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Ajimobi’s Image and Likeness of a True Aare of Ibadanland and That Picture I Never Took | By Wole Adejumo

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All Souls Church, Bodija was capacity filled. It was Bimbo Adekanmbi’s wedding and it attracted those who mattered in Oyo State and beyond. The groom was the Deputy Chief of Staff to Governor Abiola Ajimobi, he was also more or less a godson to Aare Abdulazeez Arisekola-Alao. It therefore involved government functionaries as well as the business and social establishments.

 

My business there was two-pronged; to cover the even for The Street Journal where I worked and show the crew from Podium TV around since they were not familiar with the Ibadan establishment. When the Podium Crew was denied entry at the traditional wedding at Fun Factory, Bodija the previous day, my ID card and a simple conversation with the security operatives made the difference. That gave me a somewhat higher rating from the crew. I didn’t envisage what was to come.

Five years of celebrity reporting at City People had taught me that some pictures would not only sell stories but could be found tremendously useful in the future. I saw a good opportunity for one when I noticed Aare Arisekola-Alao and Governor Ajimobi sitting side by side and chatting like good old buddies. ‘This picture will tell a million gists’, my instinct told me, especially as Aare was without his trademark abeti aja cap.

I drew near, leveled the camera, took aim, my index finger was on the shutter button and in a split second, the Governor looked in my direction and pointed. I heard him say “what is this one doing here? My friend will you get away from there?” He looked towards the security detail behind him and a guy in suit ran towards me. I simply respected myself and took my leave. Some of the members of the Governor’s Press Crew saw what happened and asked if there was something wrong. They were quick to assume that it was because I didn’t stand close to them. The Podium guys too came to ‘commiserate’.

My mind immediately flashed back to the first time I met Senator Ajimobi. My Bureau Chief then, Bola Davies (now of blessed memory) had scheduled an interview with him shortly after he became Senator in 2003 and she insisted I should accompany her. Aside politics, he told us about his experience in the corporate world then he delved into the story of how he met his wife. He spoke glowingly about her and even told us she was in charge of his wardrobe.

By the time I joined The Street Journal in 2008, it became a norm to give complementary copies to the Ajimobis. It was an instruction from the Publisher, Mr. Wole Arisekola, so most times; I would personally drive to drop the copies. My boss called him “Broda”, I knew he had tremendous respect for Senator Ajimobi and I had cause to follow him on a number of visits. One of such was the day I carried the two cartons of a particular herbal drink my boss bought from Ghana in 2010 for Senator Ajimobi. When he told Senator Ajimobi the ‘wonders’ the drink could do, he smiled and said ‘o se aburo mi (thank you my brother)’. Turning in my direction, he said “the next time your boss is coming here and you don’t remind him to bring this thing, I will tell them not to let you in”.
Years have gone by and that picture on Bimbo Adekanmbi’s wedding day would have told a thousand and one tales; especially on what Arisekola Alao and Senator Ajimobi had in common – the Aare title inclusive. They were typical Aares of Ibadan with the characteristic traits of the Aare intact in both of them.

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It is worthy of note that before Oluyedun, no Ibadan man ever bore the Aare title. Being the son of Afonja ‘L’aiya L’oko’ the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland and ruler of Ilorin, Oluyedun took the title Aare Ona Kakanfo of Ibadan when he became Baale shortly after the Gbanamu War. Ibadan’s first Aare was thus not just from an aristocratic background; he worked his way to the top by distinguishing himself in Ibadan, which became his new home.

 

Next to take the Aare title was Obadoke Iyanda Latoosa, one of the bravest soldiers of his time. On ascending the throne as ruler of Ibadan, Latoosa did the unimaginable. In a show of uncommon boldness, he asked to be installed as the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland while the then Kakanfo was still alive. Since Yorubaland could not have two Aare Ona Kakanfos, the Alaafin didn’t have a choice but to withdraw the paraphernalia of office from Ojo Olanipa Aburumaku of Ogbomoso and hand them over to Iyanda Latoosa.

 

If Oluyedun broke the record by becoming the first Aare, Latoosa brought a new twist by usurping the title and becoming the first man to become Kakanfo while his predecessor was alive. He ruled like a true Aare and he knew how to deal with anyone who dared flout his orders. His war chiefs plotted to overthrow him twice and twice they went back to beg him. Latoosa’s wealth was unfathomable. It became the unit of measurement for things that couldn’t be quantified. ‘O lo rere bi ola Aare’ (as expansive as the Aare’s riches) became a common saying back then. Till today, one of Aare Latoosa’s landed properties is still a subject of litigation.

Not only was Obadoke Latoosa a man of war, his words were prophetic. Before setting out for the Kiriji War which incidentally was his last, Aare was quoted as saying by the time he was done; there would be no more war in Yorubaland. It came to pass. The 16-year war was the last in Yorubaland. Not only did it mark the end of an era, it ushered in a new one.

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Bishop Alexander Babatunde Akinyele who became the next Aare was a man of history too. Not only was he the first Ibadan man to obtain a university degree, he was also the city’s first Anglican bishop. After facilitating the establishment of Ibadan Grammar School, Ibadan’s first secondary school in March, 1913, Bishop Akinyele became its first principal.

Nine years after Bishop Akinyele’s transition, his son in-law, Pa Emmanuel Alayande became the Aare of Ibadanland in 1977. He was known for his uprightness. He didn’t just excel as a clergyman; he was an exemplary political bridge builder. Pa Alayande tried all he could to prevent the impeachment of Governor Rashidi Ladoja. His transition in October, 2006 marked the end of an era. Weeks after it, one of his last wishes came to pass; the return of Senator Ladoja as Governor after an 11-month interregnum.

Alhaji Azeez Arisekola Alao was not keen on taking the Aare title but was prevailed upon by Ibadan elders. What more could one possibly want? Not only was he a billionaire by any standard, he held a prominent Islamic title. He became the first Ibadan man to have the Aare Musulumi of Yorubaland and Aare of Ibadanland titles simultaneously. Like other Aares before him, Ibadan people revered him greatly. His friendship with General Sani Abacha, however, pitched him against many but till he died, Aare stayed unapologetically loyal to his friend.

 

Though he was not a card carrying member of any party, Arisekola Alao was seen as the last standing political godfather. His death more or less made the governorship race that followed more open. With High Chief Lamidi Adedibu’s passage years before then, the coast was clear for politics without godfathers in Oyo State.

Not only did Abiola Adeyemi Ajimobi win a second term as Governor, Oba Saliu Akanmu Adetunji decided that Ajimobi should get more than the Aare Atunluse title which his predecessor, Oba Samuel Odulana Odugade conferred on him. And in came Aare Ajimobi.

 

Not all Aares of Ibadan were loved by everyone. So those who complained of Ajimobi’s unpretentious bluntness probably never met Arisekola at very close quarters. He never suffered fools gladly. One of his close relatives once recounted an experience with the multibillionaire businessman. After boxing Arisekola to a corner with superior argument, the young man had a delightful look until Arisekola asked him ‘ngba ti ‘wo wa ni ‘ru opolo bayi, ki lo de t’Olorun o fun o l’owo? (when you have this much sense, why didn’t God bless you with money?). On many occasions people asked him how he made his billions and he had one readymade answer, he was always quick to tell them to go and start selling Gamalin 20.

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Ajimobi combined the traits of all the Aares that preceded him; Oluyedun’s trail blazing capability, Latoosa’s uncommon respect, Akinyele’s brilliance and Alayande’s administrative sense as well as Arisekola’s witty humour and sheer bluntness.

 

Many people had issues with him; so it was with his predecessors. In all, Senator Ajimobi lived well, did his bit and left legacies for which he would be remembered. He renovated the Oyo State Governor’s office to a befitting standard. The dualization of the Jericho-Eleyele-Agbarigo Road is to his credit. The First Technical University, Ibadan, a centre for qualitative technical education with emphasis on practical knowledge for job creation, entrepreneurship and manpower development was conceived and established by the Ajimobi administration. The Mokola Bridge brought a change, so also did the Eleyele-Eruwa Road. The 110km Ibadan Circular Road commenced by the Ajimobi administration will reduce travel times by up to 48 percent by the time it is completed. The peace Oyo State enjoyed in his time was a remarkably convincing proof of his administration’s commitment to securing the state.

Like the Aares before him, Ajimobi will be spoken about for some time to come and as a former Governor and the first to serve for eight years; the success level of his administration will be a yardstick for measuring impactful governance.

While comments continue to flow on social media whether he was good or evil, one thing cannot be wished away; Senator Ajimobi was a thought leader in his field. His death will no doubt affect his party’s permutations for the next election. What we may need to remember is that everyone alive has a chance to leave lasting legacies. However, that chance is ticking away, with time, begging to be used.

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Opinion

OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

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The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

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‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

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‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

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For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

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Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

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I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

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There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

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Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

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Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

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Opinion

Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

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It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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