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ASUU’s ‘Valentine’ Strike and ‘Maradona’ Government

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In the Spirit of the season of Love, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) on February 14 commenced a “four-week roll-over, total and comprehensive strike action” over failure of the Federal Government (FG) to fully implement the Memorandum of Action (MoA) it signed with the Union on 23rd December, 2020. The Union is angry that the draft report of the renegotiated 2009 FGN/ASUU agreement which has been submitted to FG for finalization and signing has been delayed for over nine months. ASUU is unhappy with FG’s delay tactic in the adoption of the University Transparency and Accountability Solution (UTAS) and the forceful payment of salaries and emoluments of her members through the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS). In this piece, attempt is made to unpack the factors underlying the current warning strike and the likelihood that it may become indefinite if the leopard of FG does not change its spots. This piece reveals the irresponsibility in high places and unveil a deliberate attempt to enslave the intellectual community. How did we get to the warning strike?

Ladies and gentlemen, on March 9, 2020, ASUU began an indefinite strike to: ask government to revitalize public universities with funding, pay arrears of earned academic allowances from 2013 to date, pay salary shortfall, halt proliferation of state universities, make FG constitute visitation panels to her universities to assess governance challenges, ensure FG constitute 2009 FGN/ASUU renegotiation Committee, get government to adopt University Transparency and Accountability Solution (UTAS), and get withheld salaries paid to members as well as ensure that deducted but un-remitted check-off Union dues are paid to Union accounts. The Federal government failed to use the period of lockdown to engage the Union until it was time for students to return to school. By December 22, 2020, the Union, considered the implorations from parents and other stakeholders and signed a Memorandum of Action (MoA) with timelines to each item in the agreement assigned.

On the re-constitution of the 2009 FGN/ASUU re-negotiation committee, it was agreed that the committee would be inaugurated on December 2nd 2020 and given eight weeks to conclude its work. “Government posited with certainty that the negotiated position shall be implemented without delays. The Minister of Labour and Employment undertook to liaise with the leadership of the Governors forum, Senate and Chief of Staff of Mr President to actualize the expeditious implementation of the agreement that would ensue from the re-negotiation”. Ladies and gentlemen, the renegotiation that was supposed to end in eight weeks didn’t end until May, 2021, because some members of the FG team contracted COVID-19 and everything had to wait until they recovered. However, months after the submission of the renegotiated agreement, the FG has been dribbling the Union against their promise to “implement without delay” as contained in the 2020 MoA. Why is this renegotiation important?

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For 13 years, ASUU had relegated pursuing better welfare of their members and elevated getting better infrastructure and conducive learning environment. But each time ASUU pursues these altruistic goals, the principal beneficiaries (parents and students) stand as opposition to the struggle. Does the holy book say love thy neighbour more than yourself? Lecturers, therefore told their leadership pointblank to prioritize their welfare and liberate them with a living wage and a world class conditions of service. In August 2021, I wrote on ‘greedy Nigerian professors and their fat salaries’. Let me tell you that no professor in Nigerian public universities earn $1000 in a month. See what other cadres earn: Assistant lecturer (N118,277 -N137, 334); Lecturer II has a doctorate degree (N129, 724 – N153, 563); Lecturer I has at least three years post-PhD experience on the job (N160, 809 – N203, 778); Senior Lecturer with at least six years experience on the job (N222,229 –314, 159); Associate Professor (with at least nine years experience on the job: N277, 179 – N350, 169) and a full Professor with more than 12 years of experience on the job (N332, 833 – 416, 743). This is what they have been earning since 2009. Divide their earnings with dollar and you will know why they are bitter.

In Ugandan public varsities, Assistant Lecturer earns $1,631; Senior lecturer, $2,432; Associate Professor, $3,891 and Professor, $4,054 per month, respectively. In University of South Africa, a Junior Lecturer earns N10, 453, 326 – N17,427,663; Lecturer, N12,547,744-N20,910,248; Senior Lecturer, N16,272,983 – N27,891,819; Associate Professor, N20,224,232 – N32,564,902) and Professor, N22,325,844 – N37,209,741 per annum. Nigeria cant even attract a lecturer from Ugandan let alone scholars from South Africa! While a politician from Uganda and South Africa will be happy to work as politician in Nigeria, their scholars will never come to Nigeria. This is why Nigeria can’t attract foreign scholars to our ivory towers.

What about the funding for revatilisation? The 2013 MOU stipulates that Nigerian public varsity would need the sum of N1.3trilion for a modest revitalisation. The fund was to be paid in tranches of N200billion (2013), 220b (2014), 220billion (2015), 220billion (2016), N220b (2017) and 220billion (2018) respectively. Only the former President Goodluck Jonathan government released 200billion in 2014. It took another strike before the Muhammadu Buhari government released N20billion in 2019 “as a show of commitment to the MoU of 2013”. In the 2020 MoA, government offered to pay N30billion “on or before January 2021”. It will shock you that the N30billion was just paid last November/December 2021. This leaves a balance of N170billion to be paid for year 2014. It should be noted that the money for revitalization goes to university administration and not ASUU as government will want people to believe. When you say ASUU loves strike, remember that students live in zoo-like hostels, take lecturers in crowded and poorly ventilated lecture rooms and ill-equipped laboratories. The implication is that students produced in such conditions will not have pity on others when they get to position of leadership in future.

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Earned academic allowances (EAA) are also owed lecturers in public varsities spanning 2013 through 2020. The last disbursement made by government was only for 2021 because a provision for it was forced to be made in the supplementary budget of 2021. Earned Academic Allowances is an agreement reached to compensate lecturers who do excess work more than required since government refuse to employ and students’ population keeps increasing. There is a minimum number of student-lecturer ratio approved. In some disciplines, it is one lecturer to 40 students but in Nigerian public varsities, a lecturer could teach a class size of about 300students or more. It is the excess of what ought to be taught that is calculated as EAA. Since, 2013, lecturers have been supervising students on credit with government owing them in excess of over sixty billion naira!

There is also the issue of UTAS. ASUU opposes the use of IPPIS in paying salaries of lecturers because it does not capture the peculiarities of the university system. It developed University Transparency and Accountability Solution (UTAS). The Minister of Labour and Employment Chris Ngige gave his assurance in 2020 to follow up with Nigeria Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) and Federal Ministry of Education (FME) to expedite action on the test process and ensure the deployment of the UTAS for the payment of salaries of staff of universities. The timeline was February 2021 for the discussion of time for its deployment. These agencies tested the UTAS platform and rated it 87percent and only asked the Union to correct the observed issues. But while the assessment was concluded in August 2021, government refused to release the assessment report to ASUU until December 16, 2021. ASUU is now angry because, government says the Union will start the test process all over!

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Lecturers continue to do researches with their money and that is the only grace Nigerian public universities are still enjoying to feature in webometric rankings. When strike happens, students suffer and lecturers whose promotions are due get trapped in it but we must fight and sacrifice. Ideally, students ought to be the one fighting government to get better infrastructure and conducive learning environment but lecturers, through their Union have decided to do this as a sacrifice for the children of the masses. I know many ASUU chairmen who face the ethical dilemma of having to prosecute strike while their children at home ask them: “Daddy, why don’t you people just let me graduate first?”. Everyone is in a hurry going nowhere. No pain, no gain. Years ago, ASUU warned that one day, the children of the poor will have nothing left to eat but the children of the rich. This is already happening. The untrained millions of out-of-school children are unleashing the beast the system planted in them through banditry, terrorism, armed robbery, kidnapping among others. Parents and other stakeholders have options to pick from: join government to destroy public funded university education or support ASUU to extract commitment and funding from government so that children of the masses will have hope of becoming responsible leaders of tomorrow.

 

Dr Tade, a sociologist writes via dotad2003@yahoo.com

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Opinion

OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

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The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

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‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

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‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

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For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

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Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

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I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

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There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

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Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

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Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

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Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

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It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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