Opinion
Thorn-filled journey through Law School, Lagos Campus | By Festus Adedayo
Published
6 years agoon
The temptation to comment today on the surfeit of political issues raging in our troubled country is very high. Ranging from the insipid, the insulting to the idiotic, a commentator has in them an overflow of what I term “commentarial materials.” There is nowhere you turn that you are not choked by the palpable fume of governmental irresponsibility that has become the poster of the Nigerian state. It is so disgusting that Nigerians have turned activists in their closets.
It is a malaise that signposts the fact that Nigeria is being governed by men without ears, literally and metaphorically, apology to Ifeoma Okoye’s Men Without Ears. It does even worse: Makes the writer feel very hollow, incomplete and little, as if he was on a barren weekly shuttle. How can you continue to talk to deaf and dumb people, men for whom blood-flow into their auditory nerves ceased since 2015? It is why the supine bereftness of logic and common sense in the Chief Driver of the Nigerian airplane’s call for full Sharia law in Nigeria, the very hollow cants of DSS over its shameful and obnoxious failed abduction of Omoyele Sowore in court, the very contradictory statements from the Press Office of the presidency, Aisha Buhari’s incongruent Save Our Soul to hapless Nigerians over her purely domestic dislocation, the “Major General” prefix that the Punch has aptly elected to tag Buhari with, Adams Oshiomhole’s shameful dance in Edo and sundry others, will not engage my attention today.
Instead, I have chosen to go Afghanistan. Not for fear of being Sowore-d; I have gone past that worry, but to focus attention on a tiny member of the Nigerian orbit that can be said to be the proverbial masquerade at the village square whose eclectic dancing steps are enthralling and fascinating to its minder – the Nigerian people. Rather than my choice of commentary today being escapist, it looks to me like a purifying therapy for, not only the writer, but the Nigerian public who may stumble on the piece. You, me and everyone are fast losing our sanity at this maddening emanations from Muhammadu Buhari’s Aso Rock. A piece like this may be a soothing balm against the current system’s plans to drive us mad. Though what I am about to delve into is a personal narrative, we could proceed from this specific into making a helicopter view judgment of the discourse at issue.
I was admitted to the Nigerian Law School, Lagos campus, in November, 2018. I had earlier completed a course of study in Law from Faculty of Law, University of Ibadan. I arrived UI – pardon the argot – pregnant with what had become a cliché among people of my generation and the ones before us, to wit that the present Nigerian educational system had gone to the dogs and the dogs, unable to stomach the stench, threw it to the swine. My classmates, the Class of 17, as we called ourselves, jolted me off this typecast. Exceptionally brilliant students, I knew from the outset that they would positively embarrass the university. And they did. By the time the final results were announced, 21 had First Class, a feat unprecedented in the history of the 71-year old university. Those boys and girls were very brilliant, thorough and painstakingly committed to their vision of being lawyers.
Whenever they stood up to pontificate in class, you would see a future for Nigeria; see in them the Gani Fawehinmis, Femi Falanas, Olisa Agbakobas and other great law titans.
The Lagos Campus’ “notoriety” predated my entrance into the school. Anyone who heard of your “bad luck” of being posted there, pitied you. You would think you had been sentenced to a term in Hades. The campus would not disappoint your fear and apprehension; it in fact did worse than that. From your first day in class, you had the feeling that you had come for dinner with Mephistopheles. The verses of the code of conduct spelled out by the lecturers at the induction programme were laced with scalding hot lines of the Salmon Rushdie’s fatwa kind. The school didn’t hide the fact that it could not stomach indolence and laziness, and that breaking of its rules tantamount a sting from its wasp.
It spells out in unmistakable lines that it would grill you, bend you over backwards and retreat only when you are about to snap. From that moment, you begin to create a space for those lecturers in your profile of hate. How could lecturers be consumed by such massive hatred for their students? How could they be that unfeeling?
If you ever doubted their resolve to follow the rigid codes with strict abidance, you were shocked the next day, the beginning of lectures. At the point of daily biometrics for attendance, a horde of girls with skimpy bikini-like black skirts as short as the morality of a whore, haughty-looking neck chains and seemingly revealing tops, were sent off the queue, back to their hostels. If you thought you could study part-time, you had chosen a wrong school in the Lagos campus; the second biometrics for the day is impromptu!
Now, the academics at the NLS. It was so manifestly thorough that at some point, I contemplated throwing in the towel. Indeed, some lily-livered students fell by the wayside. The lecturers taught as if their lives depended on the students passing in flying colours. The rigour of the academic work at the NLS was better imagined than confronted. Among us, we believed this approach was deliberate – get students to be captives of the mindset, ab initio and ultimately secure their daily scampering to catch up. From the Deputy Director of the school, Mr. Nasiru Tijani, who himself taught Criminal Litigation, Ugochukwu Kanu and the Late Mrs. Olabisi Ayankogbe, to Mrs. Gbemisola Odusote, Sylvester Udemezue, Mrs. James, (of the Property Law course) to Mrs. Yinka Odukoya, Mr. Sesan Orimogunje, Mrs Takuro (Civil Litigation), Mrs. Motunrayo Egbe, of the Corporate Law Practice and his crew of dedicated young lecturers assisting her – Monye and Ayo, as well as Titi Hameed of the Professional Ethics class, one thing linked them together – their selfless pursuit of excellence in the students and their commitment which, I must confess, I had never seen in any lecturer/teacher in my decades of interface with the academy. They inconvenienced themselves to the optimum to bring out the best in the students. If anyone told you they didn’t collect extra cash for the success of the students, their hyper dedication to the course of teaching would belie such a claim.
Of all of them, I want to single out three. One is Mr. Tijani, the DDG. Imbued with an unusual calmness, Tijani is a teacher’s teacher. If he taught you Charges which is the backbone of Criminal Litigation and you didn’t know it, you obviously never will. If he takes his time to explain a topic to you and you still find it obscure, you probably can never know it until you were in the presence of your Maker. He does his explanation with the presence of mind of a clergy and the clinical finish of a surgeon.
The second is Mrs. James. It is at the Law School that I learnt that if you could not commit words to memory and reproduce them by rote, you are half-failed. This young Christian woman comes in handy here. She teaches her students as if they were in a crèche lesson, backed up with release of Christian prophetic prayers into their lives. She is so matronly that if there was an avenue to vote the best teacher of the NLS, James would go home with awards in all the probable categories. I doubt if any of the students would not be waiting to repay her children someday.
Then the lecturer you will hate to love, Udemezue. Feared, dreaded for his hyper-abidance by the school’s code of conduct, the fear of Udemezue is the beginning of wisdom in the school. He seizes phones of students who take their eyes off the academy to fiddling with the small machine and didn’t see any qualms in being labeled a Law School sheriff. At the end of the whole exercise, it dawned on the students that their Number One friend was this brilliant, peripatetic law teacher whose name students insolently shortened to Udemz.
Having said the above, one cannot fail to bring out the drawbacks of the Nigerian Law School system. One is that the Lagos campus’ hyper-fascination with moral regeneration is misplaced. This is because, it forgets that it is dealing with students who are already formed and whose eight or nine months of fleeting sojourn on its campus cannot reshape. These are, for instance, girls many of whom have seen men’s nakedness more than an Ijaw fisherman can ever see shrimps. Though the school does this with eyes on excellence, it is regrettable that it merely scratches the surface of rots in students whose moral codes are as warped and turgid like a dried fish.
Second issue is that of the very long hours of teaching in the Lagos campus. I remember a day that we left the Corporate Law class at 7pm. Educationists would tell you of the period of the attention span of a listener and thus, students. From a 9amlecture, by that time, the teacher is talking to zombies and robots. The Lagos campus may want to slash these unfriendly long hours of teaching. And third is the Law School system in totality. It would be better to redraw the law course curriculum itself. Since the Law School is where the real architectonics of law is taught, it may not be a bad idea to reduce the five years spent in the university to, say four years and extend Law School period to two years. The curriculum is too wickedly cramped that what is taught in the eight months period far outweighs what is taught in five years in the university.
Not minding the above, you would be proud to have passed through the Lagos campus. No wonder it is the Premier of all other campuses and the place to be if you wanted to have a First Class. After a seemingly wicked run through an unpleasant mill, the probability of your having a distinction is very high, all things being equal. Its 77 First Class this year, out of 147 throughout Nigeria and the about the same quantum the previous year, are testimonies to this. How about cloning those dedicated and committed lecturers in all Nigerian schools, without exception? We surely will have a total rebirth in the Nigerian educational system.
Related
Opinion
Ibarapa East: Yusuf Ramon’s Quest for Responsive Representation
Published
3 weeks agoon
February 14, 2026As the road to 2027 gradually unfolds across Oyo State, political conversations are shifting from routine permutations to deeper questions about competence, generational leadership, and measurable impact. In Ibarapa East, that conversation has found a new voice in Yusuf Abiodun Ramon — a Lanlate-born technocrat whose entry into the race for the State House of Assembly is redefining what representation could mean for the constituency.
In a political environment often dominated by familiar faces and conventional calculations, Ramon presents a profile shaped by technical discipline, structured thinking, and solution-driven engagement. His professional background, anchored in analytical precision and systems management, forms the foundation of his public service aspiration.
For him, representation must move beyond ceremonial presence to practical responsiveness — laws that reflect local realities, oversight that protects public resources, and advocacy that translates into visible development.
Ramon argues that the future of Ibarapa East lies in leadership that listens deliberately, plans strategically, and delivers measurably. He speaks of strengthening rural infrastructure, expanding youth-driven economic opportunities, and institutionalising transparency as core pillars of his agenda. In his view, governance must not merely be symbolic; it must be structured, accountable, and people-centred.
Rooted in Ile Odede, Isale Alubata Compound, Ward Seven of Ibarapa East Local Government, and maternally linked to Ile Sobaloju, Isale Ajidun Compound, Eruwa, Ramon’s story is not one of distant ambition but of lived experience. He is, in every sense, a son of the soil — shaped by the same roads, schools, and economic realities that define daily life in Ibarapa East.
“I was born here. I grew up here. I understand our struggles, our strengths, and our untapped potential,” he says. “Representation must go beyond occupying a seat; it must translate into preparation, competence, and genuine commitment to development.”
His academic journey mirrors that philosophy of steady growth. He began at Islamic Primary School, Lanlate (1995–2001), proceeded to Baptist Grammar School, Orita Eruwa (2001–2007), and later earned a National Diploma in Mechanical Engineering Technology from Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro, between 2009 and 2011. Refusing to plateau, he advanced his intellectual horizon and is now completing a Bachelor of Science in Business Administration at the University of Lagos. “Education,” he reflects, “is continuous capacity building. Leadership today requires both technical knowledge and administrative insight.”
That blend of engineering precision and managerial training has defined a professional career spanning more than a decade. Shortly after his diploma, Yusuf joined Mikano International Limited as a generator installer, gaining hands-on experience in industrial power systems — a sector central to Nigeria’s infrastructural backbone. He later transitioned into telecommunications at Safari Telecoms Nigeria Limited, where he received specialized training in Industrial, Scientific, and Medical radio bands, strengthening his expertise in network operations.
In 2013, he became a Field Support Engineer at Netrux Global Concepts Ltd., then a leading ISM service provider in Nigeria. Over four formative years, he immersed himself in telecom infrastructure deployment and maintenance, mastering field coordination, logistics management, and real-time technical problem-solving.
Since July 2017, he has served as a Field Support Engineer with Specific Tools and Techniques Ltd., a power solutions firm providing services to major operators including MTN Nigeria and Airtel Nigeria. In that capacity, he operates at the frontline of ensuring energy reliability and network uptime — responsibilities that demand discipline, accountability, and systems thinking.
For political observers in Ibarapa East, this trajectory matters. It reflects more than résumé credentials; it speaks to a mindset anchored in efficiency, coordination, and measurable outcomes — qualities increasingly demanded in legislative representation.
Beyond the private sector, Ramon’s political exposure is neither sudden nor superficial. A loyal member of the progressive political family in Lagos, he once served as a personal assistant to a former lawmaker, gaining practical insight into legislative procedure and constituency engagement. Within his community, he has quietly extended financial support to small-scale entrepreneurs and students — modest but consistent interventions rooted in personal responsibility.
“My interest is my people,” he states firmly. “Ibarapa East deserves strategic, responsive, and capable leadership at the State Assembly. We must move from rhetoric to results.”
Across the constituency — from Lanlate to Eruwa — development priorities remain clear: youth employment, vocational empowerment, rural road rehabilitation, stable power supply, agricultural value-chain expansion, improved educational standards, and stronger lawmaking that directly reflects community needs.
Political analysts argue that Ramon’s technocratic background positions him uniquely at the intersection of policy formulation and practical implementation. At a time when national discourse increasingly favours competence over grandstanding, his profile resonates with a broader generational shift toward performance-driven governance. His engineering discipline reinforces problem-solving; his business training strengthens administrative understanding; his grassroots roots anchor his empathy.
For Ibarapa East, the 2027 election cycle may represent more than a routine democratic exercise. It may mark a recalibration of expectations — a demand for representation that understands both the soil beneath its feet and the systems that drive modern development. As political alignments gradually crystallize in Oyo State, Yusuf Abiodun Ramon’s declaration signals the arrival of a candidate seeking to translate private-sector structure into public-sector impact.
One thing is clear: the conversation about the future of Ibarapa East has begun — and it is now framed around competence, credibility, and capacity.
Oluwasegun Idowu sent in this piece from Eruwa, Ibarapa East LG, Oyo State
Related
Opinion
Flying on Trust: How Ibom Air’s Reliability Became Its Winning Strategy
Published
4 weeks agoon
February 5, 2026“In a sky where delays are normal, one airline flies with precision and trust. Ibom Air shows that reliability can be a strategy”.
In Nigeria’s skies, where flight delays and cancellations are often taken as routine, Ibom Air has quietly rewritten the rules. From the moment it launched in June 2019, the Akwa Ibom State–owned carrier has treated reliability not as a bonus, but as a core strategy—turning punctuality, discipline, and operational excellence into a competitive edge that passengers can count on.
While most airlines chase rapid expansion or flashy promotions, Ibom Air has chosen consistency. Flights depart on schedule, disruptions are minimal, and communication with passengers is clear and timely. This predictability has quickly earned the airline a loyal following among business travellers, professionals, government officials, and families for whom time is invaluable.
The airline’s approach is methodical. Every flight is treated as a commitment, and operational decisions are guided by structured planning, not improvisation. This discipline underpins everything from scheduling to fleet management, ensuring passengers experience flying without surprises.
Central to this model is Ibom Air’s modern fleet. Its Airbus A220-300 and Bombardier CRJ-900 aircraft are fuel-efficient, comfortable, and rigorously maintained to meet both manufacturers’ specifications and the regulatory standards of the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority and international aviation bodies. Safety here is a culture, not a compliance exercise.
Cabin cleanliness and aircraft health are equally prioritized. Passengers consistently step into neat, hygienic, and professionally maintained cabins, reinforcing confidence and comfort even before take-off. In a sector where small details signal operational quality, Ibom Air’s standards speak volumes.
Technology quietly drives reliability across operations. From booking and check-in to flight coordination and customer service, modern systems enhance efficiency, reduce disruptions, and ensure smooth communication. These tools allow the airline to anticipate challenges rather than merely react.
R–L: Dr. Solomon Oroge, a consultant, and Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, aboard an Ibom Air flight.
Service delivery follows the same disciplined pattern. Pilots, cabin crew, engineers, and ground staff operate under strict professional standards. Courtesy is paired with efficiency, and calm, structured service ensures passengers feel confident throughout their journey.
The Ibom Flyer loyalty programme reflects this structured approach, rewarding consistent passengers and fostering long-term engagement. It turns reliability into a tangible benefit for frequent flyers.
From its hub at Victor Attah International Airport, Uyo, Ibom Air serves major Nigerian cities including Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, Calabar, and Enugu, while extending its reach to West Africa with flights to Accra, Ghana. Expansion is deliberate, prioritizing sustainability over rapid growth that could compromise service quality.
Measured growth allows the airline to maintain operational excellence and service consistency even as demand increases—a strategy that contrasts sharply with competitors whose rapid expansion often strains resources.
Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, pictured inside an Ibom Air aircraft.
Beyond commercial success, Ibom Air has become a national example. It has created employment, stimulated tourism, and strengthened regional connectivity, projecting a positive image of Nigerian aviation at a time when confidence in the sector is often fragile.
The airline has also challenged assumptions about government-owned enterprises. By combining professional management with operational autonomy, it demonstrates that public investment can achieve efficiency, accountability, and competitiveness.
Reliability, in the case of Ibom Air, is than a promise—it is a deliberate business philosophy. It shapes operations, informs decisions, and builds passenger trust consistently.
Technology, discipline, and attention to detail converge to produce an airline that works. Every element, from fleet maintenance to cabin service, supports the promise that Ibom Air delivers what it advertises—without surprises.
In a market where uncertainty has been the norm, Ibom Air has shown that consistency can be a strategic advantage. Passengers no longer fly with anxiety; they fly with confidence, knowing their schedules will hold and service will meet expectations.
Ultimately, Ibom Air is not just an airline—it is a model of operational excellence in Nigerian aviation. By prioritizing reliability over spectacle, discipline over improvisation, and planning over shortcuts, it sets a benchmark for the industry and a standard for passengers: in the skies, predictability is priceless
Idowu Ayodele – Journalist, Ibadan, Oyo State
0805 889 3736 | megaiconpress@gmail.com
Related
Opinion
Help or Hegemony? Trump’s Threat and Nigeria’s Terror War | By Olusegun Hassan
Published
4 months agoon
November 11, 2025In Homer’s epic poem The Odyssey, the concept of the “Greek gift” was invented. The Trojan Horse became the undoing of Troy, ending a decade-long war in which many Greeks had perished, including the mighty Achilles. The Trojans accepted the Greeks’ gift, and the rest, as they say, is history.
In the past few days, both social and conventional media have been agog with reactions to President Donald J. Trump’s threat to the Nigerian government regarding terrorism. In his words, Nigeria must “address the genocide against Christians in the North and Middle Belt, or else the U.S. will cut aid to the country and, in addition, come into the country guns blazing in an attempt to flush out the terrorists.”
Sincerely speaking, the tweet made by the U.S. President sounded a bit comical to me, as did many other commentaries that followed. Comical not in a ridiculous sense, but in a comedic sense.
This piece is not written to support or oppose any particular view, but to lay down facts in the most succinct and objective manner, thereby allowing for the independence of a balanced position.
In 2009, a terror group named Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li al-Da’wa wa al-Jihad (popularly referred to as Boko Haram) emerged with the aim of establishing Islamic rule across Nigeria. According to the group, Sharia was the only path to true progress, and any faith other than Islam was haram (forbidden).
Soon after, this group began launching vicious attacks against Christians and Christian places of worship. From singularly attacking Christians, their targets shifted to government institutions and facilities, and on 28 November 2014, one of the greatest attacks against fellow Muslims occurred with the bombing and mass shooting of Juma’at worshippers at the Kano Central Mosque. Over 120 worshippers were killed and another 260 critically injured.
The point here is to underscore the fact that Boko Haram—and indeed all other extremist groups in Nigeria—are not targeting Christians alone, as earlier claimed, but are pursuing a more sinister agenda of land grabbing with the colouration of economic, psychological and socio-political domination of conquered territories, with intentions of spreading across the country.
From the Northeast, the activities of wanton killing and destruction perpetrated by terrorists spread to the North Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue States. What originally began as farmer–herder clashes metamorphosed into full-blown village and community sackings, where Fulani invaders razed entire communities, leaving hundreds dead or wounded while survivors were displaced and left with harrowing experiences in IDP camps.
This wave of destruction continued, with one of the bloodiest in recent times occurring in Yelwata, Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, on the night of 13–14 June 2025. According to Amnesty/CE/UN/NGO, over 200 people were gruesomely massacred, several houses burnt to ashes, and about 3,000 people displaced and rendered homeless. In 2025 alone, Amnesty reported more than 10,000 additional people displaced in Benue across several local governments, ranging from Gwer West to Agatu, Ukum/Gbagir, Logo, Kwande and Guma.
From the North Central, terrorism—or better still, banditry—also found its way to the North West. The activities of bandits, kidnappers and other criminal elements were consistently reported in Zamfara, Kaduna, Kebbi, Sokoto, Kano, and even Katsina, which was once regarded as the true home of hospitality, as its state slogan depicts, and as I can also attest considering how much I enjoyed the peace and serenity of the state during my days therein as a Youth Corps member. Reuters.ng reports that as of 2025, approximately 2,456 people had been killed in the North West region across multiple states. In addition to this, about 7,260 people, including schoolchildren and commuters on highways, had been abducted, with several millions of naira collected by kidnappers as ransom payments. Some parts of the South West, South East and South South have not been spared the atrocities of terrorists and bandits.
Therefore, it is safe to say that the entire country has, at one time or the other, experienced the activities of bandits, terrorists and kidnappers. The intensity of attack, however, differs from region to region.
Late General Sani Abacha once said that “if any insurgency lasts for more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” This saying more or less amplifies the complexity of the terrorism–banditry–kidnapping problem in Nigeria. Nigeria is a country abundantly blessed with all manners of rich mineral resources. Apart from the vast arable land required for productive agriculture, there is virtually no region of the country that does not possess one valuable solid mineral or another.
From iron ore in Zamfara, Kogi and Enugu; gold in Kaduna, Kebbi and Osun; lithium in Nasarawa, Kwara, Oyo and the FCT; bitumen in Ondo, Edo and Ogun; plus other industrial minerals like gypsum, kaolin and limestone, with deposits of over one billion tonnes across many states—Nigeria is sitting on an incredibly underutilised treasure worth billions of dollars. The government’s inability to adequately manage these vast potentials provides fertile grounds for opportunistic scrambling, illegal mining, chaos and its attendant conflicts.
One can therefore boldly say that the chaos and violence camouflaged as terrorism and banditry is indeed a calculated campaign driven not just by Islamic extremism but by land grabbing and occupation for the purpose of blood mineral extraction and illicit mining.
Thus, a sophisticatedly armed radical Islamic Fulani ethnic militia, often operating under political protection, carries out multiple killings, displacements and kidnappings across the Northeast, North Central and North West, after which reports reveal that foreign miners appear following the death and displacement of indigenes to exploit the lands.
Amnesty International has also reported that Nigeria loses over $9 billion annually to illicit mining of gold, tin and lithium, with a significant portion—estimated at 10%—funding violence and corruption. The report further revealed that the involvement of some government elements in this corruption is not in doubt, as eyewitness reports of survivors and satellite surveillance footage revealed the connivance of certain government personnel. Some survivors have also repeatedly claimed that they witnessed helicopters in the middle of the night dropping weapons and ammunition for the bandits—a disclosure corroborated by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi in an interview on African Stream earlier this year.
So, it is right to say that the violence and carnage are just a smokescreen and a catalyst to a far-reaching economic, psychological and socio-political agenda of certain influential elements in the country. This is part of the reason why the billions of naira spent on security to equip the military to better fight insurgency have not yielded much result to date.
In addressing the threat of President Donald Trump, I would like to start by recounting a little history about the 47th President of the United States and his previous antecedents. In January 2018, at a news conference in the White House, President Trump referred to Haiti and some African countries—including Nigeria—as “shithole countries” that should not be accorded immigrant status in the U.S.
Furthermore, his government’s stern immigration policies and visa restrictions clearly reflect a hostile stance towards Africa and some other Global South countries. In light of this, it is hard to understand where the sudden genuine concern for Nigerian Christians is coming from—more so when a U.S. congressman earlier this year revealed that USAID played a significant role in the funding of Boko Haram and other terrorist groups. This concern was never mentioned when Late President Muhammadu Buhari visited the White House a few months after the “shithole” saga and was praised by the same Trump for his valiant efforts in fighting Boko Haram and ISWAP, despite staggering reports of attacks and killings in the Northeast and North Central during that period.
Under the erudite scholarship of Professor Kunle Ajayi, I learnt several years ago, in one of our Politics of Global Economic Relations lectures, that in world politics and global socio-economic relations, the overriding determinant of states’ decisions and actions is strategic interest. Altruism is hardly ever a factor.
Present realities of Nigeria’s economic relations are fast approaching self-sufficiency—particularly in the oil sector, where Nigeria was once a major importer of finished petroleum products from the U.S. The Dangote refinery, having begun domestic refining and production of petroleum products, is fast taking over a market once dominated by imports from the U.S. This shift, no doubt, is taking jobs away from American oil workers—no cheering news for the country’s oil conglomerates. Secondly, China has since replaced the United States as Nigeria’s foremost trading partner.
According to Nairametrics (2025), the value of trade between Nigeria and China between 2023–2025 totals approximately $50 billion compared to an estimated $30 billion with the U.S. This paradigm shift would certainly not be palatable to the U.S. or her president, who happens to be a dogged businessman that hates the word “no”. From this perspective, it is not difficult to see where President Trump is coming from.
Be that as it may, I think Nigeria needs to employ shrewd diplomacy in dealing with the U.S. under a president like Donald Trump. Regardless of international law and conventions, the U.S. has repeatedly proven itself willing to take unilateral military action against countries, defying the rule of law and popular global opinion. So those hinging on Nigeria’s sovereignty as a deterrent to the U.S. are not good students of history.
What is, however, more important in all of this is that global attention is once again drawn to the horrible atrocities of these criminal elements in Nigeria. The country cannot continue to behave as though it is normal headline news when people are slaughtered daily, and families and homes are torn apart.
I believe this is an opportunity for the government to rejig the entire security architecture of the country, with the needed political will, to once and for all end these killings. Strategic partnership with the United States in this regard is not a bad idea. With its extensive experience in counter-terrorism operations and access to sophisticated military technology and intelligence, the U.S. can assist in identifying and eradicating the major financiers and enablers of terrorism and banditry. It is not rocket science that when the financing of terrorists ends, terrorism ceases to exist.
However, this should be done only on the basis of shared interest, mutual respect, trust, and understanding reflective of a healthy and balanced foreign policy relationship. By prioritising constructive diplomacy, dialogue and partnership, Nigeria can work with the United States in a strategic alliance to restore peace, security and confidence across the nation. That is the way to go.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
Related
Advertisement
Entertainment
Adekunle Gold, Simi welcome twins
Ayefele drops new album, Reflections
Reggae Legend, Jimmy Cliff, Dies At 81
Photos: Davido blows $3.7m on lavish Miami white wedding for Chioma
FAAN probes K1 for spilling alcohol on airport officer during boarding
Odunlade Adekola loses father
MegaIcon Magazine Facebook Page
MEGAICON TV
Advertisement
Trending
-
Politics3 days agoIbarapa East Assembly Hopeful, Ramon Congratulates Ajiboye, Says Emergence Good for Oyo APC
-
Politics1 week agoMakinde: My Successor Must Be Loyal to Oyo, Not Me
-
Politics3 days ago2027: Former Oyo Deputy Governor Adeyemo Emerges APC Chairman (See Full List)
-
News2 days agoNERC orders DisCos to refund ₦20.33bn meter costs to customers