Opinion
Ajimobi’s Image and Likeness of a True Aare of Ibadanland and That Picture I Never Took | By Wole Adejumo
Published
6 years agoon
By
Wole AdejumoAll Souls Church, Bodija was capacity filled. It was Bimbo Adekanmbi’s wedding and it attracted those who mattered in Oyo State and beyond. The groom was the Deputy Chief of Staff to Governor Abiola Ajimobi, he was also more or less a godson to Aare Abdulazeez Arisekola-Alao. It therefore involved government functionaries as well as the business and social establishments.
My business there was two-pronged; to cover the even for The Street Journal where I worked and show the crew from Podium TV around since they were not familiar with the Ibadan establishment. When the Podium Crew was denied entry at the traditional wedding at Fun Factory, Bodija the previous day, my ID card and a simple conversation with the security operatives made the difference. That gave me a somewhat higher rating from the crew. I didn’t envisage what was to come.
Five years of celebrity reporting at City People had taught me that some pictures would not only sell stories but could be found tremendously useful in the future. I saw a good opportunity for one when I noticed Aare Arisekola-Alao and Governor Ajimobi sitting side by side and chatting like good old buddies. ‘This picture will tell a million gists’, my instinct told me, especially as Aare was without his trademark abeti aja cap.
I drew near, leveled the camera, took aim, my index finger was on the shutter button and in a split second, the Governor looked in my direction and pointed. I heard him say “what is this one doing here? My friend will you get away from there?” He looked towards the security detail behind him and a guy in suit ran towards me. I simply respected myself and took my leave. Some of the members of the Governor’s Press Crew saw what happened and asked if there was something wrong. They were quick to assume that it was because I didn’t stand close to them. The Podium guys too came to ‘commiserate’.
My mind immediately flashed back to the first time I met Senator Ajimobi. My Bureau Chief then, Bola Davies (now of blessed memory) had scheduled an interview with him shortly after he became Senator in 2003 and she insisted I should accompany her. Aside politics, he told us about his experience in the corporate world then he delved into the story of how he met his wife. He spoke glowingly about her and even told us she was in charge of his wardrobe.
By the time I joined The Street Journal in 2008, it became a norm to give complementary copies to the Ajimobis. It was an instruction from the Publisher, Mr. Wole Arisekola, so most times; I would personally drive to drop the copies. My boss called him “Broda”, I knew he had tremendous respect for Senator Ajimobi and I had cause to follow him on a number of visits. One of such was the day I carried the two cartons of a particular herbal drink my boss bought from Ghana in 2010 for Senator Ajimobi. When he told Senator Ajimobi the ‘wonders’ the drink could do, he smiled and said ‘o se aburo mi (thank you my brother)’. Turning in my direction, he said “the next time your boss is coming here and you don’t remind him to bring this thing, I will tell them not to let you in”.
Years have gone by and that picture on Bimbo Adekanmbi’s wedding day would have told a thousand and one tales; especially on what Arisekola Alao and Senator Ajimobi had in common – the Aare title inclusive. They were typical Aares of Ibadan with the characteristic traits of the Aare intact in both of them.
It is worthy of note that before Oluyedun, no Ibadan man ever bore the Aare title. Being the son of Afonja ‘L’aiya L’oko’ the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland and ruler of Ilorin, Oluyedun took the title Aare Ona Kakanfo of Ibadan when he became Baale shortly after the Gbanamu War. Ibadan’s first Aare was thus not just from an aristocratic background; he worked his way to the top by distinguishing himself in Ibadan, which became his new home.
Next to take the Aare title was Obadoke Iyanda Latoosa, one of the bravest soldiers of his time. On ascending the throne as ruler of Ibadan, Latoosa did the unimaginable. In a show of uncommon boldness, he asked to be installed as the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland while the then Kakanfo was still alive. Since Yorubaland could not have two Aare Ona Kakanfos, the Alaafin didn’t have a choice but to withdraw the paraphernalia of office from Ojo Olanipa Aburumaku of Ogbomoso and hand them over to Iyanda Latoosa.
If Oluyedun broke the record by becoming the first Aare, Latoosa brought a new twist by usurping the title and becoming the first man to become Kakanfo while his predecessor was alive. He ruled like a true Aare and he knew how to deal with anyone who dared flout his orders. His war chiefs plotted to overthrow him twice and twice they went back to beg him. Latoosa’s wealth was unfathomable. It became the unit of measurement for things that couldn’t be quantified. ‘O lo rere bi ola Aare’ (as expansive as the Aare’s riches) became a common saying back then. Till today, one of Aare Latoosa’s landed properties is still a subject of litigation.
Not only was Obadoke Latoosa a man of war, his words were prophetic. Before setting out for the Kiriji War which incidentally was his last, Aare was quoted as saying by the time he was done; there would be no more war in Yorubaland. It came to pass. The 16-year war was the last in Yorubaland. Not only did it mark the end of an era, it ushered in a new one.
Bishop Alexander Babatunde Akinyele who became the next Aare was a man of history too. Not only was he the first Ibadan man to obtain a university degree, he was also the city’s first Anglican bishop. After facilitating the establishment of Ibadan Grammar School, Ibadan’s first secondary school in March, 1913, Bishop Akinyele became its first principal.
Nine years after Bishop Akinyele’s transition, his son in-law, Pa Emmanuel Alayande became the Aare of Ibadanland in 1977. He was known for his uprightness. He didn’t just excel as a clergyman; he was an exemplary political bridge builder. Pa Alayande tried all he could to prevent the impeachment of Governor Rashidi Ladoja. His transition in October, 2006 marked the end of an era. Weeks after it, one of his last wishes came to pass; the return of Senator Ladoja as Governor after an 11-month interregnum.
Alhaji Azeez Arisekola Alao was not keen on taking the Aare title but was prevailed upon by Ibadan elders. What more could one possibly want? Not only was he a billionaire by any standard, he held a prominent Islamic title. He became the first Ibadan man to have the Aare Musulumi of Yorubaland and Aare of Ibadanland titles simultaneously. Like other Aares before him, Ibadan people revered him greatly. His friendship with General Sani Abacha, however, pitched him against many but till he died, Aare stayed unapologetically loyal to his friend.
Though he was not a card carrying member of any party, Arisekola Alao was seen as the last standing political godfather. His death more or less made the governorship race that followed more open. With High Chief Lamidi Adedibu’s passage years before then, the coast was clear for politics without godfathers in Oyo State.
Not only did Abiola Adeyemi Ajimobi win a second term as Governor, Oba Saliu Akanmu Adetunji decided that Ajimobi should get more than the Aare Atunluse title which his predecessor, Oba Samuel Odulana Odugade conferred on him. And in came Aare Ajimobi.
Not all Aares of Ibadan were loved by everyone. So those who complained of Ajimobi’s unpretentious bluntness probably never met Arisekola at very close quarters. He never suffered fools gladly. One of his close relatives once recounted an experience with the multibillionaire businessman. After boxing Arisekola to a corner with superior argument, the young man had a delightful look until Arisekola asked him ‘ngba ti ‘wo wa ni ‘ru opolo bayi, ki lo de t’Olorun o fun o l’owo? (when you have this much sense, why didn’t God bless you with money?). On many occasions people asked him how he made his billions and he had one readymade answer, he was always quick to tell them to go and start selling Gamalin 20.
Ajimobi combined the traits of all the Aares that preceded him; Oluyedun’s trail blazing capability, Latoosa’s uncommon respect, Akinyele’s brilliance and Alayande’s administrative sense as well as Arisekola’s witty humour and sheer bluntness.
Many people had issues with him; so it was with his predecessors. In all, Senator Ajimobi lived well, did his bit and left legacies for which he would be remembered. He renovated the Oyo State Governor’s office to a befitting standard. The dualization of the Jericho-Eleyele-Agbarigo Road is to his credit. The First Technical University, Ibadan, a centre for qualitative technical education with emphasis on practical knowledge for job creation, entrepreneurship and manpower development was conceived and established by the Ajimobi administration. The Mokola Bridge brought a change, so also did the Eleyele-Eruwa Road. The 110km Ibadan Circular Road commenced by the Ajimobi administration will reduce travel times by up to 48 percent by the time it is completed. The peace Oyo State enjoyed in his time was a remarkably convincing proof of his administration’s commitment to securing the state.
Like the Aares before him, Ajimobi will be spoken about for some time to come and as a former Governor and the first to serve for eight years; the success level of his administration will be a yardstick for measuring impactful governance.
While comments continue to flow on social media whether he was good or evil, one thing cannot be wished away; Senator Ajimobi was a thought leader in his field. His death will no doubt affect his party’s permutations for the next election. What we may need to remember is that everyone alive has a chance to leave lasting legacies. However, that chance is ticking away, with time, begging to be used.
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Opinion
Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration
Published
5 days agoon
July 9, 2026By
Mega IconThe popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.
For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.
Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.
Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.
What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.
Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.
Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.
Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.
The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.
One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.
As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.
Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.
At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.
At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.
The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.
Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.
Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.
As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.
History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
Opinion
An Open Letter to Northern Leaders: Arewa Is Bleeding. Who Will Answer the Call?
Published
7 days agoon
July 7, 2026By
Mega IconI write this letter with a heavy heart to the sons and daughters of Arewa, particularly those entrusted with leadership and influence, concerning the painful reality confronting our region today. Once united in purpose and driven by a shared vision, Arewa now appears to be living in the shadow of its glorious past.
Our forefathers built this great region with one voice, setting aside differences of ethnicity and religion. They understood that unity was our greatest strength and that our diversity was not a weakness but a blessing. Their legacy was one of peace, mutual respect, visionary leadership, and collective progress.
Today, it is heartbreaking to witness how far we have drifted from those ideals. This letter is a sincere call for reflection, reconciliation, and a renewed commitment to rebuilding the unity, security, and prosperity that once defined our beloved Arewa.
Arewa Under Siege
Northern Nigeria has become widely known as a hotspot for multiple forms of insecurity. From the Boko Haram insurgency to widespread kidnapping, armed banditry, and violent attacks, fear has become part of everyday life. People no longer feel safe in their homes, workplaces, on their farms, or while travelling on the highways. Every journey is undertaken with uncertainty, with no guarantee of arriving safely.
Even more troubling is the perception that these security challenges have become normalised. Reports of abductions, killings, and attacks have become so frequent that they often receive far less attention than they deserve. This perceived indifference from those in positions of authority has contributed to a growing public belief that criminal groups now operate with confidence and relative impunity.
Consequently, many residents feel abandoned, while public trust in the government’s ability to protect lives and property continues to erode.
Addressing this crisis requires a coordinated and sustained response through stronger security operations, improved intelligence gathering, greater support for affected communities, and genuine accountability. Without decisive action, the cycle of violence and fear will continue to undermine the region’s stability, economic development, and the well-being of its people.
Beyond Insecurity: A Crisis of Leadership
The North’s challenges are not accidental. Poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment are the cumulative consequences of long-standing structural failures, weak governance, and policy choices that have compounded over decades.
Responsibility is shared across different segments of society—including the political elite, the educated class, and the business community—many of whom have possessed both the influence and the opportunity to intervene more decisively than they have.
Rather than being the result of a single coordinated agenda, what is evident is a persistent pattern of neglect, weak accountability, and recurring governance failures that have allowed social and economic conditions to deteriorate. These failures have contributed to rising unemployment, declining educational outcomes, inadequate healthcare, and the expansion of insecurity across much of the region.
Breaking this cycle requires more than assigning blame. It demands institutional reform, accountable leadership, strategic investment in human capital, and a renewed sense of public responsibility.
Where Are the Northern Elite?
This brings us to the most difficult question: Where are the Northern elite? Where are the governors, ministers, lawmakers, business leaders, scholars, and other influential voices? Many command enormous influence, considerable private wealth, and extensive international networks, yet too often appear unable—or unwilling—to meaningfully confront the conditions that continue to leave large parts of the region insecure, impoverished, and politically weakened.
Why does this gap persist?
Part of the answer lies in proximity to power. In political environments shaped by patronage, speaking boldly may threaten access, while silence preserves influence. Over time, self-preservation begins to resemble strategy.
Unfortunately, the cost is borne not by those in positions of privilege but by ordinary communities far removed from the rooms where decisions are made.
Reviving the North’s Industrial Legacy
Northern Nigeria was once the industrial powerhouse of the country. Cities such as Kano and Kaduna were thriving centres of manufacturing, commerce, and employment. Today, much of that industrial strength has faded.
This is, therefore, a respectful appeal to two of Nigeria’s most accomplished industrialists—Aliko Dangote and Abdul Samad Rabiu. Many people continue to ask why there is limited visible large-scale industrial reinvestment in Kano, your home state, and across Northern Nigeria.
As a Kano indigene, and to the best of my knowledge, neither Aliko Dangote nor Abdul Samad Rabiu currently operates major manufacturing facilities actively producing in Kano. Several facilities associated with their businesses are widely reported to have become inactive or to function primarily as warehouses rather than active industrial plants. For example, along Tafawa Balewa Road, two BUA facilities that previously operated flour and vegetable oil mills are reported to have ceased production. Likewise, several Dangote industrial sites stretching from Mai Malari Road to the Sharada Industrial Area are also widely reported to be inactive or operating far below capacity.
Kano and Kaduna, once renowned for their vibrant manufacturing sectors, have experienced decades of industrial decline, resulting in widespread unemployment and underutilised infrastructure. At the same time, a significant share of new private-sector industrial investment appears to have been concentrated in other parts of the country, particularly the South-West. This naturally raises important questions about balanced national development.
Philanthropy remains valuable and deeply appreciated. Scholarships, donations, and humanitarian support undoubtedly improve lives. However, charity cannot replace sustainable industrial development.
What the North urgently needs is long-term investment that revives manufacturing, creates employment, strengthens local supply chains, develops skills, and rebuilds industrial ecosystems across Kano, Kaduna, and neighbouring states. Strong factories build strong communities, while sustainable industries create lasting prosperity. The expectation, therefore, is not charity but a renewed commitment to the economic transformation of the region where many of Nigeria’s greatest industrial success stories first began.
The Responsibility of Business Leaders
The Northern business elite have watched insecurity, poverty, and displacement deepen while economic activity has increasingly concentrated elsewhere.
Insurgency, banditry, and weakened rural governance have disrupted agriculture, trade routes, and local markets. Investment naturally gravitates towards safer and more predictable environments. Yet public advocacy from many influential business leaders has often remained muted, constrained by commercial interests, political relationships, and regulatory considerations.
The region risks becoming divided into two realities: one integrated into national wealth and opportunity, and the other left to bear the consequences of persistent insecurity, economic stagnation, and neglect.
Business leadership extends beyond generating profits. It also entails helping to create an environment where enterprise can flourish, jobs can be created, and communities can prosper. Sustainable economic growth depends not only on private investment but also on the willingness of influential stakeholders to advocate policies and initiatives that promote stability, security, and inclusive development.
The North’s business community has historically played a significant role in shaping the region’s economic fortunes. That tradition of leadership remains essential today. While governments bear primary responsibility for governance and security, the private sector also possesses the capacity to influence development through strategic investments, partnerships, innovation, and constructive engagement with public institutions.
Rebuilding confidence in Northern Nigeria requires collaboration among government, businesses, civil society, and local communities. A more secure and prosperous region ultimately benefits everyone, creating new opportunities for investment, employment, and long-term economic growth.
A Message to Political Leaders
To the political leadership of Northern Nigeria: the contradiction has become increasingly difficult to ignore. The region remains one of the country’s most significant in terms of population and political influence, yet it continues to lag behind on key development indicators such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, employment, and security.
When communities are attacked, farmers are displaced, and schools are forced to close, silence from those entrusted with leadership is seldom interpreted as restraint. More often, it is perceived as detachment. Leadership is measured not only by electoral success or political influence but also by the willingness to confront difficult realities with courage, empathy, and decisive action.
The expectations of citizens go beyond promises. They seek visible commitment, practical solutions, and sustained engagement with the challenges affecting their daily lives. Rebuilding public confidence requires leadership that is accountable, responsive, and focused on the long-term development of the region.
A Message to the Educated and Professional Class
To our academics, professionals, and intellectuals: the evidence is neither hidden nor difficult to find. Reports, research, and lived experiences consistently reveal widening gaps in human development, education, healthcare, and security.
Yet, too often, expertise remains confined within institutions and professional circles that discourage open engagement with entrenched power. Knowledge should not merely describe problems; it should help solve them. Research should inform policy, enrich public debate, and contribute meaningfully to sustainable solutions.
Every society depends on courageous thinkers who are willing to engage constructively, challenge complacency, and place the public interest above personal convenience. The North possesses no shortage of intellectual talent. What is needed is a stronger connection between knowledge and action.
A Message to Cultural Influencers
To our musicians, artists, writers, actors, and other public figures: throughout history, art has served as a powerful instrument of truth, reflection, and social transformation. Cultural voices have inspired movements, preserved history, and given hope to communities during difficult times.
Yet, when economic survival becomes closely tied to political or commercial interests, critical voices often become subdued. Society benefits when its cultural figures speak with honesty, empathy, and a sense of responsibility. Their influence extends beyond entertainment; it helps shape public values, inspire civic engagement, and amplify the concerns of ordinary people.
A Shared Responsibility
Ultimately, this is not solely a Northern Nigerian problem. It reflects a broader question confronting societies everywhere: what happens when elite interests become disconnected from the well-being of ordinary people?
When access becomes more valuable than accountability, and proximity to power outweighs responsibility to the public, silence is rarely accidental—it becomes institutionalised.
The result is a widening emotional and political distance between leadership and the people. Unless that distance is narrowed through meaningful investment, principled advocacy, and courageous leadership, the same questions will continue to resonate:
Who speaks? Who benefits? Who bears the cost?
History will judge every generation by how it responds to the challenges of its time. Northern Nigeria possesses enormous human potential, entrepreneurial talent, agricultural resources, and a rich cultural heritage.
What it requires now is leadership marked by vision, courage, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the common good.
This letter is not intended to condemn but to encourage honest reflection and meaningful action. The future of Arewa depends not only on government but also on every leader, businessperson, scholar, professional, artist, and citizen willing to place the region’s long-term prosperity above personal or political interests.
May we find the wisdom to rebuild what has been weakened, the courage to confront uncomfortable truths, and the determination to restore Northern Nigeria to its rightful place as a region of peace, opportunity, and shared prosperity.
Abba Dukawa writes from Kano and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com.
Opinion
2027: Why Oyo APC Should Close Ranks Behind Sarafadeen Alli | By Adeniyi Olowofela
Published
1 week agoon
July 4, 2026By
Mega IconSince the emergence of Senator Sarafadeen Alli as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2027 election in Oyo State, I have listened to and read numerous reactions from party members and stakeholders. While some of his co-contestants have expressed disappointment, such feelings are understandable in every keenly contested democratic process.
Interestingly, many people have attempted to draw Senator Teslim Folarin into the controversy surrounding the party’s choice. However, he has remained silent. In my view, that silence is deliberate. I believe Senator Folarin understands the direction taken by the party’s national leadership regarding the choice of candidate.
Anyone who believes Senator Folarin was unaware of Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s governorship ambition does not fully appreciate his political experience. Senator Folarin is a strategic politician. In the 2023 governorship election, he pursued victory with determination and commitment. Personally, I had hoped he would emerge victorious, and I remain convinced that he gave his all in that contest.
Former Minister of Power, Chief Bayo Adelabu, also contested the 2023 governorship election on the platform of the Accord Party. Although I disagreed with that political decision, democracy guarantees every citizen the freedom of association and political choice.
Following the election, he was appointed into the Federal Executive Council, a development many interpreted differently based on their political perspectives.
Today, Chief Adelabu commands a substantial political following built over several election cycles. His support base remains significant, and if APC is to present a formidable front in 2027, Senator Sarafadeen Alli will undoubtedly benefit from the goodwill and backing of Adelabu and his loyalists.
Similarly, former Minister of Communications, Barrister Adebayo Shittu, has consistently demonstrated interest in Oyo State’s governorship over the years, even though he did not purchase the APC nomination form this time. His political experience and network remain valuable assets that should not be ignored.
My sympathy also goes to those aspirants who invested as much as ₦50 million each to purchase the APC governorship nomination form. That is no small sacrifice. Nonetheless, politics demands sacrifice in the collective interest. The pendulum could easily have swung in favour of any of them. Had that happened, the rest of us would equally have appealed to others to rally behind the eventual flag bearer.
I recall an incident during the 2022/2023 party activities when an official from Abuja, sent to supervise APC affairs in Oyo State, passionately appealed to stakeholders to embrace consensus. His message remains instructive. He warned that continued division within the party would only prolong its stay outside power and ultimately hurt everyone.
That warning remains relevant today.
For seven years, the APC has remained outside government in Oyo State. Can the party afford another four years in opposition? I do not think so.
This is why the task before us goes beyond the personal ambition of Senator Sarafadeen Alli. It is a collective struggle for every APC member, especially the foot soldiers who have remained loyal through difficult times. The Federal Government alone cannot provide opportunities for everyone. Regaining power in Oyo State is essential if the party hopes to broaden opportunities for its members at both the state and federal levels.
The challenge before us, therefore, is to build a larger political platform that accommodates everyone.
Senator Sarafadeen Alli is no political novice. Over the years, he has built relationships across virtually every ward in Oyo State. His political structure and grassroots appeal are undeniable. If party members unite behind him, APC stands a strong chance of returning to Government House.
Realistically, the 2027 governorship contest in Oyo State is shaping up to feature three major political forces. First is Senator Sarafadeen Alli of the APC, representing arguably the state’s most established political platform. Second is Hon. Bimbo Adekanbi, who many believe enjoys the backing of Governor Seyi Makinde and is expected to fly the flag of the APM. Third is Alhaji Hazmat Oriyomi of the Accord Party, whose growing popularity among many grassroots supporters cannot be dismissed.
The eventual winner is likely to emerge from one of these three political blocs. That reality alone should remind APC members that victory is far from guaranteed.
The surest path to success is unity.
This election should not be seen as Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s personal battle. It is the collective responsibility of every APC member who desires the party’s return to power in Oyo State.
The time has come to bury personal grievances, close ranks and work together. Only through unity can APC reclaim Oyo State in 2027.
Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, former Chairman of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Oyo State, former Chairman of Ido Local Government, former Commissioner for Education, Science and Technology in Oyo State, and former Federal Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.
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