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Aliko Dangote’s Costly Libido Mess | By Festus Adedayo

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How can a man fight very difficult life battles, vanquish them all, be a household name in the world as a result of his handsome laurels in business and then, all of a sudden, get picked up effortlessly on the bed by women as they do snails in farm furrows? This is the question on the lips of the world as Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, confronts his deconstruction by some self-confessed mistresses Autumn Spikes and Bea Lewis.

This Dangote costly mess on cozy beds has spiked globally, diverting riveting attention to the Kano-born business dinosaur. Lewis claimed she had been Aliko’s mistress for ten years. World’s attention then shifted from Aliko’s multiple billions, his unassuming simplicity and his world class monstrous  refinery, to the narrative of licit or illicit romance. Lewis had, in January this year, shared photographs of their tryst on her Instagram handle. An American restaurateur, she alleged that Aliko broke her heart. Using the metaphor of broken earthenware, she said the billionaire broke her fragile heart into more than a thousand fragments.

To convince Doubting Thomases who might have controverted her claims that she was talking about same boardroom dinosaur, Aliko, Lewis shared photographs of her and Dangote in a dalliance. The lady even went a step further to share with the world what she called her derivables from the tryst.

Then another lady hopped on the rendezvous. Identified as Autumn Spikes, an African American, she posted a video that went viral of her and Dangote. The clip revealed Africa’s richest man lying on the same couch down by his voluptuous nemesis and a part of his buttocks shyly winking to the world.

In further public interventions by Spikes, it became obvious that the video was a mere “Statement of the Problem,” an attempt to dig a fertile ground, where to situate an ultimate plan to conveniently squeeze cash from Africa’s richest billionaire. Last Thursday, in another post from her handle, @allounda1, Spikes escalated the narrative. Therein, she alleged that Dangote had insulted her by offering a mere $15,000, as well as another $2,500 monthly to shut her mouth, so as not to turn the affair into a global love snafu. Rather than these offers, however, to keep the mess off the streets, she said she was demanding a princely sum of $5 million before she could enter a Non-Disclosure Agreement (NDA) that Dangote demanded.

An acclaimed British professor was once quoted to have said that all the libraries in the world put together do not smell as sweetly as the scent of a woman’s groin. Is this why great men in the world put their greatness in the scabbard when engaged in appropriate or inappropriate relationship with women? Perhaps this is why men, on sighting women, engage in actions they would otherwise never have if they were in possession of their senses? So, is there a mechanism in man-woman interface that is filled with an unspoken and even unknown mesmerism and chemistry? What is it about women that the greatest of all men crumble at the sight and feel  of their allure? Why do men whose brains have taken to the top seem to warehouse such brains while in romance with women, thereby making them easy prey or prisoner in-between the succulence of  the female anatomy?  Are women’s brains superior to men’s and reason why French call them the destructive female, femmes fatale?

Whatever Aliko went through or is going through in the hands of Spikes and Lewis is the usual story that so many great men went/go through in the hands of women. It only comes in different dimensions. Gaius Julius Caesar, Roman General and statesman, reputed to be a major force who played critical roles in the demise of the Roman Republic, as well as the rise of the Roman Empire, also could not resist the thighs of Cleopatra. Daughter of Ptolemy XII, Cleopatra became the Pharaoh after her father’s demise. She was reputed to be a very beautiful woman and specifically described as “a woman of surpassing beauty” with a “charming voice” by Cassius. More than this, Cleopatra was a diplomat imbued with great intellectual prowess, a mathematician and was noted to be astounding for her ability to speak nine languages. At first sight, Cleopatra ogled and desired the Great Caesar and was determined to get him. One day, she organized for a cruise on the Nile River to be undertaken by her and Caesar, in her posh royal barge. By the time they both returned to Alexandria, Cleopatra was pregnant with Caesar’s child who was later named Caesarion.

The narrative of the biblical man of valour Samson, plucked off his prowess by Delilah like a chicken, has been an example over the centuries used to exemplify how powerful men in history are easily captured by women. It is said that women are men’s easiest weak link through which they can be captured and emasculated.

In my quest for an understanding of the dissembling role women played in the lives of powerful men in African history, I spoke with the Iku Baba Yeye, the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, yesterday. Alaafin took his time to narrate to me the story of that infamous man in Old Oyo Empire, notorious for unbridled wickedness, Bashorun Gaa. Though I had always cited this story to back up earlier submissions, I couldn’t resist retelling the Alaafin’s variant of it. In it, Gaa was captured through a young lady called Agbonin, though not directly through his libidinous craving.

Being the Old Oyo Empire’s prime minister and lord marshal in the 16th century, Gaa stood in that position from 1750–1774 and oversaw the reigns of four Alaafins of Oyo, even contributing to the death of three of them. Gaa’s military prowess and mastery of the geography of war gave the Empire all-round conquests in wars Oyo fought during this period. As head of the Oyo Mesi (the Oyo council of Kingmakers) he held awesome powers, especially taking into cognizance the fact that the Alaafins he was their Prime Minister were tyrannical. He also acquired so much power during the period. He was said to be so powerful that he could turn to any animal of his choice. More than these however, Gaa’s talismanic fetish powers and prowess befuddled his sense of reasoning, which made a classical tyrant of him.

He was equally accused of instigating criminal activities in the empire, aiding, abetting and serving as cover-up for crimes traced to members of his household, as well as serial killings his sons and the head of his slaves were notorious for committing. Power drunk, Bashorun Gaa became uncontrollable, even to Alaafin Abiodun Adegorolu (Adegoolu) who reigned from 770–1789. Adegoolu’s reign was remarkable in Oyo’s history as that of prosperity. The wealth of the nation was so humongous that women gleefully sang of how, during his reign, they offhandedly sewed costly velveteen cloth materials.

Gaa hijacked and diverted all the apparatuses of political machinery and power of Oyo kingdom to himself, including all the homage, tributaries which constituted the material paraphernalia of benefits that the Alaafin was entitled to by culture and history. If Alaafin Abiodun allowed these excesses of his Prime Minister, who was so powerful that he had over 500 aides and a palace of his own, he was bound to lose the de facto power to administer the empire.

Then Alaafin Abiodun and close-knit members of his inner cabinet devised a way of neutralizing Bashorun Gaa. The Alaafin’s daughter, Agbonin, an itinerant kolanut hawker, was selected as the bait and eventually went into martyrdom to castrate Gaa. Agbonin sold this particular variant of kola called gbanja, with its multiple faces. Knowing that she could not have an immediate access to Gaa, the kolanuts she hawked were soaked in potion and the immediate target was Gaa’s closest aide and indeed, his Chief of Staff, called Gbagi. Gbagi and Gaa were both steeped in metaphysical explorations. They went together to seek spiritual powers. It was said that every of those powers acquired by Gaa, Gbagi duplicated. Those potions were in turn tested on various animals to ascertain their efficacy. As she hawked the kola by Gaa’s palace one day, Gbagi invited her in and was mesmerized by her beauty.

A friendship was thus struck between them and off course, purchase of the gbanja which, unbeknown to him, was for him to inexplicably desire Agbonin. To try the efficacy of the potion, Agbonin was instructed to distance self from Gaa’s palace for a while and by the time she returned, it was obvious from his utterances that Gbagi was already starved of her presence. So on this day, as he got engaged with Agbonin, Gaa had made futile attempts to get across to Gbagi from the inner court of the palace and was forced to saunter to the front of the palace. A bitter exchange then began. Other aides who couldn’t stand the Chief of Staff’s prowess then revealed that he was having an amorous relationship with Gaa’s enemy – Alaafin Abiodun’s daughter.

Furious, he called Gbagi all manner of names and threatened to behead him. The latter called his bluff. As Gaa made to enter his palace, Gbagi hit him with a dissembling belt of paralysis called onde which instantly paralyzed him. Agbonin was killed immediately as reprisal by palace courtiers and as Gbagi ran to Alaafin Abiodun’s palace to ask that the Bashorun be immediately captured, one other aide shot him dead. Gaa was reportedly incinerated alive by loyalists of the Alaafin, as a way of ensuring the non-reincarnation of his wickedness. Another variant of the Gaa’s capture is however a bit different. It says that the Prime Minister was looking for an antelope for ritual sacrifice and when Agboin came hawking kolanuts and told him her name, which in Yoruba translates into antelope, he wickedly asked her to be murdered in place of the animal.

I told this longish story and the preceding ones to establish how women are usually the albatrosses of great men in history. Celebrated Juju musician of post-war Nigeria, Ayinde Bakare, was reported to have been a victim of this age-long libidinous trap. Having gone for a gig at the Lagos Island area on October 1, 1972, while on the bandstand, a woman was said to have been positioned at a vantage point, even as she winked coquettishly at the Juju maestro to arrest his attention. Bakare momentarily halted the musical session and walked to the backstage to meet the woman. He was never seen alive thereafter. Policemen retrieved his body days after from the lagoon and gave him and other bodies a mass burial. The ‘Bakare’ mark on his hand was what reminded a policeman who took particular notice of the incision, when report was made by his family at the police station, that the famous musician was one of the mass-buried bodies. Bakare was subsequently exhumed after twenty days and given proper burial by his colleagues, Ebenezer Obey, IK Dairo, Sunny Ade, Adeolu Akinsanya and others.

Today, as since the beginning of creation, women have remained the most poisonous bait deployed to whittle down the power of men. It is more efficacious if such a man has a burningly incontrollable libido. Women have been used to destroy empires, huge conglomerates and even homes. It was that same power that Spikes and Lewis apparently used on the richest man in black Africa. It is said that every man who has blood flowing in his groins cannot resist the incandescent flame of the libido and that when that candle is burning, the brain goes into hibernation mode.

Aliko Dangote is carrying his own cross of libido with Spikes and Lewis. He sure needs the same famous, celebrated brains that culminated in his financial wizardry and legendary business success now. It may not be outlandish to say that, like every man who had fallen prey to a  woman’s bait before him, that famous cerebrum was in abeyance while the escapades were glowing. To get out of these entanglements, he needs same brains that made him the first in Africa. Now, as Africa’s most accomplished business mogul tries to extricate himself from his libidinous maze, who is the next victim?

 

 

 

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Opinion

Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration

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The popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.

For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.

Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.

Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.

What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.

Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.

Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.

Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.

The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.

One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.

As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.

Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.

At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.

At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.

The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.

Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.

Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.

As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.

History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.

 

Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator

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An Open Letter to Northern Leaders: Arewa Is Bleeding. Who Will Answer the Call? 

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I write this letter with a heavy heart to the sons and daughters of Arewa, particularly those entrusted with leadership and influence, concerning the painful reality confronting our region today. Once united in purpose and driven by a shared vision, Arewa now appears to be living in the shadow of its glorious past.

Our forefathers built this great region with one voice, setting aside differences of ethnicity and religion. They understood that unity was our greatest strength and that our diversity was not a weakness but a blessing. Their legacy was one of peace, mutual respect, visionary leadership, and collective progress.

Today, it is heartbreaking to witness how far we have drifted from those ideals. This letter is a sincere call for reflection, reconciliation, and a renewed commitment to rebuilding the unity, security, and prosperity that once defined our beloved Arewa.

Arewa Under Siege

Northern Nigeria has become widely known as a hotspot for multiple forms of insecurity. From the Boko Haram insurgency to widespread kidnapping, armed banditry, and violent attacks, fear has become part of everyday life. People no longer feel safe in their homes, workplaces, on their farms, or while travelling on the highways. Every journey is undertaken with uncertainty, with no guarantee of arriving safely.
Even more troubling is the perception that these security challenges have become normalised. Reports of abductions, killings, and attacks have become so frequent that they often receive far less attention than they deserve. This perceived indifference from those in positions of authority has contributed to a growing public belief that criminal groups now operate with confidence and relative impunity.

Consequently, many residents feel abandoned, while public trust in the government’s ability to protect lives and property continues to erode.

Addressing this crisis requires a coordinated and sustained response through stronger security operations, improved intelligence gathering, greater support for affected communities, and genuine accountability. Without decisive action, the cycle of violence and fear will continue to undermine the region’s stability, economic development, and the well-being of its people.

Beyond Insecurity: A Crisis of Leadership

The North’s challenges are not accidental. Poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment are the cumulative consequences of long-standing structural failures, weak governance, and policy choices that have compounded over decades.

Responsibility is shared across different segments of society—including the political elite, the educated class, and the business community—many of whom have possessed both the influence and the opportunity to intervene more decisively than they have.

Rather than being the result of a single coordinated agenda, what is evident is a persistent pattern of neglect, weak accountability, and recurring governance failures that have allowed social and economic conditions to deteriorate. These failures have contributed to rising unemployment, declining educational outcomes, inadequate healthcare, and the expansion of insecurity across much of the region.

Breaking this cycle requires more than assigning blame. It demands institutional reform, accountable leadership, strategic investment in human capital, and a renewed sense of public responsibility.

Where Are the Northern Elite?

This brings us to the most difficult question: Where are the Northern elite? Where are the governors, ministers, lawmakers, business leaders, scholars, and other influential voices? Many command enormous influence, considerable private wealth, and extensive international networks, yet too often appear unable—or unwilling—to meaningfully confront the conditions that continue to leave large parts of the region insecure, impoverished, and politically weakened.

Why does this gap persist?

Part of the answer lies in proximity to power. In political environments shaped by patronage, speaking boldly may threaten access, while silence preserves influence. Over time, self-preservation begins to resemble strategy.

Unfortunately, the cost is borne not by those in positions of privilege but by ordinary communities far removed from the rooms where decisions are made.

Reviving the North’s Industrial Legacy
Northern Nigeria was once the industrial powerhouse of the country. Cities such as Kano and Kaduna were thriving centres of manufacturing, commerce, and employment. Today, much of that industrial strength has faded.

This is, therefore, a respectful appeal to two of Nigeria’s most accomplished industrialists—Aliko Dangote and Abdul Samad Rabiu. Many people continue to ask why there is limited visible large-scale industrial reinvestment in Kano, your home state, and across Northern Nigeria.

As a Kano indigene, and to the best of my knowledge, neither Aliko Dangote nor Abdul Samad Rabiu currently operates major manufacturing facilities actively producing in Kano. Several facilities associated with their businesses are widely reported to have become inactive or to function primarily as warehouses rather than active industrial plants. For example, along Tafawa Balewa Road, two BUA facilities that previously operated flour and vegetable oil mills are reported to have ceased production. Likewise, several Dangote industrial sites stretching from Mai Malari Road to the Sharada Industrial Area are also widely reported to be inactive or operating far below capacity.

Kano and Kaduna, once renowned for their vibrant manufacturing sectors, have experienced decades of industrial decline, resulting in widespread unemployment and underutilised infrastructure. At the same time, a significant share of new private-sector industrial investment appears to have been concentrated in other parts of the country, particularly the South-West. This naturally raises important questions about balanced national development.
Philanthropy remains valuable and deeply appreciated. Scholarships, donations, and humanitarian support undoubtedly improve lives. However, charity cannot replace sustainable industrial development.

What the North urgently needs is long-term investment that revives manufacturing, creates employment, strengthens local supply chains, develops skills, and rebuilds industrial ecosystems across Kano, Kaduna, and neighbouring states. Strong factories build strong communities, while sustainable industries create lasting prosperity. The expectation, therefore, is not charity but a renewed commitment to the economic transformation of the region where many of Nigeria’s greatest industrial success stories first began.

The Responsibility of Business Leaders

The Northern business elite have watched insecurity, poverty, and displacement deepen while economic activity has increasingly concentrated elsewhere.

Insurgency, banditry, and weakened rural governance have disrupted agriculture, trade routes, and local markets. Investment naturally gravitates towards safer and more predictable environments. Yet public advocacy from many influential business leaders has often remained muted, constrained by commercial interests, political relationships, and regulatory considerations.

The region risks becoming divided into two realities: one integrated into national wealth and opportunity, and the other left to bear the consequences of persistent insecurity, economic stagnation, and neglect.

Business leadership extends beyond generating profits. It also entails helping to create an environment where enterprise can flourish, jobs can be created, and communities can prosper. Sustainable economic growth depends not only on private investment but also on the willingness of influential stakeholders to advocate policies and initiatives that promote stability, security, and inclusive development.

The North’s business community has historically played a significant role in shaping the region’s economic fortunes. That tradition of leadership remains essential today. While governments bear primary responsibility for governance and security, the private sector also possesses the capacity to influence development through strategic investments, partnerships, innovation, and constructive engagement with public institutions.

Rebuilding confidence in Northern Nigeria requires collaboration among government, businesses, civil society, and local communities. A more secure and prosperous region ultimately benefits everyone, creating new opportunities for investment, employment, and long-term economic growth.

A Message to Political Leaders

To the political leadership of Northern Nigeria: the contradiction has become increasingly difficult to ignore. The region remains one of the country’s most significant in terms of population and political influence, yet it continues to lag behind on key development indicators such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, employment, and security.

When communities are attacked, farmers are displaced, and schools are forced to close, silence from those entrusted with leadership is seldom interpreted as restraint. More often, it is perceived as detachment. Leadership is measured not only by electoral success or political influence but also by the willingness to confront difficult realities with courage, empathy, and decisive action.

The expectations of citizens go beyond promises. They seek visible commitment, practical solutions, and sustained engagement with the challenges affecting their daily lives. Rebuilding public confidence requires leadership that is accountable, responsive, and focused on the long-term development of the region.

A Message to the Educated and Professional Class

To our academics, professionals, and intellectuals: the evidence is neither hidden nor difficult to find. Reports, research, and lived experiences consistently reveal widening gaps in human development, education, healthcare, and security.

Yet, too often, expertise remains confined within institutions and professional circles that discourage open engagement with entrenched power. Knowledge should not merely describe problems; it should help solve them. Research should inform policy, enrich public debate, and contribute meaningfully to sustainable solutions.

Every society depends on courageous thinkers who are willing to engage constructively, challenge complacency, and place the public interest above personal convenience. The North possesses no shortage of intellectual talent. What is needed is a stronger connection between knowledge and action.

A Message to Cultural Influencers

To our musicians, artists, writers, actors, and other public figures: throughout history, art has served as a powerful instrument of truth, reflection, and social transformation. Cultural voices have inspired movements, preserved history, and given hope to communities during difficult times.

Yet, when economic survival becomes closely tied to political or commercial interests, critical voices often become subdued. Society benefits when its cultural figures speak with honesty, empathy, and a sense of responsibility. Their influence extends beyond entertainment; it helps shape public values, inspire civic engagement, and amplify the concerns of ordinary people.

A Shared Responsibility

Ultimately, this is not solely a Northern Nigerian problem. It reflects a broader question confronting societies everywhere: what happens when elite interests become disconnected from the well-being of ordinary people?

When access becomes more valuable than accountability, and proximity to power outweighs responsibility to the public, silence is rarely accidental—it becomes institutionalised.

The result is a widening emotional and political distance between leadership and the people. Unless that distance is narrowed through meaningful investment, principled advocacy, and courageous leadership, the same questions will continue to resonate:

Who speaks? Who benefits? Who bears the cost?

History will judge every generation by how it responds to the challenges of its time. Northern Nigeria possesses enormous human potential, entrepreneurial talent, agricultural resources, and a rich cultural heritage.

What it requires now is leadership marked by vision, courage, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the common good.

This letter is not intended to condemn but to encourage honest reflection and meaningful action. The future of Arewa depends not only on government but also on every leader, businessperson, scholar, professional, artist, and citizen willing to place the region’s long-term prosperity above personal or political interests.

May we find the wisdom to rebuild what has been weakened, the courage to confront uncomfortable truths, and the determination to restore Northern Nigeria to its rightful place as a region of peace, opportunity, and shared prosperity.

 

Abba Dukawa writes from Kano and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com.

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2027: Why Oyo APC Should Close Ranks Behind Sarafadeen Alli | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Since the emergence of Senator Sarafadeen Alli as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2027 election in Oyo State, I have listened to and read numerous reactions from party members and stakeholders. While some of his co-contestants have expressed disappointment, such feelings are understandable in every keenly contested democratic process.

Interestingly, many people have attempted to draw Senator Teslim Folarin into the controversy surrounding the party’s choice. However, he has remained silent. In my view, that silence is deliberate. I believe Senator Folarin understands the direction taken by the party’s national leadership regarding the choice of candidate.

Anyone who believes Senator Folarin was unaware of Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s governorship ambition does not fully appreciate his political experience. Senator Folarin is a strategic politician. In the 2023 governorship election, he pursued victory with determination and commitment. Personally, I had hoped he would emerge victorious, and I remain convinced that he gave his all in that contest.

Former Minister of Power, Chief Bayo Adelabu, also contested the 2023 governorship election on the platform of the Accord Party. Although I disagreed with that political decision, democracy guarantees every citizen the freedom of association and political choice.

Following the election, he was appointed into the Federal Executive Council, a development many interpreted differently based on their political perspectives.

Today, Chief Adelabu commands a substantial political following built over several election cycles. His support base remains significant, and if APC is to present a formidable front in 2027, Senator Sarafadeen Alli will undoubtedly benefit from the goodwill and backing of Adelabu and his loyalists.

Similarly, former Minister of Communications, Barrister Adebayo Shittu, has consistently demonstrated interest in Oyo State’s governorship over the years, even though he did not purchase the APC nomination form this time. His political experience and network remain valuable assets that should not be ignored.

My sympathy also goes to those aspirants who invested as much as ₦50 million each to purchase the APC governorship nomination form. That is no small sacrifice. Nonetheless, politics demands sacrifice in the collective interest. The pendulum could easily have swung in favour of any of them. Had that happened, the rest of us would equally have appealed to others to rally behind the eventual flag bearer.

I recall an incident during the 2022/2023 party activities when an official from Abuja, sent to supervise APC affairs in Oyo State, passionately appealed to stakeholders to embrace consensus. His message remains instructive. He warned that continued division within the party would only prolong its stay outside power and ultimately hurt everyone.

That warning remains relevant today.
For seven years, the APC has remained outside government in Oyo State. Can the party afford another four years in opposition? I do not think so.

This is why the task before us goes beyond the personal ambition of Senator Sarafadeen Alli. It is a collective struggle for every APC member, especially the foot soldiers who have remained loyal through difficult times. The Federal Government alone cannot provide opportunities for everyone. Regaining power in Oyo State is essential if the party hopes to broaden opportunities for its members at both the state and federal levels.

The challenge before us, therefore, is to build a larger political platform that accommodates everyone.
Senator Sarafadeen Alli is no political novice. Over the years, he has built relationships across virtually every ward in Oyo State. His political structure and grassroots appeal are undeniable. If party members unite behind him, APC stands a strong chance of returning to Government House.

Realistically, the 2027 governorship contest in Oyo State is shaping up to feature three major political forces. First is Senator Sarafadeen Alli of the APC, representing arguably the state’s most established political platform. Second is Hon. Bimbo Adekanbi, who many believe enjoys the backing of Governor Seyi Makinde and is expected to fly the flag of the APM. Third is Alhaji Hazmat Oriyomi of the Accord Party, whose growing popularity among many grassroots supporters cannot be dismissed.

The eventual winner is likely to emerge from one of these three political blocs. That reality alone should remind APC members that victory is far from guaranteed.

The surest path to success is unity.

This election should not be seen as Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s personal battle. It is the collective responsibility of every APC member who desires the party’s return to power in Oyo State.

The time has come to bury personal grievances, close ranks and work together. Only through unity can APC reclaim Oyo State in 2027.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, former Chairman of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Oyo State, former Chairman of Ido Local Government, former Commissioner for Education, Science and Technology in Oyo State, and former Federal Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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