.

This is, therefore, a respectful appeal to two of Nigeria’s most accomplished industrialists—Aliko Dangote and Abdul Samad Rabiu. Many people continue to ask why there is limited visible large-scale industrial reinvestment in Kano, your home state, and across Northern Nigeria.

As a Kano indigene, and to the best of my knowledge, neither Aliko Dangote nor Abdul Samad Rabiu currently operates major manufacturing facilities actively producing in Kano. Several facilities associated with their businesses are widely reported to have become inactive or to function primarily as warehouses rather than active industrial plants. For example, along Tafawa Balewa Road, two BUA facilities that previously operated flour and vegetable oil mills are reported to have ceased production. Likewise, several Dangote industrial sites stretching from Mai Malari Road to the Sharada Industrial Area are also widely reported to be inactive or operating far below capacity.

Kano and Kaduna, once renowned for their vibrant manufacturing sectors, have experienced decades of industrial decline, resulting in widespread unemployment and underutilised infrastructure. At the same time, a significant share of new private-sector industrial investment appears to have been concentrated in other parts of the country, particularly the South-West. This naturally raises important questions about balanced national development.
Philanthropy remains valuable and deeply appreciated. Scholarships, donations, and humanitarian support undoubtedly improve lives. However, charity cannot replace sustainable industrial development.

What the North urgently needs is long-term investment that revives manufacturing, creates employment, strengthens local supply chains, develops skills, and rebuilds industrial ecosystems across Kano, Kaduna, and neighbouring states. Strong factories build strong communities, while sustainable industries create lasting prosperity. The expectation, therefore, is not charity but a renewed commitment to the economic transformation of the region where many of Nigeria’s greatest industrial success stories first began.

The Responsibility of Business Leaders

The Northern business elite have watched insecurity, poverty, and displacement deepen while economic activity has increasingly concentrated elsewhere.

Insurgency, banditry, and weakened rural governance have disrupted agriculture, trade routes, and local markets. Investment naturally gravitates towards safer and more predictable environments. Yet public advocacy from many influential business leaders has often remained muted, constrained by commercial interests, political relationships, and regulatory considerations.

The region risks becoming divided into two realities: one integrated into national wealth and opportunity, and the other left to bear the consequences of persistent insecurity, economic stagnation, and neglect.

Business leadership extends beyond generating profits. It also entails helping to create an environment where enterprise can flourish, jobs can be created, and communities can prosper. Sustainable economic growth depends not only on private investment but also on the willingness of influential stakeholders to advocate policies and initiatives that promote stability, security, and inclusive development.

The North’s business community has historically played a significant role in shaping the region’s economic fortunes. That tradition of leadership remains essential today. While governments bear primary responsibility for governance and security, the private sector also possesses the capacity to influence development through strategic investments, partnerships, innovation, and constructive engagement with public institutions.

Rebuilding confidence in Northern Nigeria requires collaboration among government, businesses, civil society, and local communities. A more secure and prosperous region ultimately benefits everyone, creating new opportunities for investment, employment, and long-term economic growth.

A Message to Political Leaders

To the political leadership of Northern Nigeria: the contradiction has become increasingly difficult to ignore. The region remains one of the country’s most significant in terms of population and political influence, yet it continues to lag behind on key development indicators such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, employment, and security.

When communities are attacked, farmers are displaced, and schools are forced to close, silence from those entrusted with leadership is seldom interpreted as restraint. More often, it is perceived as detachment. Leadership is measured not only by electoral success or political influence but also by the willingness to confront difficult realities with courage, empathy, and decisive action.

The expectations of citizens go beyond promises. They seek visible commitment, practical solutions, and sustained engagement with the challenges affecting their daily lives. Rebuilding public confidence requires leadership that is accountable, responsive, and focused on the long-term development of the region.

A Message to the Educated and Professional Class

To our academics, professionals, and intellectuals: the evidence is neither hidden nor difficult to find. Reports, research, and lived experiences consistently reveal widening gaps in human development, education, healthcare, and security.

Yet, too often, expertise remains confined within institutions and professional circles that discourage open engagement with entrenched power. Knowledge should not merely describe problems; it should help solve them. Research should inform policy, enrich public debate, and contribute meaningfully to sustainable solutions.

Every society depends on courageous thinkers who are willing to engage constructively, challenge complacency, and place the public interest above personal convenience. The North possesses no shortage of intellectual talent. What is needed is a stronger connection between knowledge and action.

A Message to Cultural Influencers

To our musicians, artists, writers, actors, and other public figures: throughout history, art has served as a powerful instrument of truth, reflection, and social transformation. Cultural voices have inspired movements, preserved history, and given hope to communities during difficult times.

Yet, when economic survival becomes closely tied to political or commercial interests, critical voices often become subdued. Society benefits when its cultural figures speak with honesty, empathy, and a sense of responsibility. Their influence extends beyond entertainment; it helps shape public values, inspire civic engagement, and amplify the concerns of ordinary people.

A Shared Responsibility

Ultimately, this is not solely a Northern Nigerian problem. It reflects a broader question confronting societies everywhere: what happens when elite interests become disconnected from the well-being of ordinary people?

When access becomes more valuable than accountability, and proximity to power outweighs responsibility to the public, silence is rarely accidental—it becomes institutionalised.

The result is a widening emotional and political distance between leadership and the people. Unless that distance is narrowed through meaningful investment, principled advocacy, and courageous leadership, the same questions will continue to resonate:

Who speaks? Who benefits? Who bears the cost?

History will judge every generation by how it responds to the challenges of its time. Northern Nigeria possesses enormous human potential, entrepreneurial talent, agricultural resources, and a rich cultural heritage.

What it requires now is leadership marked by vision, courage, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the common good.

This letter is not intended to condemn but to encourage honest reflection and meaningful action. The future of Arewa depends not only on government but also on every leader, businessperson, scholar, professional, artist, and citizen willing to place the region’s long-term prosperity above personal or political interests.

May we find the wisdom to rebuild what has been weakened, the courage to confront uncomfortable truths, and the determination to restore Northern Nigeria to its rightful place as a region of peace, opportunity, and shared prosperity.

 

Abba Dukawa writes from Kano and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com.

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Opinion

2027: Why Oyo APC Should Close Ranks Behind Sarafadeen Alli | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Since the emergence of Senator Sarafadeen Alli as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2027 election in Oyo State, I have listened to and read numerous reactions from party members and stakeholders. While some of his co-contestants have expressed disappointment, such feelings are understandable in every keenly contested democratic process.

Interestingly, many people have attempted to draw Senator Teslim Folarin into the controversy surrounding the party’s choice. However, he has remained silent. In my view, that silence is deliberate. I believe Senator Folarin understands the direction taken by the party’s national leadership regarding the choice of candidate.

Anyone who believes Senator Folarin was unaware of Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s governorship ambition does not fully appreciate his political experience. Senator Folarin is a strategic politician. In the 2023 governorship election, he pursued victory with determination and commitment. Personally, I had hoped he would emerge victorious, and I remain convinced that he gave his all in that contest.

Former Minister of Power, Chief Bayo Adelabu, also contested the 2023 governorship election on the platform of the Accord Party. Although I disagreed with that political decision, democracy guarantees every citizen the freedom of association and political choice.

Following the election, he was appointed into the Federal Executive Council, a development many interpreted differently based on their political perspectives.

Today, Chief Adelabu commands a substantial political following built over several election cycles. His support base remains significant, and if APC is to present a formidable front in 2027, Senator Sarafadeen Alli will undoubtedly benefit from the goodwill and backing of Adelabu and his loyalists.

Similarly, former Minister of Communications, Barrister Adebayo Shittu, has consistently demonstrated interest in Oyo State’s governorship over the years, even though he did not purchase the APC nomination form this time. His political experience and network remain valuable assets that should not be ignored.

My sympathy also goes to those aspirants who invested as much as ₦50 million each to purchase the APC governorship nomination form. That is no small sacrifice. Nonetheless, politics demands sacrifice in the collective interest. The pendulum could easily have swung in favour of any of them. Had that happened, the rest of us would equally have appealed to others to rally behind the eventual flag bearer.

I recall an incident during the 2022/2023 party activities when an official from Abuja, sent to supervise APC affairs in Oyo State, passionately appealed to stakeholders to embrace consensus. His message remains instructive. He warned that continued division within the party would only prolong its stay outside power and ultimately hurt everyone.

That warning remains relevant today.
For seven years, the APC has remained outside government in Oyo State. Can the party afford another four years in opposition? I do not think so.

This is why the task before us goes beyond the personal ambition of Senator Sarafadeen Alli. It is a collective struggle for every APC member, especially the foot soldiers who have remained loyal through difficult times. The Federal Government alone cannot provide opportunities for everyone. Regaining power in Oyo State is essential if the party hopes to broaden opportunities for its members at both the state and federal levels.

The challenge before us, therefore, is to build a larger political platform that accommodates everyone.
Senator Sarafadeen Alli is no political novice. Over the years, he has built relationships across virtually every ward in Oyo State. His political structure and grassroots appeal are undeniable. If party members unite behind him, APC stands a strong chance of returning to Government House.

Realistically, the 2027 governorship contest in Oyo State is shaping up to feature three major political forces. First is Senator Sarafadeen Alli of the APC, representing arguably the state’s most established political platform. Second is Hon. Bimbo Adekanbi, who many believe enjoys the backing of Governor Seyi Makinde and is expected to fly the flag of the APM. Third is Alhaji Hazmat Oriyomi of the Accord Party, whose growing popularity among many grassroots supporters cannot be dismissed.

The eventual winner is likely to emerge from one of these three political blocs. That reality alone should remind APC members that victory is far from guaranteed.

The surest path to success is unity.

This election should not be seen as Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s personal battle. It is the collective responsibility of every APC member who desires the party’s return to power in Oyo State.

The time has come to bury personal grievances, close ranks and work together. Only through unity can APC reclaim Oyo State in 2027.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, former Chairman of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Oyo State, former Chairman of Ido Local Government, former Commissioner for Education, Science and Technology in Oyo State, and former Federal Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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