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Titanic’s crash and anger of Olokun, the Sea goddess | By Festus Adedayo

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3 years ago

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The world is in a mourning mood. After a fruitless five-day search for a missing deep-sea submersible vessel with five passengers on board, its wreckage was eventually found last Thursday. The five occupants on board were killed in the process. The search had been spearheaded by a robotic diving vehicle deployed from a Canadian ship. The five were on a voyage to see the century-old wreckage of the famous Titanic by the time this catastrophic implosion occurred.

The robotic vehicle had found the debris of the submersible Titan on the seabed, “some 1,600 feet (488 meters) from the bow of the Titanic,” reported Reuters. Named the Titan and operated by OceanGate Expeditions, a U.S.-based company, its passengers included the company’s founder and chief executive officer, Stockton Rush who also doubled as pilot of the Titan; British billionaire and explorer, Hamish Harding; Pakistani-born businessman, Shahzada Dawood and his 19-year-old son, Suleman, as well as French oceanographer and famous Titanic expert, Paul-Henri Nargeolet. They had gone on the adventurous undersea expedition at the cost of $250,000 to each of the passengers.

The original British passenger liner named the Titanic, which its moulders claimed was unsinkable, had sunk on April 15, 1912, 111 years ago. It had collided with an iceberg. After several unsuccessful years of efforts to discover the wreckage, 73 years after, in 1985, a joint French-American expedition eventually found it out. Salvage operations to recover items in the Titanic which is said to lie in the ocean at a depth of about 12,500 feet on the coast of Newfoundland, have resulted in thousands of items found and now conserved by being put on public display. The bodies of the passengers could however not be recovered. A total of 2,208 passengers had sailed in the early morning of that day, on its maiden voyage from Southampton, England to New York City. Out of them, 1,503 died.

The crash of the deep-sea submersible vessel has provoked some interests and comments. One of such was a piece entitled The Titan disaster shows the effect of human hubris in the deep sea written by Karen Attiah, a columnist with The Washington Post. In it, she drew an inference of a probable anger of the Yoruba goddess of the ocean, Olokun as cause of the disaster. This connect was further reinforced when renowned Hollywood director and Titanic researcher, James Cameron, told the BBC in an interview that there was a definite link between the tragic crash of the two Titans as well as similarities in the crashes’ circumstances. Cameron, a submersible designer, had directed the Oscar-winning blockbuster Titanic. He had said: “I’m struck by the similarity of the Titanic disaster itself, where the captain was repeatedly warned about ice ahead of his ship, and yet, he steamed up full speed into an ice field on a moonless night. And many people died as a result and for us very similar tragedy where warnings went unheeded to take place at the same exact site.”

Samuel Johnson, the iconic Yoruba historian, in telling the story of the dreaded Bashorun Gaa of the Old Oyo Empire, unknowingly explained the Atlantic economy of centuries ago among the Yoruba. In his narration, Johnson drew a link between the river goddess, Olokun and ancient Yoruba cowries, the only legal tender of transaction that began in the 16th century. As Prime Minister of Old Oyo from 1754–1774 circa, Gaa, according to Johnson, once requested his babalawo to make charms that would enable him acquire “plenty of cowries.” He had complained to them that, in spite of his enormous powers and wealth, he had little cowries to flaunt as symbol of his political power. In reality, this was a manifestation of the competition Gaa faced from other power wielders in the empire, that they might use their financial capacity to undermine his political base. Gaa’s cash crisis was also said to have been worsened by his incorrigible children, who, like the biblical sons of Eli – Hophni and Phinehas – lorded “it all over the country (Old Oyo provinces) (and which) deprived him of the revenues which might have come to him.”

Anyway, these medicine men then gave the Prime Minister ose dudu, a medicinal soap, with which he was to take his bath. They thumped their chests as they asserted that, before sunset, humongous wealth would flood his palace. Unconfirmed reports claimed that the babalawo had secured the soap from the bowel of the Atlantic, specifically from the hands of Olokun. After the bath with the soap, a mysterious fire suddenly engulfed the Gaa compound which burnt virtually all his belongings to the hilt. However, due to the awe and dread of the Prime Minister’s powers, virtually all sectors of the Empire, from the capital to all the innumerable provinces, upon hearing of this destruction, rose in his support. Gaa’s venomous powers were such that, he could incinerate provinces that failed to contribute to the rebuilding of his lost assets and compound. Not only did they rebuild the compound, but the gifts Gaa also received in cash and materials were overwhelming. Ultimately, the Prime Minister emerged, like the mythical Phoenix, from the ashes of the disaster richer than he once was. Astounded by the link between his Olokun-given wealth and the disaster, Gaa had asked his babalawo for an explanation. According to Johnson, he had asked, “Is this the way you promised to get me cowries?” and their reply was, “Yes … by what other means could you have amassed such an abundance in so short a time?”

In a journal article written for the Boston University African Studies Centre by Akinwumi Ogundiran, entitled Of small things remembered: Beads, cowries and cultural translations of the Atlantic experience (The International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 35, No. 2/3 (2002), pp. 427-457) the author told the story of how Benin oral traditional history also speaks to the intervention of the Olokun in the prosperity recorded during the reign of Oba Eresoyen. He ruled from 1735 to 1737. By the way, Olokun, in Yoruba-Edo belief, was not only revered as the deity of the ocean, she was also known as goddess of wealth. Eresoyen’s cowry boom was said to have occurred when he made a peace pact with the Olokun. Palace remembrancers speak of how Oba Eresoyen initially engaged in an unending tiff with Olokun by using his spiritual powers to close tributaries in his kingdom which denied Olokun access to her waters. A palm wine tapper then mediated between Eresoyen and the Olokun which resulted in the restoration of water to the goddess. In appreciation, Olokun made a pact with Eresoyen that she would requite his restoration of access to her waters with massive wealth. She then heaped mounds of cowries, which were within her territorial grip, in the sky for Eresoyen which his palace courtiers shouldered into the palace in massive quantity.

I gave the two anecdotes above to highlight, not only the fertile beliefs, imaginations and rumours that thrived centuries ago, especially in the Atlantic commerce of the time, but also the dominant perception of the powers of the Atlantic Ocean called Okun and the lord of the ocean.
Attiah had delved into what she called “the Yoruba religious tradition” where “divine spirits known as Orishas (sic) rule over various cosmic forces and elements of nature. There is Shango (sic) the king orisha of thunder and fire; Yemaya (sic) the orisha of the ocean; and Oshun (sic) who rules rivers and lakes” and what she called “a lesser-known orisha, Olokun, who is androgynous and rules the deepest parts of the ocean where light does not penetrate.” Attiah further wrote that “the Olokun is an extremely fearsome and vengeful orisha, upset with humans for not showing proper reverence… (and) chained to the bottom of the ocean so as to restrain (her) from destroying humanity. The pressure of the deep ocean represents the origins of life and threatens gruesome, instant death for humans. It is for all these reasons Olokun is rarely challenged or disturbed, even by the other orishas.” She concluded in this piece that the submersible’s disaster is a reminder to the world that in spite of humanity’s inventions, it cannot dominate the deep, deep sea.

How true is Attiah’s linkage of Olokun to the submersible’s disaster and how dissimilar or similar is this tragedy from centuries-old mythic perception of traditional Africa? This debate about the existence of gods, goddesses and attempts to spiritize disasters like the Titanic of 1912 and last week’s have provoked philosophical debates about the existence of spirits and metaphysical objects. Are spirits real? Are there evil spirits? Is the physical the only real thing? If it isn’t, what then makes Attiah’s explanation for the crash of the Titanic unreal, mythic and fabulous, while we concentrate on what we are only able to cognize?

While the particular configuration of the Olokun is unknown, the Yemoja, another goddess of the river or water deity, is widely iterated in Yoruba folklores. Many claimed to have encountered this fish goddess who also, like the Olokun, resides in the heart of the waters. Indeed, the Yemoja, taken from Yeye Omo Eja – mother of fishes – has devotees who honour her as a source of life, fertility and abundance and built temples for her. Some people even claimed to have encountered her in the depths of rivers with dual features of a fish, complete with fins but with human shoulders and head. She is carved out as the Mother with weeping breasts and venerated for her kindness. Yemoja is also the Queen Mother who lives in the depth of the water – the Ayaba ti ngbe ibu omi. Yemoja shares her maternity renown with three other water goddesses, Osun, Oba and Oya water deities.

Janet Langlois, of the Folklore Institute, Indiana University, citing ethnographer Ellis A. B, retold the Yemoja story that had often been told as folklore in Yorubaland. Ellis had narrated the legend in his 1894-written The Yoruba-speaking Peop1e of the Slave Coast of West Africa. It goes thus: “Oduduwa, the Earth, given birth to by Obatala, who was the Heavens, also gave birth to a son and daughter. The son was named Aganju and he represented dry and barren land. He then married the daughter, Yemoja, who was life-giving water. They both jointly had a son named Orungan, who was the sky between heaven and earth. One sad day when Aganju was far from home, Orungan ravished his mother, Yemoja. She sprang from him and ran quickly, blindly away. He pursued her and was overtaking her and about to touch her when she slipped and fell, striking her head against a stone. The impact sent jets of water gushing up from her huge breasts. These waters joined to form a sweet lagoon. Her huge belly burst open and many Orisas sprang from her.”

Among the Yoruba, water has a powerful force. Waters are sacred sites with presiding spirits which act as intercessors with the ultimate divine. This provides the reason for the worship of the Yemoja in Osun as the river goddess of fertility. She is referred to as the Ajeje, a mother who has herbs in the river with which she takes care of her children and gives them longevity. Devotees say they revere the waters of Osun just as Christianity reveres rivers in its baptism phenomenon and River Jordan in particular for its spirituality. In Africa, many groups don’t go to the rivers on certain days, believing that those were the days the water spirits come out.

From their manifestations, Olokun and Yemoja are different. The differences are in their temperaments and habitation. While Olokun resides in the Atlantic, Yemoja lives in rivers. Yemoja is benign while Olokun, though is mythically perceived as the god of wealth, could also be a jealous woman who can be deadly. In spite of scientific explanations of the Bermuda Triangle, otherwise known as the Devil’s Triangle, traditionalists believe the calamities wrecked by it in the mid-20th century were caused by the Olokun who, in her anger, and in mysterious circumstances, brought about the disappearances of some aircraft and ships. Some meteorological studies have however referred to Olokun and the Bermuda as an urban legend, ascribing the calamities to “diffraction heat patterns (which) give rise to corresponding weather and ocean patterns which, to a large extent, account for the mysteries already noted in the Bermuda region.” The Bermuda is located in the western part of the North Atlantic Ocean.

So, could Attiah have been right about the anger of the Olokun as cause of the crash of the two Titanics? Should we be bothered and seek extra-scientific answers to these tragedies so as to guard against them in the future? Attiah buttressed her claim with allusions to what she called the social value of certain perilous journeys. On the social media, many have wondered why such potentially perilous elite fancy should detain the rest of humanity. The world had literally been frozen due to the deaths of these voyagers while thousands of immigrants have perished in the Mediterranean without as much as a whimper from the same world. These were, in the words of Attiah, “migrants who are arguably much braver but have far fewer resources… demonized and left to die, despite the fact that all they want is the opportunity to work, to contribute value, to live.” In the same vein, the west has literally shut its ears from cries of reparations for sunken slave ships which Attiah calls “the true symbols of Europe’s ability to enslave people and exploit nature in faraway lands.”

Brandon Presser, an Op-ed writer with the Post, had joined in affirming the reckless audacity of man in going behind its province to seek to dominate the aquatic province of fishes. “Water is our birthright but also a force of great destruction, holding a record of everything it claims. To visit the depths of the ocean is not an act of arrogance, then, but something quite the opposite: an acknowledgment of our obsolescence. It’s fitting that the desire to blindly careen toward the ocean floor goes hand in hand with our curious obsession with the Titanic. The felled ship, once touted as the world’s greatest, has remained a parable for nature’s power over the mightiest efforts of humankind to assert its dominance over the planet,” he had written.

While the world is shedding tears about the recent Titanic disaster, Attiah has given us thoughts to ponder on. Why is the world obsessed with technological dominance like the Titanic, which “allow(ed) Europe to explore and pillage other countries, wipe out entire peoples and enrich itself by exploiting the Earth’s resources”? The Titanic, she said, “might be a reminder that the deep ocean is the only resource-rich realm on Earth with the power to keep White men from exploiting it.” Is Olokun then that power?

So, is Olokun angry that man is going beyond their earthly borders? Or, in the words of Attiah, “are (there indeed) some realms on Earth that are meant to be mysteries — not to be mastered”? Is humanity suffering from what the Yoruba call agbere, arrogant audacity? Or, is this absolute nonsense, in the words of Austrian philosopher, Ludwig Wittgenstein, who saw anything metaphysical like the link being drawn between the Titanic and an angry sea goddess, as such?

 

Dr. Adedayo writes from Ibadan

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G-WAGON: Dare Adeleke, A Liar’ll Steal; Why’re You Desperate To Conceal The Truth? | Maroof Asudemade

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6 days ago

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November 6, 2026

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I have read Dare Adeleke’s rather vacuous response to my article on Governor Seyi Makinde’s presentation of a brand-new Mercedes-Benz G-Wagon 500 to the President-General of the Central Council of Ibadan Indigenes (CCII), Barrister Sulaimon Ajeniyi Ajewole. Unfortunately, beneath the insults, name-calling on my person and his apparent eye-service desperation to impress his political benefactor, there is hardly any substance worth engaging.

Adeleke devoted considerable space to calling me a drunken, lowly writer. Yet, in all his verbal gymnastics, he conspicuously failed to address the fundamental questions raised in my article. Has Governor Makinde paid the statutory salaries and entitlements of the Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja, and the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Akeem Owoade, since their ascension to the respective thrones? Has his administration provided them with official vehicles, as expected under the applicable government arrangements? These were the issues Adeleke ought to address not my personality.

If he had any credible answers to these questions, he would have provided them. Instead, he chose to exhibit his wrakness as an intellectually exhausted defender. He resorted to abusing the messenger when he couldn’t dismantle the message.

However, there is one particularly interesting aspect of Dare Adeleke’s response that deserves immediate correction. He lied that Governor Makinde spent N1 billion on the completion of the Olubadan Palace. Is he sure he’s not addicted to stealing as a liar? The financial contributions towards the completion of the palace came from multiple sources, including the 11 local governments in Ibadanland, each of which contributed N50 million, amounting to N550 million.

Governor Makinde contributed N250 million. The governor’s contribution was N250 million, not N1 billion! Why would Adeleke inflate the governor’s contribution from N250 million to N1 billion? Is he so desperate to manufacture an impressive record for his political principal that figures have become expendable? Or does he imagine that exaggerating the governor’s generosity will make the unanswered questions of ridiculing our royal fathers disappear?

The 11 local governments of Ibadanland have a responsibility towards the Olubadan institution. Their contributions towards the palace should not be presented as a personal sacrifice by Governor Makinde. They are contributions made by public institutions to an institution that belongs to the people of Ibadanland.

Even more disturbing is Adeleke’s inane argument that because Makinde contributed money towards completing the Olubadan Palace, the governor deserves appreciation rather than criticism. This argument betrays a shocking failure of Adeleke to distinguish between governmental responsibilities and statutory obligations.

Let us even assume, for the sake of argument, that Makinde personally spent N1 billion on the palace. How does constructing or completing a building discharge the government’s obligation to pay the statutory salaries and entitlements of the Olubadan and the Alaafin? How does a palace building become a substitute for official vehicles? Are these royal fathers supposed to live in beautiful palaces while their statutory entitlements remain unpaid?

By Adeleke’s ‘logic’, Governor Makinde could build a magnificent headquarters for the Nigeria Labour Congress and subsequently refuse to pay workers their salaries, expecting the labour movement to applaud him for his generosity. Would that be acceptable? Could the government substitute office buildings for workers’ wages? Dare Adeleke is glaringly a peripheral thinker!

A building is a capital project. Salaries and official entitlements are separate obligations. Since Adeleke knew he could not understand this elementary distinction, he should have smelt his argument before presenting it to the public. His defence is not only logically defective; it is intellectually sour.

More importantly, the completion of the Olubadan Palace was not the subject of my article. I did not dispute the governor’s contribution. I questioned the apparent contradiction between his extravagant generosity towards the CCII President-General and the allegations of neglect concerning the official entitlements of the Olubadan and the Alaafin. Adeleke has not answered that question. He has merely introduced an unrelated expenditure in an attempt to divert attention.

I have no objection to Governor Makinde giving G-Wagons, aeroplanes or even private jets to people he loves, provided he does so with his personal resources. He is entitled to his private generosity. But public accountability should not cease because a governor is generous to his friends, associates or political admirers. The issue is not his freedom to give birthday presents. It is his responsibility to discharge governmental obligations.

As for Adeleke’s unnecessary personal attacks, I refuse to dignify his descriptions of me as a drunken or lowly writer with an elaborate defence. Neither description reflects my personality, and neither alters the substance of my argument. He only needs to be aware that despite his opinion of me as a drunken, lowly writer, I am his better by far as a family man and a responsible father – two essential duties he has failed in. I will also not allow his inability to sustain an intelligent argument to dictate the level of my engagement.

I am upset with Dare Adeleke for not living up to his claim of belonging to Oja’ba. He lacks the intellectual discipline, street wisdom and argumentative dexterity traditionally associated with the historic Ibadan community. His response has demonstrated an unfortunate deficit in all three. “Dare ò m’èsì, ó tún gọ!”

There is also something deeply incongruous about Adeleke’s pretentious defence of Governor Makinde. Those familiar with the undercurrents of Oyo politics may find his public posturing rather amusing. He presents himself as an unquestioning defender of the governor, yet political hypocrisy has a way of concealing its true colours beneath an appearance of loyalty. If the human stomach were transparent like a calabash, perhaps the governor would have a clearer view of Dare Adeleke as the green snake lurking beneath the green grass.

But my concern remains the dignity of the Olubadan and Alaafin institutions, not Adeleke’s political theatrics. He has had an opportunity to answer straightforward questions. He failed. He has had an opportunity to correct the allegations with verifiable facts. He avoided them. Instead, he manufactured a N1 billion contribution, inflated the governor’s generosity and attempted to intimidate a critic with insults.

Let me therefore restate the questions he could not answer: Has Governor Makinde paid the statutory salaries and entitlements of the Olubadan and the Alaafin since their ascension? Has he provided them with their official vehicles in accordance with applicable government policy? If yes, let Adeleke produce the evidence. If no, let him explain why.

A G-Wagon cannot answer questions about unpaid salaries. A palace cannot substitute for statutory entitlements. And N1 billion in political propaganda cannot turn N250 million into N1 billion. Dare Adeleke may choose to defend Makinde with insults, exaggerations and emotional outbursts. I will continue to interrogate the administration with facts, logic and questions that public officeholders owe the people answers to.

The dignity of the Olubadan and the Alaafin is far more important than Adeleke’s desperate attempt to earn political applause. And no amount of name-calling will make me abandon the responsibility of holding those in power accountable.

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OYO AHEAD: Senator Alli Blueprint for Oyo Renewal | Muji Armstrong-Bello

Published

6 days ago

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November 6, 2026

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The unveiling of Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli’s OYO AHEAD manifesto has introduced a new dimension to the 2027 Oyo State governorship conversation. Beyond the usual campaign promises, the document presents an attempt to define not just what a government intends to do, but how it proposes to govern. Its central message is that Oyo State needs a development model built around grassroots empowerment, economic productivity, institutional accountability and measurable performance.

What makes the manifesto politically significant is its attempt to connect the candidate’s personal political journey with a proposed programme of government. From his experience as Chairman of Ibadan North Local Government to his service as Secretary to the State Government, Chief of Staff, Senator and Chairman of Odu’a Investment Company, Alli presents himself as a politician whose experience cuts across grassroots administration, constitutional politics, legislative representation and business management. These experiences provide a solid foundation for effective governance and reinforce the expectation that his proposed agenda can be translated into tangible results for the people of Oyo State.

The first pillar, local government autonomy, may well become the most politically consequential. By promising transparent access to council allocations, monthly funding arrangements and greater freedom for local governments to address community needs, BSA is placing grassroots governance at the centre of his development philosophy. The message is unmistakable: democracy must be felt beyond the Government House, and the dividends of government must reach the communities where ordinary people live and work.

His infrastructure proposals also deserve attention. Rather than concentrating exclusively on new construction, the manifesto promises an audit of unfinished roads, published completion schedules, farm access roads, improved electricity, potable water and affordable housing. This suggests an understanding that infrastructure should be judged by its economic and social usefulness, not simply by the political visibility of projects.

In healthcare, the proposed Oyo Care Guarantee for infants, pregnant women and residents above 70 is a significant social intervention. The commitment to strengthen primary healthcare, address shortages of medical personnel and expand health insurance coverage recognises that healthcare is not a privilege reserved for those who can afford it. With the right funding arrangements, adequate staffing and firm institutional commitment, these promises can be translated into a sustainable healthcare system that delivers tangible benefits to the people of Oyo State.

Education is another area where the manifesto attempts to reconnect Oyo with its historic reputation as a pioneer of educational development. Reducing classroom congestion, repairing schools, expanding scholarships, establishing skills centres and linking graduates to employment are proposals that speak directly to the future of the state’s young population. These interventions are designed to translate educational investment into measurable improvements in learning outcomes, practical skills and employment opportunities for the next generation.

Perhaps the most compelling economic proposition is the commitment to move Oyob beyond an economy of consumption towards one of production, investment and job creation. The proposed industrial parks, revival of the Oluyole Free Trade Zone, ₦10 billion Youth Fund, digital skills programme and support for small businesses suggest an administration seeking to make employment creation a central responsibility of government. The ₦150 billion annual internally generated revenue target reflects an ambitious vision of economic growth, driven by expanded business activity, increased investment, efficient revenue administration and the elimination of financial leakages, while preserving a favourable environment for citizens and businesses to prosper.

Agriculture gives the manifesto another important regional dimension. Oyo possesses considerable agricultural potential, particularly across Oke-Ogun, Ogbomoso and Ibarapa. The proposals for processing facilities, revived farm settlements, mechanisation, storage, agricultural insurance and export promotion recognise that farmers cannot prosper merely by producing crops; they must also have access to markets, processing facilities and value chains. If properly executed, this could transform agriculture from subsistence activity into a major engine of industrial growth.

Security, appropriately, is treated as the foundation upon which every other pillar depends. The proposed strengthening of community security networks, protection and insurance for hunters and vigilantes, improved surveillance and farmer-herder mediation reflect the reality that development cannot flourish where fear controls access to farms, schools and businesses. The accompanying commitment to public disclosure of projects, contractors and costs also reinforces the argument that security and accountability are inseparable responsibilities of government.

One particularly striking feature is the candidate’s personal commitment to publish quarterly performance reports and to decline a second-term request if Oyo State is not measurably better by the end of his first tenure. This is a bold political undertaking. It shifts the conversation from the traditional entitlement of incumbency to the obligation of performance. This commitment further underscores the importance of measurable performance targets, transparent reporting and regular public assessments as the foundation for accountable and results-driven governance.

The strength of OYO AHEAD lies not only in the breadth of its promises but also in the opportunity to translate them into a practical development programme. The proposed revenue expansion, healthcare guarantee, youth and women empowerment funds, educational reforms and infrastructure projects provide an ambitious agenda for the state. With proper financial planning, sound legal frameworks, effective coordination and measurable implementation targets, these proposals can form the foundation of a purposeful and results-oriented administration.

This places an important responsibility on the OYO AHEAD Steering Committee. Beyond campaign mobilisation and public presentation, the Committee must sustain the technical work required to support the manifesto with reliable data, realistic costing, legal guidance, implementation timelines and measurable outcomes. The depth of this preparation will be central to demonstrating that OYO AHEAD is not merely a collection of campaign promises, but a carefully considered programme for governing Oyo State.

As the 2027 governorship election approaches, the debate should increasingly focus on the future of Oyo State: the governance philosophy, experience, policy direction and preparedness of those seeking the people’s mandate. Political alliances and personalities will naturally shape the contest, but the enduring question is which proposals offer a clear and practical pathway to development, prosperity and accountable leadership.

OYO AHEAD has placed such a pathway before the people of Oyo State. Its seven pillars provide a framework for addressing the state’s development priorities, while its emphasis on grassroots governance, economic productivity, human capital development and accountability speaks to the need for a new direction. With his political experience, administrative background and familiarity with the challenges of Oyo State, Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli is well positioned to lead the effort to translate this blueprint into meaningful progress. The promise of OYO AHEAD is renewal; its ultimate measure will be the transformation it delivers to the lives of the people.

 

Prince Armstrong-Bello, JP. Akogun Aliiwo Ibadanland, Author of “Yoruba Leadership in Diaspora: Equity Justice and Tradition” is a Political Communication Strategist and Public Affairs Analyst

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OYO 2027: MAKINDE EATS SOUR GRAPES, ADEKANMBI’S TEETH MUST BE SET ON EDGE

Published

1 week ago

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November 4, 2026

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The confusion within the ranks of the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) is becoming increasingly difficult to describe.

The political empire built by Governor Seyi Makinde on what critics describe as lies, betrayals, broken promises and greed appears to be crumbling by the day.

Indeed, Makinde and his APM loyalists are providing an endless source of amusement these days.

Virtually everyone who leaves the Makinde administration is suddenly dismissed as a “paperweight” by the party’s social media attack dogs.

I have often wondered whether these fellows are unaware of the wisdom behind the Yoruba belief that even cotton wool, when gathered in sufficient quantities, can become a load too heavy for one person to carry.

As the Yoruba proverb puts it: Eni ní òwú ò t’ẹrù; ìwọ̀nba tó fẹ́ fi tan iná ló mú.

You keep losing prominent politicians and influential party stakeholders, yet you dismiss them as political nonentities. But which heavyweight has the power to cast more than one vote for a preferred candidate?

I am certain that even Bimbo Adekanmbi must be wondering how things deteriorated so badly for the APM.

Before his emergence as Governor Makinde’s anointed governorship candidate was made public, I granted an interview on a television station during which I openly predicted that Adekanmbi would get the governor’s endorsement and that his choice as successor would spell trouble for both men.

To one another, both men have become potential political albatrosses. Unfortunately, Governor Makinde’s ego appears to have blinded him to realities beyond his immediate political calculations.

I am particularly surprised that Adekanmbi failed to recognise that he was walking into a political trap by accepting Makinde’s endorsement.

Greed, indeed, can be a dangerous disease. In Adekanmbi’s position, no discerning politician would have ignored the number of political enemies Governor Makinde had accumulated during his seven years in office.

It follows, therefore, that Adekanmbi would inevitably inherit many of those political liabilities. Sadly, he either failed to appreciate the implications or simply chose to overlook the consequences.

By the time Governor Makinde, or perhaps Seye Famojuro, settled for Adekanmbi, the governor was already embroiled in disagreements with prominent political figures, including former Deputy National Chairman of the PDP, Ambassador Taofeek Oladejo Arapaja, Alhaji Bisi Olopoeyan and several first-class traditional rulers in Oyo State.

He had also fallen out with several influential political figures, including Senator Hosea Agboola, Alhaji Razak Gbadegesin, former Deputy Governor Barrister Gbolarunmi Hazeem, Chief Mrs Jumoke Akinjide, Hon. Mulikat Adeola Akande, former Deputy Governor Engr. Rauf Aderemi Olaniyan, Prince Diran Odeyemi, former Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose, former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike and even President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Beyond these strained relationships, several stakeholders within the Makinde political camp were already uncomfortable with the process that produced Adekanmbi as the APM governorship candidate.

There were also contentious discussions about whether Governor Makinde should be succeeded by a Christian. Equally troubling to some stakeholders was the question of whether it made political sense for Makinde to present Adekanmbi as his preferred successor when both men hail from Ona-Ara Local Government Area.

At the time, agitations were mounting over Governor Makinde’s alleged failure to comply with the Supreme Court judgment granting financial autonomy to local governments.

Other contentious issues included the controversial Circular Road project, the sale of government assets and the proposed transfer of Oyo State farm settlements to estate developers.

The state’s debt profile, which has remained a subject of public concern and debate, was another issue that had yet to be satisfactorily addressed.

All these issues were already in the public domain before Adekanmbi accepted the offer to become Makinde’s anointed candidate.

One is therefore compelled to ask: what could have persuaded Adekanmbi to accept such a politically dangerous offer?

I can only think of one reason: greed.

When Governor Makinde claimed that he had advised Adekanmbi not to inherit his enemies, he was being economical with the truth.

The reality is that those political liabilities became Adekanmbi’s the moment he accepted Makinde’s endorsement.

The governor knows that he is carrying a political baggage that could weigh heavily on his preferred successor. Yet, he appears unwilling to be held accountable for the political consequences of his own administration.

Unfortunately for both men, even Adekanmbi’s campaign slogan tells a story of its own: “Omi Tuntun 3.0”.

How, then, does he intend to separate himself from the “Omi Tuntun” administration and the controversies surrounding it?

Governor Makinde has never hidden his discomfort with genuine local government autonomy. Adekanmbi, by his posture, appears prepared to sustain the same political template, which critics blame for weakening the 33 local government councils in the state.

On virtually every issue over which the people of Oyo State have expressed concern, Adekanmbi appears to be offering continuity rather than a departure from the policies of the present administration.

He has failed to condemn the controversy surrounding the proposed transfer of the Ogbomoso Farm Settlement to estate developers, despite protests by residents of the ancient town.

He has equally remained silent over the controversy surrounding the administration’s reported moves involving the Saki Farm Settlement.

He also appears untroubled by the reported transfer of the 4,000-hectare Eruwa Farm Settlement to investors, whose whereabouts and activities have, according to critics, remained unclear two years after the arrangement.

Indeed, Adekanmbi appears not to appreciate the extent of the challenges facing the state. For instance, Oyo State is said to be short of six general hospitals if the benchmark of one general hospital per local government area is adopted.

Yet, when Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli promised in his manifesto to address this deficit, APM spokespersons reportedly went on the offensive, describing the manifesto as “lacking in originality”.

Governor Makinde has been in office for more than seven years. During this period, his administration has received ecological funds on several occasions.

The question, therefore, is simple: what has happened to those funds?

There are concerns over the utilisation and accountability of the ecological funds received by the state. The governor owes the people a clear explanation of how these resources have been deployed.

There are also questions surrounding the proposed upgrade of the Alakia Airport, a project for which Adekanmbi himself was appointed by Governor Makinde to head a committee.

I have been reliably informed that the contract sum for the airport upgrade was reportedly reviewed upwards from its original figure of over N50 billion to well above N150 billion.

I have raised this question before, but I am yet to hear Adekanmbi offer a convincing explanation or response to the allegation.

Similarly, Governor Makinde reportedly approved more than N60 billion for the renovation of the Government House, an expenditure that attracted public criticism.

As of today, the visible works include the construction of a hall, the painting of the Government House mosque and church, and the replacement of tiles in both places of worship.

I challenge Governor Makinde to tell the people of Oyo State how much of the more than N60 billion reportedly approved for the renovation has actually been released and expended.

Beyond that, the governor should invite members of the press to conduct an independent assessment of the work carried out so far. The people deserve transparency and accountability, not unanswered questions.

The state government’s performance in education is another area that demands urgent attention.

Oyo State’s performance in WAEC and NECO examinations has continued to attract concern, particularly when compared with the performance of other states, including neighbouring Osun, which has been celebrated for its fifth-place position in a recent examination ranking.

Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli has argued that the state must return to an educational system that makes teaching and learning more conducive. One of his proposals is a 30-pupils-per-classroom policy.

But rather than engage constructively with the proposal, APM voices have dismissed its feasibility.

Adekanmbi, as the party’s governorship candidate, has also failed to offer a clear departure from the present arrangement, under which many public primary and secondary school classrooms remain severely overcrowded and unconducive to effective learning.

Oyo State cannot afford another administration that merely promises continuity without addressing the shortcomings of the present one.

The people deserve better, and they now have an alternative in Senator Sharafadeen Abiodun Alli.

Governor Makinde has eaten sour grapes. Unfortunately, Bimbo Adekanmbi appears destined to bear the consequences.

His teeth, indeed, must be set on edge.

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