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Thorn-filled journey through Law School, Lagos Campus | By Festus Adedayo

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The temptation to comment today on the surfeit of political issues raging in our troubled country is very high. Ranging from the insipid, the insulting to the idiotic, a commentator has in them an overflow of what I term “commentarial materials.” There is nowhere you turn that you are not choked by the palpable fume of governmental irresponsibility that has become the poster of the Nigerian state. It is so disgusting that Nigerians have turned activists in their closets.

It is a malaise that signposts the fact that Nigeria is being governed by men without ears, literally and metaphorically, apology to Ifeoma Okoye’s Men Without Ears. It does even worse: Makes the writer feel very hollow, incomplete and little, as if he was on a barren weekly shuttle. How can you continue to talk to deaf and dumb people, men for whom blood-flow into their auditory nerves ceased since 2015? It is why the supine bereftness of logic and common sense in the Chief Driver of the Nigerian airplane’s call for full Sharia law in Nigeria, the very hollow cants of DSS over its shameful and obnoxious failed abduction of Omoyele Sowore in court, the very contradictory statements from the Press Office of the presidency, Aisha Buhari’s incongruent Save Our Soul to hapless Nigerians over her purely domestic dislocation, the “Major General” prefix that the Punch has aptly elected to tag Buhari with, Adams Oshiomhole’s shameful dance in Edo and sundry others, will not engage my attention today.

Instead, I have chosen to go Afghanistan. Not for fear of being Sowore-d; I have gone past that worry, but to focus attention on a tiny member of the Nigerian orbit that can be said to be the proverbial masquerade at the village square whose eclectic dancing steps are enthralling and fascinating to its minder – the Nigerian people. Rather than my choice of commentary today being escapist, it looks to me like a purifying therapy for, not only the writer, but the Nigerian public who may stumble on the piece. You, me and everyone are fast losing our sanity at this maddening emanations from Muhammadu Buhari’s Aso Rock. A piece like this may be a soothing balm against the current system’s plans to drive us mad. Though what I am about to delve into is a personal narrative, we could proceed from this specific into making a helicopter view judgment of the discourse at issue.

I was admitted to the Nigerian Law School, Lagos campus, in November, 2018. I had earlier completed a course of study in Law from Faculty of Law, University of Ibadan. I arrived UI – pardon the argot – pregnant with what had become a cliché among people of my generation and the ones before us, to wit that the present Nigerian educational system had gone to the dogs and the dogs, unable to stomach the stench, threw it to the swine. My classmates, the Class of 17, as we called ourselves, jolted me off this typecast. Exceptionally brilliant students, I knew from the outset that they would positively embarrass the university. And they did. By the time the final results were announced, 21 had First Class, a feat unprecedented in the history of the 71-year old university. Those boys and girls were very brilliant, thorough and painstakingly committed to their vision of being lawyers.

Whenever they stood up to pontificate in class, you would see a future for Nigeria; see in them the Gani Fawehinmis, Femi Falanas, Olisa Agbakobas and other great law titans.
The Lagos Campus’ “notoriety” predated my entrance into the school. Anyone who heard of your “bad luck” of being posted there, pitied you. You would think you had been sentenced to a term in Hades. The campus would not disappoint your fear and apprehension; it in fact did worse than that. From your first day in class, you had the feeling that you had come for dinner with Mephistopheles. The verses of the code of conduct spelled out by the lecturers at the induction programme were laced with scalding hot lines of the Salmon Rushdie’s fatwa kind. The school didn’t hide the fact that it could not stomach indolence and laziness, and that breaking of its rules tantamount a sting from its wasp.

It spells out in unmistakable lines that it would grill you, bend you over backwards and retreat only when you are about to snap. From that moment, you begin to create a space for those lecturers in your profile of hate. How could lecturers be consumed by such massive hatred for their students? How could they be that unfeeling?

If you ever doubted their resolve to follow the rigid codes with strict abidance, you were shocked the next day, the beginning of lectures. At the point of daily biometrics for attendance, a horde of girls with skimpy bikini-like black skirts as short as the morality of a whore, haughty-looking neck chains and seemingly revealing tops, were sent off the queue, back to their hostels. If you thought you could study part-time, you had chosen a wrong school in the Lagos campus; the second biometrics for the day is impromptu!

Now, the academics at the NLS. It was so manifestly thorough that at some point, I contemplated throwing in the towel. Indeed, some lily-livered students fell by the wayside. The lecturers taught as if their lives depended on the students passing in flying colours. The rigour of the academic work at the NLS was better imagined than confronted. Among us, we believed this approach was deliberate – get students to be captives of the mindset, ab initio and ultimately secure their daily scampering to catch up. From the Deputy Director of the school, Mr. Nasiru Tijani, who himself taught Criminal Litigation, Ugochukwu Kanu and the Late Mrs. Olabisi Ayankogbe, to Mrs. Gbemisola Odusote, Sylvester Udemezue, Mrs. James, (of the Property Law course) to Mrs. Yinka Odukoya, Mr. Sesan Orimogunje, Mrs Takuro (Civil Litigation), Mrs. Motunrayo Egbe, of the Corporate Law Practice and his crew of dedicated young lecturers assisting her – Monye and Ayo, as well as Titi Hameed of the Professional Ethics class, one thing linked them together – their selfless pursuit of excellence in the students and their commitment which, I must confess, I had never seen in any lecturer/teacher in my decades of interface with the academy. They inconvenienced themselves to the optimum to bring out the best in the students. If anyone told you they didn’t collect extra cash for the success of the students, their hyper dedication to the course of teaching would belie such a claim.

Of all of them, I want to single out three. One is Mr. Tijani, the DDG. Imbued with an unusual calmness, Tijani is a teacher’s teacher. If he taught you Charges which is the backbone of Criminal Litigation and you didn’t know it, you obviously never will. If he takes his time to explain a topic to you and you still find it obscure, you probably can never know it until you were in the presence of your Maker. He does his explanation with the presence of mind of a clergy and the clinical finish of a surgeon.

The second is Mrs. James. It is at the Law School that I learnt that if you could not commit words to memory and reproduce them by rote, you are half-failed. This young Christian woman comes in handy here. She teaches her students as if they were in a crèche lesson, backed up with release of Christian prophetic prayers into their lives. She is so matronly that if there was an avenue to vote the best teacher of the NLS, James would go home with awards in all the probable categories. I doubt if any of the students would not be waiting to repay her children someday.

Then the lecturer you will hate to love, Udemezue. Feared, dreaded for his hyper-abidance by the school’s code of conduct, the fear of Udemezue is the beginning of wisdom in the school. He seizes phones of students who take their eyes off the academy to fiddling with the small machine and didn’t see any qualms in being labeled a Law School sheriff. At the end of the whole exercise, it dawned on the students that their Number One friend was this brilliant, peripatetic law teacher whose name students insolently shortened to Udemz.

Having said the above, one cannot fail to bring out the drawbacks of the Nigerian Law School system. One is that the Lagos campus’ hyper-fascination with moral regeneration is misplaced. This is because, it forgets that it is dealing with students who are already formed and whose eight or nine months of fleeting sojourn on its campus cannot reshape. These are, for instance, girls many of whom have seen men’s nakedness more than an Ijaw fisherman can ever see shrimps. Though the school does this with eyes on excellence, it is regrettable that it merely scratches the surface of rots in students whose moral codes are as warped and turgid like a dried fish.

Second issue is that of the very long hours of teaching in the Lagos campus. I remember a day that we left the Corporate Law class at 7pm. Educationists would tell you of the period of the attention span of a listener and thus, students. From a 9amlecture, by that time, the teacher is talking to zombies and robots. The Lagos campus may want to slash these unfriendly long hours of teaching. And third is the Law School system in totality. It would be better to redraw the law course curriculum itself. Since the Law School is where the real architectonics of law is taught, it may not be a bad idea to reduce the five years spent in the university to, say four years and extend Law School period to two years. The curriculum is too wickedly cramped that what is taught in the eight months period far outweighs what is taught in five years in the university.

Not minding the above, you would be proud to have passed through the Lagos campus. No wonder it is the Premier of all other campuses and the place to be if you wanted to have a First Class. After a seemingly wicked run through an unpleasant mill, the probability of your having a distinction is very high, all things being equal. Its 77 First Class this year, out of 147 throughout Nigeria and the about the same quantum the previous year, are testimonies to this. How about cloning those dedicated and committed lecturers in all Nigerian schools, without exception? We surely will have a total rebirth in the Nigerian educational system.

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Almajiri: Why Northern Leaders Must Look Themselves in the Mirror

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Two incidents happened during the 1994/95 NYSC service year, which I was part of in Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State, and they gave me profound culture shocks that I still remember till today. I would equally say that those incidents probably justified the Federal Government’s decision to float the scheme.

 

We were told that part of the reasons General Yakubu Gowon floated the NYSC was to ensure national integration, cohesion and exposure of young Nigerians to cultures of other parts of the country other than where they were born.

First was the shock of seeing a director that I was attached to in the then Government House, who had just taken a new wife, and sat among drivers, gate men and other junior staff to dine. I saw them seated round a huge iron pot of Koko, a local delicacy, exchanging one big spoon made of calabash, as each took turns to use the spoon to eat the delicacy. It was as if I was witnessing a scene where children of a big family were struggling to catch a portion of food or where people were eating Saara, as they say it in Yorubaland.

As I walked past the noisy crowd, I was transfixed seeing the newly-wedded director among the lot. He saw me standing still, as I couldn’t comprehend what he was doing there, and he got the message. ‘Taiyo, (as he used to call me) you won’t understand,’ he said as he waved to me to keep going. When we later saw, he explained that what he just did was a way of assuring the commoners that ‘we are all one,’ as they felicitated him on the new bride. But I could not fathom how the occupant of a ‘huge office’ as that of a director in a Government House , would sit among “commoners” on a tattered mat to share a single spoon and eat in public.
The other incident was quite pathetic. My friend, Tunde Omobuwa, was posted to a school in Yauri, in the southern part of the state, for his primary assignment. But he found the place boring on weekends. So, he arranged to always be with me on weekends.

One such weekend, we decided to take a stroll round the streets near the Government House. We took off from the place of my primary assignment, the Federal Information Centre; bought corn beside the office, and started ‘blowing’ the ‘mouth organ’ as we strolled. We were too engrossed in our gist and the sweetness of the corn to note that some young boys were trailing us, praying that some leftovers of the corn would drop for them to scavenge. Somehow, the two of us dropped the corn cob almost simultaneously. We were more than taken aback by a commotion that erupted at our back. Four eight or nine year-olds had descended on the supposed leftovers and broken the corn cobs into pieces. I was again transfixed as if one was hit by an electric shock. Remember that feeling when you play with electric fish?

I was moved to tears as I had never ever seen a group of children scavenging on nothing as it were. I beckoned to the kids and offered them N20, which was the highest denomination at the time, and with some smattering Hausa words told them to go buy their own corn from the same place we got ours. As they left, heading to the corn seller, I couldn’t erase that ugly sight from my mind. Was it really possible that some people scavenge on nothing this way? I was later to see incidents of children swarming around restaurants and pouncing on near empty plates.

These incidents told me clearly that the North was a different place and that the life of the boy child is not only risky and endangered but sold to stagnation and deprivation, unless you are one of the lucky few.

Having benefited from the free education policy of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) between 1979 and 1983, when the Second Republic was terminated, I knew that there is a lot the government can do in educating the children. In my secondary school days, I was the Library Prefect at one point, and so I saw an excess of books supplied by the government to our school. So, I was an example of the feasibility of free education. It was the same way the Action Group government had handled education in the years preceding Nigeria’s independence and the First Republic.

So why can’t the state governments in the North declare free and compulsory education for the young ones out there? Why should children be made to scavenge on empty corn cobs just to see if they can find pieces of seeds left over?

And why was my director giving drivers and gate men in the Government House false hope that they were all the same, instead of him to challenge them to seek to lift themselves up the social ladder?
I think there was no excuse for the North not to have adopted a free education policy, just as Chief Obafemi Awolowo did in the South-West. And if we say the North needs to look itself in the mirror, you again remember the efforts by President Goodluck Jonathan to educate the multitude of Northern children through the Almajiri Schools. That government built more than 400 of such schools, which were abandoned because it could upset the oligarchy. The oligarchs forgot the truism that the children of the poor they refuse to train today won’t let their children sleep peacefully.

But the governor of Borno State, Prof Babagana Zulum, appears to have got the message. Last week, I was thrilled to see him organise a summit to reform the Almajiri system.

The Almajiri education system is a traditional Islamic method of learning widely obtained across states in northern Nigeria. Through that system, which is tied to Islamic teaching, youths, especially boys are kept out of the formal western education system. I don’t know why the teachings by Islamic scholars cannot go alongside that of Western education as it obtains in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq and other Islamic countries that are doing well economically and in the world of science, technology.
While addressing the summit, Zulum had mentioned the need to address the root causes of insecurity through the provision of education for citizens of Borno, adding that improper teaching of Islamic studies has contributed to the emergence of Boko Haram insurgents in the state.

According to him, to curtail whatever is the adverse effect of Almajiri education; the Borno State Government has established the Arabic and Sangaya Education Board to introduce a unified curriculum for Sangaya and Islamic schools. He said that the reform would include establishing Higher Islamic Colleges to cater for Almajiri children and blending the religious teachings with the secular curricula as well as skills.
He said: “The Sangaya Reform is a great development. It will give Almajiri a better chance in life, particularly the introduction of integrating western education, vocational, numeracy, and literacy skills into the centres, which are also described as Almajiri and Islamic schools.

“Distinguished guests and esteemed educationists, government’s intention was to streamline the informal and formal education systems to quality integrated Sangaya School for admission into colleges and universities.”

One would have thought that governors with radical postures like Nasir el-Rufai and others before him would have proposed this type of reform, but it is better late than never. Zulum should be supported to get something out of this.

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Nigeria: Dancing On The Edge Of Destiny

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Nigeria stands as a paradox, endowed with immense natural wealth yet grappling with staggering poverty levels among its populace. The country is blessed with an abundance of resources, including diverse agricultural products, vast oil reserves, and a burgeoning tourism and entertainment industry, all of which hold immense potential for national prosperity. Despite this richness, many Nigerians endure dire economic conditions, raising questions about the effective management and equitable distribution of wealth generated from these resources.

The agricultural sector in Nigeria is a significant contributor to both the economy and food security. With favourable climatic conditions and arable land, Nigeria has the potential to become an important player in global agriculture. However, inefficiencies in farming techniques, lack of access to modern equipment, inadequate infrastructure, and insecurity impede growth, leaving many farmers in subsistence conditions. By addressing these challenges, Nigeria could harness its agricultural wealth to reduce poverty and strengthen its economy.

Similarly, oil and gas remain at the forefront of Nigeria’s natural resources, providing a substantial share of government revenue. Unfortunately, the oil riches have also been a source of conflict and corruption, leading to environmental degradation and social unrest in oil-producing regions. Although the sector can foster economic growth, the mismanagement of resources has prevented the country from fully benefiting from its wealth. Furthermore, the fluctuating oil prices on the global market create vulnerability, emphasizing the need for economic diversification.

The entertainment industry, particularly Nollywood, represents another facet of Nigeria’s wealth. This sector showcases rich cultural heritage, offers employment opportunities, and generates income. Despite its success, it has not yet been leveraged to bring about far-reaching economic change across the country. Without addressing existing systemic challenges, Nigeria’s abundant resources might continue to dance precariously on the edge of opportunity, further complicating the narrative of its natural wealth.

Leadership Challenges and Political Corruption

Significant leadership issues and pervasive political corruption have plagued Nigeria’s history. Since gaining independence in 1960, the nation has witnessed a succession of leaders, many of whom have failed to prioritize the welfare of their citizens. Ineffective governance has not only hampered Nigeria’s growth but has also led to a persistent cycle of political instability. This crisis of leadership has contributed significantly to the erosion of public trust in governmental institutions, weakening the social fabric of the country.

The impact of political corruption is deeply entrenched in Nigeria’s socio-economic landscape. Corruption permeates various layers of governance, leading to the misallocation of resources intended for public welfare. Essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure development suffer as funds are diverted for personal gain. The consequences of such malfeasance are evident in the rise of poverty rates, inadequate healthcare systems, and a significant lack of access to quality education. Consequently, these socio-economic challenges create a vicious cycle that further exacerbates the leadership crisis.

Historically, Nigeria has experienced a range of leadership styles, from military rule to civilian governments, yet the recurring theme remains the same: a failure to eradicate corrupt practices. Each new leadership regime often promises reform and better governance, but these assurances rarely translate into meaningful change. The lessons from past experiences underscore the importance of accountability and transparency in rebuilding trust between the government and the populace. As the nation grapples with its leadership crisis, the intersection of governance and corruption demands critical attention to chart a new course towards sustainable development and empowerment.

The Hardships Under the Current Administration

The current administration of Nigeria, under President Bola Tinubu, has ushered in an array of policies that have sparked significant public discourse due to their profound impact on the lives of ordinary Nigerians. Notably, the removal of fuel subsidies has been a pivotal move that has reverberated through the economy, leading to steep increases in fuel prices. This sudden change has not only made transportation costs soar but has also led to a ripple effect, dramatically affecting the prices of basic goods and services. Citizens are now grappling with the daily realities of inflated living costs, often on already strained budgets.

Furthermore, the naira floating, aimed at addressing exchange rate discrepancies, has instead resulted in further devaluation. The naira’s instability has posed challenges for local businesses and individual consumers, making it increasingly difficult to afford essential products. This monetary policy highlights the delicate balancing act required in governance, reflecting the complexity of addressing economic issues while ensuring the welfare of the populace. Many Nigerians report feelings of uncertainty and anxiety regarding their financial futures, emphasizing a general sentiment of disillusionment with the direction of government policy under the Tinubu administration.

A Path Forward: Hope or Despair?

Nigeria’s current circumstances present a dichotomy of hope and despair. Despite the numerous challenges confronting the country, including political instability, economic hardships, and social unrest, there is a glimmer of hope that reform is possible through concerted efforts by the populace and leadership. As the country reaches a crossroads, systemic reforms have the potential to catalyze change. These reforms must prioritize institutional strengthening, increase transparency, and promote inclusive and sustainable economic growth.

Public participation is critical in this endeavour. Citizens must reclaim their agency by actively participating in democratic processes, advocating for accountability from their leaders, and demanding that their voices be heard. Civic education should be promoted to ensure that the electorate is informed and empowered to make decisions that affect their future. Furthermore, civil society organizations can play a pivotal role in mobilizing resources and providing platforms for dialogue, where citizens can articulate their needs and aspirations.

Accountability from leadership is another cornerstone for progress in Nigeria. As the people seek a path forward, leaders must prioritize the needs of their constituents over personal interests. Regular assessments of governmental performance, transparency in budgeting and spending, and anti-corruption measures can help to restore public trust. Leaders who demonstrate commitment to these principles may inspire hope and foster collective action aimed at the common good.

Ultimately, the question remains: Who holds the key to Nigeria’s promised future? The answer lies within the collaboration between the government and its citizens, whereby both parties work towards common objectives. The road to prosperity for Nigeria is not easy, but through systemic reforms, public engagement, and accountability, there exists an opportunity to transform hope into reality, steering the nation towards a brighter tomorrow.

 

 

Mimiola, an Award-Winning journalist, sent in this piece.

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NNPCL vs. Dangote: Why Tinubu Can’t Play Pontius Pilate

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The Presidency addressed several issues last Wednesday as the Special Adviser to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Information and Strategy, Mr. Bayo Onanuga picked the microphone to give perspectives to certain developments. One of the issues he addressed was the lingering feud between the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) and Dangote Refineries Limited.

Onanuga said that President Tinubu would not intervene in the feud because the two entities “operate independently in a deregulated market.”

According to Onanuga, the Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) field has been deregulated, just as Dangote is a private company. The NNPCL is a limited liability company, he said. In the loaded statement, the presidential adviser was hinting Nigerians why the President cannot dabble into the huge but confusing feud between Dangote Refineries and NNPCL, over the pricing of petroleum products in the country.

The presidential adviser and Nigerians are not oblivious to the implications of his statement. First, a lot of hope had been invested in the Dangote Refineries by Nigerians, who had concluded that its coming on stream would yield them cheaper fuel and help end the perennial fuel scarcity that kept the pumps at the filling stations dry for most of the months. But as the refinery was about to fag off its full operations, officials of the refinery, the NNPC and its subsidiaries started singing some music with disparaging tunes. Accusations upon accusations were rampaging in the air, while some name calling and tagging were being spread openly and under the table. It became obvious that elements in the administration of President Tinubu were opposed to the operation of the local refinery. Such insinuations must have prompted the President of Dangote Group, Alhaji Aliko Dangote to speak out in some tones not easily attributable to him hitherto. He alleged that officials of the NNPC were running a blending plant in Malta, where fuel is imported into Nigeria. He equally offered to hand off the Lagos-based refinery if the government would buy him out.

As tension rose, between Dangote and NNPCL, the corporation was having the last laugh, as it chose the same time to unleash some violent strokes of koboko whips on the back of the Nigerian citizen. It galloped fuel prices at will and at the same time locked the products away from their reach. Queues got unwinding at filling stations and the agony was unending. The hunger and thirst for Dangote fuel grew, but the NNPC chose to remain the stumbling block. I guess that the cries of Nigerian citizens at one point got across the Aso Rock Villa, in Abuja and the presidency had to order a temporary ceasefire. NNPCL was directed to create avenues for the supply of crude oil to Dangote in Naira while the refinery too was to agree to a pricing model to be fashioned by the Federal Executive Council. Even at that, the two combatants have continued to throw jabs at each other, especially over what should constitute the exact price of Dangote petrol. While Dangote had claimed that fuel from its refineries would be far cheaper than imported ones, the NNPC had given a conflicting indication. The NNPC/Dangote tango has been a ding-dong and a topsy-turvy affair.

That was the situation as the October 1 date fixed for the start of crude supply to Dangote draws close. And Mr. Onanuga was speaking against that backdrop. If that stands, it would amount to classifying Tinubu in the mould of the biblical Pontius Pilate, as seen in the book of John 18:37-49 and 19:1-19. In that biblical encounter, leading to the final crucifixion of Jesus Christ, the Jews had brought Jesus to Pilate’s court for an indictment that would enable them to crucify him. Pilate asked questions of Jesus and even though Jesus answered in the spirit, the judge was still able to conclude that he found no fault in Jesus. And that was despite the mounting pressure from the multitude of Jews, seeking to crucify Jesus.

As we read in John 19:6; “When the chief priests therefore and officers saw him, they cried out, saying, Crucify him, Crucify him. Pilate saith unto them, Take ye him, and crucify him: for I find no fault in him.”

I believe that President Tinubu should not throw Nigerians at the NNPC, like sheep to wolves. If the declaration of his office is allowed to stand, he would be doing otherwise. To play the Pilate in this needless NNPCL and Dangote feud, he would have endorsed all the punishment his compatriots are suffering at the hands of the NNPCL. He would have said, even though I found no merit in the push to whip the population, I leave you to crucify them’ That would tell us that the President is not only shirking his responsibility as the Minister of Petroleum but also his overriding power as the President and Commander-in-chief.

Much as the officials of the NNPCL and other subsidiaries owned by the Nigerian people want to play the master by believing that they are independent limited liability companies, we will be hiding behind one finger if we believe any inch of that claim. And besides, which limited liability company would not be accountable to its shareholders or the chairman of its board?

If we don’t want to use agidi to light a gas cylinder, we have to agree that the matter of fuel supply in Nigeria is a basic unmistakable assignment President Tinubu must handle for his employers-the Nigerian people. He must be in a position to find answers to the puzzles. Why is fuel supply such a pain in the neck under his administration so far? Why is the locally imported fuel threatening to get more expensive under the watch of the NNPC he supervises? And why is the same NNPC seeking to suffer headaches for another person? When will NNPC’s refineries come alive after the several deadlines?

President Tinubu needs to intervene decisively too, by helping his employers find solutions to the endless hike in fuel prices, and why citizens of other oil-producing countries derive benefits from oil while the Nigerian situation is perpetually in the negative. The Daily Trust on September 23, published a report by Global Petrol Prices, a platform that tracks petrol prices across various countries, which claimed that four countries in Africa sell fuel cheaper than Nigeria. They include Libya which sells at $0.032 (approximately N52/litre), Egypt ($0.279), Algeria($0.342) and Angola, another oil-producing country, at $0.351 per litre.

 

Besides the above, Tribune columnist and renowned writer, Professor Farook Kperogi quoted data by some oil industry experts who claimed that the landing cost of imported petrol in Nigeria should stand at N1,107 per litre and that several cost components are not inclusive of locally imported fuel.

According to him, when such cost components are removed, Dangote’s fuel should not sell higher than N518.35 per litre. Indeed, investigations have revealed that Dangote fuel costs far cheaper than the amount quoted by him and the NNPC. You could see the fire in the eyes of the spokesperson of Dangote when he refuted the claim that NNPC got fuel at N890 per litre from the refinery.

President Tinubu should not play the ostrich, he cannot afford to play the Pontius Pilate in this case, if he wants a reversal of the oil curse in his tenure.

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