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Responsibility to Protect and Zamfara ‘Self-Defence’ Democracy

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Zamfara State, the hotbed of banditry/ terrorists  in Northwest Nigeria announced last week the deregulation of weapon ownership to willing and mentally healthy individuals to defend themselves against rampaging criminals from within Nigeria and their international collaborators. This ‘self-defence’ call does not only trash the social contract between the government and the citizens which is that the former protects lives and properties while the latter submits their power and obey them, it also queries the willingness of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria to live up to the constitutional oath of defending Nigerians and its territorial integrity from internal insurrection and external aggression.

It is sad that the last seven years have seen more ungoverned spaces in Nigeria taken over by internal and external criminals who wreak havoc and compete over communities to maintain dominance where Nigerians are forced to pay to stay alive. Civilians in these troubled communities also guarantee their own safety by supplying information to criminals because the Nigeria State has been irresponsible to protect them on time. This is sad but only the person who wears the shoe know where it pinches.

While there has been argument for and against such policy direction, this piece presents the principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) adopted in 2005 during United Nations World Summit. Just like a father as the head of his household is saddled with the responsibility to provide and shield his family from harm, the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria empowers the State (National or sub-national levels) to protect the citizens and residents within their geographical territories. R2P came into existence when world leadership felt they had been irresponsible in World War 1, World War 2 and the Rwanda Genocide with over 20 million dead from the violence. R2P, according to International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty is “the idea that sovereign states have a responsibility to protect their own citizens from avoidable catastrophe – from mass murder and rape, from starvation – but that when they are unwilling or unable to do so, that responsibility must be borne by the broader community of states”. With different forms of violence and insecurities facing Nigeria, has Nigeria with its federal security architecture demonstrated the responsibility to protect her citizens from banditry, terrorism, kidnapping, cattle rustling among others? The realities on ground today answer in the negative. What can be responsible for the irresponsibility of Nigeria to protect her people?

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Responsibility to protect rests on three pillars. One, it is the responsibility of a state to protect her citizens; two, the wider international community has the responsibility to encourage and assist individual states in meeting that responsibility; three, if a state is manifestly failing to protect its populations, the international community must be prepared to take appropriate collective action, in a timely and decisive manner and in accordance with the UN Charter. States in the southwest demonstrated it by setting up Amotekun but because the approval resides with federal agency, the caliber of weapons approved for their use is insufficient in fighting the violent criminals they were set up to check. Criminals use Ak 47 without taking approval from government and they use it wickedly but legally backed security outfits cannot. Why is their politicization of Nigeria’s National security? Responsibility to protect rests on three responsibilities: responsibility to prevent (there must be political WILL to check transnational criminals from moving into Nigeria, poverty, unemployment and disarticulated youth population must be attended to); responsibility to react (how did Zamfara, Nigeria and other states react to the criminality of terrorists, criminal herders? With kid gloves?); and responsibility to rebuild (states must rebuild after every military intervention but at what cost to the national budget?).

While crimes are local, Nigeria sustains centralized approach to security against contemporary evolution of crimes. Some Governors like Nasir El-rufai have made a case for international support and mercenaries but the approval will have to come from “almighty” federal government whose body language has been one of unwillingness. We also have to clearly define the type of international support we are calling for going by our experience with the procurement of Super Tucano attack aircraft and the control imposed by the seller on how to use and not to use it. We have to decide to protect Nigeria. No external help will do that for us without taking other things in return.

Apart from the cost of acquiring arms, it is dangerous to empower poor populace with weapons because it may become their meal tickets like the bandits and the terrorists. Sadly, there is no structure in place to do weapon control and tracking with the weapon audit revelation that 178,459 firearms could not be accounted for by the Nigerian police.

I have had the rare privilege of speaking with those who labour day and night to protect Nigeria and Nigerians. I mean those in the Armed Forces, Police, Nigerian Civil Defense Corps, Correction Service, Immigration, Nigeria Customs service, the Department of State Service among others on why it is difficult to end terrorism, banditry among others. I typically ask them whether they lack capacity or are just unwilling to end the insecurity? Their responses point not to lack of capacity even with the weapons they have but to lack of political will to end it. Those who have been at the frontline spoke about “orders from above” which renders them incapacitated from advancing to conquer. Some told me about how their “oga at the top” instructs them to “defend and not attack”. How do you record victory if your instruction is only to wait to be attacked (sometimes killed) and the only thing you can do is to defend? Robert Greene in the 33 Laws of Power says wipe out your enemies totally. Our men are capable, majority are willing but without directives from “above”, nothing will happen. Does this explain why Kaduna that has the presence of Military formations gets attacked by Bandits at will with no superior counter force from the federal government who controls and issues orders? What happens is the lamentation of Governor Nasir El-rufai about how security agencies know the location of the attackers but he does not understand why they fail to take them out.    

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There is nothing novel in what Zamfara government just pronounced. People in terror zones have always reacted in three ways: they flee from such places once they see that the state is unable to protect them. Some submit to the authority of bandits and terrorists and kidnappers agreeing to abide with the terms for their safety and the third category of responders are those who deploy self-help. When citizens cry of insecurity and they do not see the appropriate response from government, they enter self-defense mode and begin jungle justice. Government must take charge. Our insecurity is caused mainly by Nigerians with external collaborators. I salute our security men and women working hard to defend Nigeria despite poor welfare system and terrible conditions of service. I ask, can those who themselves are not secured secure others? Can those who arm thugs for political gains withdraw the arms from their cronies after elections? Is there a possibility of reworking the ECOWAS protocol on free movement of persons which is partly compromising the security of our country? The United States of America will not compromise her people. She will go to any country to defend her people and that is why Americans love their country. Rather than pronouncing a policy which will not work for poor civilians in Zamfara, the State government should join in amplifying the calls for State police. If Zamfara has its police system, it will not need to wait for the Inspector General to deploy one tactical squad located in Abuja to work and return to Abuja. We may seek external collaborations but I doubt if those who sell weapons will be happy for conflict to end. Our service Chiefs should depoliticize security and stand to defend the Constitution. Nigeria is what they swore to defend not political office holders. Our men are ready to defend Nigeria if they are given the ‘lawful order from above’. We can’t run gun-democracy and escalate the present state of insecurity by arming civilians. States should support State policing. States geographically contiguous in northwest and northeast need to harmonize security policies to avoid trans-territorial backlashes. Our security agencies must collaborate to achieve national security. In the interim, we must empower and restructure policing. We need to recruit more men because we lose our frontline fighters daily. We must take care of the families of fallen gallant security men and women so that their children will not carry arms against the country in future. We need to invest in technology and reduce moles in our security outfits. We created the problems and we only can decide when it should end. Nigerians must defend Nigeria!

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Dr Tade, a criminologist wrote via dotad2003@yahoo.com

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Opinion

OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

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The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

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‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

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‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

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For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

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Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

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I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

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There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

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Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

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Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

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Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

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It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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