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The Sociology of Pyrates Emilokan Song

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The National Association of Seadogs (Pyrates confraternity) which originated from the University College, Ibadan in 1952 with membership across the globe is a humanitarian and charitable organization with a creed to fight all social ills and conformist degradation. They are against moribund convention and tribalism but stand for humanistic ideals, comradeship and chivalry. The Pyrates Confraternity held their 46th Annual General Meeting (AGM) in Ikeja Lagos between August 4 and 6, 2022. It was attended by over 2000 members from different ethno-religious backgrounds and from different parts of the globe. The AGM which would have gone unnoticed however attracted reactions from people concerning its street composed, easy-to-dance èmilókàn (it is my turn) song. With a pattern of foot sounds hitting the ground which aligned with their body movements, I heard faintly a song from the background. As it gained more energy and acceptance, the old song on their lips faded off as the rave of the moment, èmilókàn single birthed and in one format, the Pyrates sang: èmilókàn, èmilókàn. Baba Wey no well, He dey shout èmilókàn, Head dey shake, legs dey shake, Baba wey no well, he dey shout èmilókàn.

 

Sociological analysis of music empowers us to appreciate how people communicate their lived experiences through lyrical compositions and renditions. Songs can be therapeutic, entertaining, warning, commending and condemning. It can also signpost dangerous turn of event, makes suggestions and deployed as a social control. While it is source of livelihood for some, it is spiritual for others. Politicians pay musicians to entertain their supporters. They also use songs to abuse or ridicule opponents. Churches do praise and worship to invite the supreme being into their midst. There are songs for every season to symbolize significant events such as child birth and death, promotion, birthday, housewarming, protest, war, spiritual deliverance among others. Songs convey meanings capable of inspiring social change. It is within this line of thought that I situate èmilókàn song. Rather than condemn the Pyrates for this innovative advocacy and conscientization as mocking a political personality that was not named, I elevate the discourse beyond political hijacking of a song capable of inspiring deep thinking. I do this by interrogating the consequences of ‘shaking hands’ and ‘legs’ to the central coordination of the human body and by extension, what constitutes the ‘shaking heads, hands’ and ‘legs’ in the present composition of Nigeria.

 

It was the United States of American Sociologist, C Wright Mills in 1959 who popularised sociological imagination, an approach which brings people together to bring about change by transforming personal problems into public issues. By doing sociological imagination, the sociologist assumes the role of change agent which late renowned Nigerian Sociologist, Professor Akinsola Akiwowo calls Ifogbontayese (Using knowledge to change the world). Deploying sociological imagination, therefore, will empower us to assess the truth of common sense, help us assess the opportunities and constraints, as well as empower us to become active participants on public issues such as presented to us by the Pyrates through their ‘single album’, èmilókàn.

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Age and health are implicated in the èmilókàn song. Age is an important sociological variable for critical engagement because with age comes expectations and deliverables. Demographers will not joke with such variable. Thus, if Nigeria is seen in terms of her age from the time of amalgamation of northern and southern protectorates for the administrative convenience of colonial rulers, then Nigeria would be 108years and if it is from independence in 1960, Nigeria would be 62 years of togetherness of ‘northern heads, hands and legs’ and ‘southern heads, hands and legs’ holding the body: Nigeria. Through sociological lens, I see the Pyrates asking questions about the sense of entitlements of the present constituents of Nigeria and how widely dispersed the country has become from the bonding of beginning. This is true when one views this within the context of who is next (ta ni o kan) to become president. Note that in this frame, Nigeria is the body, ethnic groups are the legs and in their hands are religious contours which threaten its unity. Thus, it is important to discuss the basis of these ‘shaking hands’ and ‘legs’ if the old man (Nigeria) is to survive.

 

Health is dysfunctional when the head of the ‘old man’ is shaking alongside his hands and legs and this means that attention must be paid to the parts which make up the whole. An old definition of World Health Organisation (1948) views health as “a state of complete mental, physical, and social well-being and not merely the absence of infirmity” and this implies that those limiting ‘head dey shake, hand dey shake’ to medical conditioning of the human body failed to appreciate the enormity of issues embedded in the health of a nation or a man. It follows therefore that Nigeria as the ‘Baba’ suffers from not only mental, physical and social well-being but also from varying diseases and infirmities. A simple test of the blood pressure among a cross section of Nigerians will reveal to you how many people are managing high blood pressure and how economic downturn has pressured many breadwinners into depression. What can physical insecurity not bring to the health of a nation? Those at home will have their hearts in their mouths until their relatives who travelled returned because of banditry and kidnapping. Indeed, the ‘head’ and ‘legs’ of Nigeria is shaking capable of causing system shutdown. This can be seen in the agitations for restructuring, secession, right to self-preservation and self-determination.

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No one says emilokan to bad things. Who will say it is his/her turn to be kidnapped, abducted, killed or experience lack, sickness, unemployment, poverty, or experience the consequences that corruption and bad leadership unleashes on Nigeria and Nigerians? Thus, èmilókàn is used to appropriate to oneself good things of life. In Nigeria, its political usage came from the presidential candidate of the All-Progressives Congress (APC) Bola Tinubu, who thundered in Ogun state that it was the turn of Yoruba (awa lo kan) and among the Yorubas, èmilókàn (it is my turn). From ethnic units claiming it is their turn, to individual claiming it is His turn is the neglected vital issue of health of aspirants and how it can impact the health of the ‘hands and legs’ of the nation. The Pyrates reminded Nigerians who may have forgotten the same narrative of ‘I am fit’, ‘Aso rock is not where they break rock’ which was sold to Nigerians pre-2015 elections before candidate Muhammadu Buhari won the elections. With retrospection, the first term of president Buhari was troubled with travelling to attend to his health in the UK at the expense of the health of the nation. The health of a country’s leader will impact the health of the nation and that is why this must be elevated in public discourse as personal trouble can impede the progress of the nation. Till date, the incumbent President has not constructed a world class health facility that can treat him in Daura or Abuja. I recall that we were all made to pray for the president to get well. Was the country moving at the right energy and space in his absence? The consequences of intended actions steer us in the face again. Although, the candidate of the All Progressives Congress has been in the news concerning the true state of his health, it is important to have conversation around this as campaign season begins. To what extent have APC’s Bola Tinubu, Labour Party’s Peter Obi, Peoples Democratic Party’s Atiku Abubakar and New Nigeria People’s Party Rabiu Kwankwanso showed that they are proud users of the health facilities they bequeathed to their peoples during and after they left office? The Pyrates èmilókàn inspired me as a sociologist to challenge the society to begin to see how personal troubles can become public issue and affect the lives of the majority. We need to look at where we are coming from, examine our present situation and decide a future for ourselves. Infact, it was Professor Wole Soyinka in his 1991 published paper entitled “Africa’s Culture Producers” who defined culture “as a bridge to our past and a guide to the future”. In the context of the èmilókàn song, the Pyrates confraternity stimulate Nigerians to see the bigger picture similar to what Peter Berger calls “seeing the general from the particular” and the consequences of acting in such a way that the ‘head and legs’ of Nigeria will not only shake but the system may collapse or come out stronger depending on our decisions. Otherwise, we would have moved from èmilókàn (it is my turn) to eni kan lo mo (only those who wear the shoes know where it pinches) as Nigerians are currently lamenting.

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Dr Tade, a sociologist wrote via dotad2003@yahoo.com       

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Opinion

OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

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The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

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‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

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‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

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For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

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Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

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I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

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There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

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Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

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Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

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Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

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It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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