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Seun Kuti and the ‘dirty slap’ on Third Mainland Bridge

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It was the musician, Habeeb Okikiola, also known as Portable, who tested the ‘weightier’ between the power of a celebrity and the authority of the state when he thought he was above the law and untouchable. Portable had behaved unruly to policemen who went to his bar to invite him over some allegations leveled against him. Portable’s transformational life from a street hustler to stardom didn’t make him realise that treading softly is the required ethical virtue for stardom. He shouted at the policemen who went to his bar. The police gave him 72 hours to report himself.

After the time lapsed, he was arrested and prosecuted. Since then, he has been ‘cultured’ to appreciate the boundary of stardom and the limitless nature of the power and authority of the State which he calls, “government” in the song he released after he was granted bail by the court. The song is entitled “Am not a Prisoner”. But Seun Kuti, the son of legendary Fela Anikulapo Kuti (Abami Eda) didn’t learn from Portable’s story. Seun in a viral video, ‘dashed’ a policeman with a slap offering on the third mainland bridge. His action was a show of power inequality between him and the policeman and total disrespect for the police institution that the man represents.

Seun’s father, the legendary Fela in a video showed how he was treated by the police, beaten from “top-to-bottom”. But Fela who said he didn’t die because he had a death in his pouch (aníkúlápò), also warned people in one of his songs, Trouble Sleep Yanga Wake Am’, to let sleeping dogs lie and not by their insensitivity invite trouble. Fela counsels us to be sensitive to context and understand the setting and what is happening in the life of the other person, irrespective of what we may feel at that material time before we act. Fela says, “When trouble sleeps, Yanga go wake am Wetin him dey find, Palaver, he dey find, Palaver, he goes get-e o. When the cat sleeps, Rat goes bite him tail Wetin him dey find, Palaver, he dey find, Palaver, he goes get-e o. Tenant lost his job, He sat down for a house, Him dey think of the job, Mr. landlord come wake am up, He says, “Sir, pay me your rent” Wetin him dey find, Palaver, he dey find. My friend just came from prison. He dey seek employment. Waka waka day and night. A policeman came to a stop am on the road. He says, “Sir, I charge you for wandering”. Wetin him dey find, Palaver, he dey find, Palaver, he goes get-e o. When you slap a policeman in uniform who didn’t retaliate for whatever reason, the assault is not only on the wearer of the uniform, it is the uniform that has been assaulted and insulted.

When Seun Kuti ‘dashed’ the policeman a slap on third mainland bridge, he was not wise enough to distinguish between the uniform and the wearer of the uniform. The wearer of the uniform may have done something that infuriated him, but the uniform represents an institution of the state which ought to be respected. The audacity to slap the gentle face of the policeman was an affront on that institution because Seun, with all his contacts could have reported any infraction against him at a nearby police station. In some jurisdiction like Texas, assault on police officer is a third-degree felony and comes with serious consequences, ranging from 2 to 10 years imprisonment and may be required to pay as much as $10,000 as fines. This is because police officers are respected public servants. But since Seun claims he has evidence against the policeman, he may as well press charges against him and let the public have access to what only him and the occupants of his car know.

It is the social standing of Seun that made the Inspector General of Police order his arrest because a lot of underground interventions would have been made as soon as the video went viral. The courtesy extended to both Seun and Portable would not have occurred if they were ‘ordinary Nigerians’ and not celebrities. That said, Portable understood how a celebrity can be humbled when handled by government. When government is interested in your case, only God can rescue you. Sensibly enough, upon his release, portable said he had learnt his lessons, releasing a song “Am not a prisoner” where he tried to show the differences between an accused and a convict. In his brilliant lyrics, portable used the song to erase being labelled a prisoner. He knows its implications for him in the industry. Who wants to associate, endorse or invite elewon (prisoner) to sing in their event?. He argues that although, dem carry me go prison, mi o gba so, dem no sow cloth for me, e jawo loro mi ooo…I am not a prisoner oooo. He reasoned that prisoners are those who have prison uniform sewn for them and since he didn’t get that, he could not be labelled a prisoner. And the song is to serve as historical document, as he warned that nobody should call him a prisoner because he was not imprisoned (Ko mo lo do’la, ki e ma lo ma pe brother yi ni e le won oo). His encounter with “government” however showed that he experienced degradation ceremony.

The degradation ceremony which Seun Kuti is undergoing through his arrest and arraignment is to show him the limit of celebrity power and the power of government. Portable captured this in his song, saying “after God, na government, ma fi ejo e sun olopa” (I will report you to government). The star on third mainland bridge, was handcuffed, possibly because he showed capacity for violence, and was instructed to off shoes and subjected to lower social status treatment. Portable would have experienced same treatment to have appreciated how grace should not lead to disgrace. How did we arrive here?

The direct and indirect experiences of police brutality have affected the way Nigerians perceive and treat policemen. This started from pre-colonial, colonial and to post-colonial encounters which have pitched the public against the police as an institution of repression, force and brutality. The ENDSARS saga showed the revolt of people against the high-handedness of the Special Anti-robbery Squad (SARS) and the consequent death of over 70 persons (police and civilians) during the violence caused by another state attack on protesters at the Lekki Toll-gate. Although, brutality of Nigerians by some overzealous policemen (and other security agencies) has not stopped since the ENDSARS protest, the Police authorities have not spared any of its men found compromising the minimum expected conduct. Some have been demoted, and others dismissed. But while lecturers, doctors, civil servants, tanker drivers and other unions go on strike, police cannot go on strike despite their sorry welfare state. To show their importance and anger at the way the institution of police was treated in the aftermath of ENDSARS which culminated in the gruesome killing of some of their colleagues and destruction/burning of police stations, the police refused to ‘work’ for weeks, and people started shouting of insecurity. In criminology, the presence of police bearing no weapon has deterrent function than a state without police presence. There are bad eggs in every institution. I am not sure that the trauma of being slapped on third mainland bridge would leave the victim soon, but justice being pursued on his behalf by the institution he represents will aid his quick recovery. All of us should learn and embrace lawful conduct when dealing with our security agencies, celebrity or not. It is hoped that the incoming government will prioritise the welfare and conditions of service of the police. The police authorities should dignify police by stopping the posting of our respected officers to work as ‘domestic servants’ carrying bags and collecting foods for rich men and their wives. This is not dignifying.

 

Dr Tade, a sociologist writes via dotad2003@yahoo.com

 

 

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Opinion

Seven Factors That Keep Sharafadeen Alli Ahead in 2027 Oyo Governorship Race

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File photo of Sen. Sarafadeen Alli

 

Fact 1: Homegrown Leader with Unmatched Grassroots Experience

Senator Alli’s political journey began at the grassroots level in Ibadan, where he made history in 1991 as the first democratically elected Executive Chairman of Ibadan North Local Government. This early leadership role demonstrates a deep, foundational understanding of local governance and the needs of the people, a critical asset for a state governor.

Fact 2: Rare Combination of Top-Tier Academic and Professional Credentials

Senator Alli is not just a politician but also a distinguished legal practitioner with a Ph.D. in Legislative and Strategic Studies. His extensive education, including degrees from the University of Ibadan, combined with his fellowships from prestigious professional institutes, provides him with the analytical, legal and strategic acumen required to manage the complex affairs of Oyo State.

Fact 3: Proven Executive Administrative Competence at the Highest State Level

His tenures as Secretary to the Oyo State Government (SSG) and later as Chief of Staff (CoS) to the Governor showcase his direct experience in the engine room of state administration.

 

He has been intimately involved in policy formulation, committee leadership and the day-to-day running of the state, making him uniquely prepared to assume the governorship and hit the ground running from day one.

Fact 4: Demonstrated Executive Business Leadership with Regional Impact

As Chairman, Board of Directors of Odu’a Investment Company Limited, Senator Alli was not just an administrator but a visionary economic leader. He spearheaded landmark investments such as the Cocoa Mall and Heritage Mall in Ibadan, which transformed the economic landscape of Oyo State. This proven ability to attract and drive large-scale economic development is directly transferable to governing Oyo State.

Fact 5: Battle-Tested and Consistent Political Figure

Senator Alli’s political career spans more than three decades, weathering the annulment of his 1996 Senate election and consistently remaining a relevant and influential force. He has contested for Deputy Governor and Governor in the past, giving him a comprehensive understanding of statewide campaigns and the diverse political landscape of Oyo State. His journey demonstrates resilience, deep political networks and unwavering commitment.

Fact 6: Current, Performing Senator and Influential Figure

As the sitting Senator for Oyo South, he is actively delivering quality representation, impactful constituency projects and people-oriented legislation. He has sponsored five Bills and raised six Motions to promote development. Senator Alli has also facilitated employment for 100 constituents across Federal Government agencies.

His role as Chairman of the Senate Committee on Agricultural Colleges and Research Institutions, as well as his membership in the ECOWAS Parliament, demonstrate that he is not only focused on local issues but is also equipped with a broader perspective on governance, trade and regional integration.

Fact 7: Unifying and Respected Traditional Title Holder

Senator Alli’s position as the Ekaarun Balogun of Ibadanland, one of the highest-ranking chieftaincy titles in the ancient city, signifies his deep-rooted connection to tradition and his standing as a respected community leader.

His reputation as a calm, wise, simple, relatable and inclusive bridge-builder who unites people across political, religious and ethnic divides positions him as a leader capable of fostering peace, stability and consensus across the entire state.

 

Oladele is the Director of Media & Publicity, Senator Sharafadeen Alli Campaign Organization.

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Oloye Lekan Alabi: Memories Ere Death Beckoned Both Caller and Called |By Wole Adejumo  

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The young lady who usually delivers packaged moinmoin for members of staff who want it for lunch came in as she usually did, and after the exchange of pleasantries, I asked if she knew the difference between Ọọlẹ and Moinmoin. My colleagues looked at me strangely when I disagreed with her response that both were the same. I promised to tell her the difference later. I, however, told my colleagues the difference as explained to me by Oloye Lekan Alabi. Though a suave, urbane and sophisticated Ibadan chief,  he took time to explain the similarities and differences as we prepared for the annual Oke ‘Badan Festival some years back.  

He had retired from the service of Odua Investment Company Limited, where he demonstrated competence  and character then, but that did not in any way diminish his encyclopaedic knowledge of history. He sat beside the Aboke, Chief Ifamapowa and some other stakeholders at the press conference heralding the ceremony that year.

My first real contact with him happened after I had written a short piece, ‘The Man Who Would Be King’, about him. Oloye, who bore the titles of Jagun Olubadan and  Akogun of Lalupon agreed to have an interview. My Bureau Chief, Bola Davies (now of blessed memory) directed me to go and when I got to his office in Cocoa House, he thanked me for wishing him well. He thereafter took time to explain the Olubadan ascension system. The interview was published in one of the earliest editions of City People Quarterly back then. That interview and some other things I wrote about him eventually earned me a mention in one of his books.

Oloye Alabi was no doubt an aficionado when history, music and culture are up for discussion. Of course, with his rich cultural heritage, he stood out anywhere and everywhere. Little wonder His Imperial Majesty, the Ooni of Ife hosted his investiture when he was appointed as the first Cultural Ambassador of the National Museum, Ile Ife. His immense breadth of knowledge will give him a place in history just as it did to the likes of Chiefs John Adeyemi Ayorinde, Theophilus Akinyele and Alaafin Lamidi Adeyemi III. His love for good music too was more than obvious. Like a true connoisseur, he did everything with class and style. He wrote countless articles about Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey, King Sunny Ade, Chief Eddy Okonta and many more. His love for Yusuf Olatunji’s Sakara music defied competent description. It was so great that he named his youngest son after the Sakara legend.

In one of his many philosophical volumes, ‘Baba L’Egba’ as Olatunji was fondly called, sang that “o ye ka ni ‘fura taa ba nsin ale eni lo” (one should be watchful when seeing off a concubine) and the only person I felt I could ask what was on Baba L’Egba’s mind then was Oloye ‘Lekan Alabi. Sadly, the auspicious time to ask never came.

A reception was once hosted in his honour by Ambassador Ibironke Adefope at Bodija and it was regal! Everyone who mattered came to honour Oloye ‘Lekan Alabi. Reporting the event for City People then, one of the most unusual sights was Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala, the then Deputy Governor of Oyo State. His simplicity was indescribable. Aside driving his convertible BMW, he came in a yellow sweatshirt and jeans.

And when he turned 60, it was like everyone else joined the Ibadan establishment to celebrate Oloye ‘Lekan Alabi. Aare Arisekola Also spoke about the celebrant in glowing terms as he emphasized that Oloye Alabi was indeed a man destined for greatness. The party afforded me the opportunity of seeing Alhaja Batile Alake live on stage. Her sonorous voice actually brought great childhood memories of when songs of Batile Alake, Olubowale Ajasco, Alalaye Ilorin and others were regular on the television.

Apart from his respectable dress sense and indepth knowledge of issues, other admirable traits of the late Abese Olubadan were his timeliness and punctuality. He once told me the story of how he had suggested that card be presented to the then military President, General Ibrahim Babangida on the birth of his baby girl back then. It turned out that the picture of where he handed the card  over was published in dailies the following day. Apart from personal discipline, working with four Governors of Oyo State obviously rubbed off on him, he never attended an event late. There was a day we had to apologize as we started an event behind schedule at the Premier Hotel, Ibadan. He was about the first guest  and after accepting our apologies, he didn’t become vexatious, rather, with a smile he told us that he would be in his room upstairs. He said all we needed to do was put  call through to him when we were ready to start the programme.

I stood close by him at certain event and heard Chief Lateef Oyelade praying for Oloye Alabi who had just greeted him in Yoruba, he said “Olubadan o kan o” (may it be your turn to become the Olubadan). Like many of his mentees,  I looked forward to seeing him on the exalted Olubadan throne, it was however not to be.

​Reflecting on those golden days of celebrity journalism; the Bodija reception, the grand 60th birthday, the laughter of legends now silent; one is reminded that time eventually beckons both the caller and the called. Bola Davies, His Excellency, Otunba Alao-Akala, Aare Arisekola Alao, Chief Lateef Oyelade, Ambassador Adefope and now Oloye himself have all answered that ultimate call. Though the exalted Olubadan throne eluded him, Oloye ’Lekan Alabi leaves behind a legacy as towering as Cocoa House itself. Like his noble forebears – Oyetunde Olundegun, ‘Erin o P’ojo Logun’, and Ekerin Suberu Ajengbe, he came, he saw, he lived with unmatched panache, and he left an indelible mark on the sands of time.

 

Adejumo sent this piece from Ogbomoso 

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Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration

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The popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.

For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.

Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.

Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.

What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.

Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.

Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.

Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.

The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.

One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.

As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.

Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.

At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.

At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.

The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.

Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.

Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.

As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.

History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.

 

Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator

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