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Pro-ASUU protest songs of disappointment against PMB

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Public protests have become common feature in contemporary societies where citizens communicate their discontents in relation to government policies, actions and inactions. Public protest is a democratic platform for government to understand the feelings of her people and responsibly assuage their pains and displeasures. Through public protest, the public space is contested and appropriated between the state and the citizens. Since protest may expose loopholes in governance and the hollowness of those at the helms of affairs, it is also functional for driving social change and another way of political participation. It is this contestation over public spaces between the state and the civic public that brings up memories which are communicated by protesters with their placards and songs.

This piece attempts an interpretive understanding of how protest songs empower us to dissect the relationship between government and the people, as well as appreciate how bad governance brings up memories of promises unkept. It elevates the agency of the people to query bad governance, deride exploitative leadership and call for positive change in the affairs of the state. It gives the participants the opportunity to catalogue existential challenges which confront Nigerians and the difficulties they face in navigating it. I employed some of the songs composed by Labour union activists and other Nigerians who hit the streets on July 26 and 27, 2022 to register their displeasure against the over five months strike embarked upon by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the lackadaisical attitudes of President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) and his Ministers in resolving the matter. Although Nigeria Labour Congress foot-dragged as the protest was long overdue, the protesters hit the roads nationwide carrying with placards with inscriptions such as “end ASUU strike permanently and bring our children back to school”, “stop making universities constituency projects” among others.

“All we are saying…. end ASUU strike”, kicked off the protest in Ibadan. Old men and women, strong and frail, young adult and adolescents who felt the need to express their feelings about Nigeria joined the protest. As we moved through NLC secretariat to Agodi-gate junction, they sang “e ma ba ilu je mowa loori, e balu je mowa lori, kosomo yin Kankan ni naijiria, e ma balu je mow a loori”. This is a pointed attack on the destructive act of the parasitic ruling class whom the protesters asked not to destroy the common patrimony because their children are abroad studying and enjoying Nigeria’s money. This is a clear warning to Nigerians not to invest their votes on those who do not consume what they serve to Nigerians. As the strike continues, some governors went abroad to attend the graduation of their children yet they failed to provide similar world class institutions for children of the masses at home. This, to the protesters is a strategic way to destroy Nigeria for the masses since they have plan B clearly mapped out for their families. How can Nigerians have been deceived to vote for someone whose children studied abroad but was said to be poor? Will someone getting treated abroad and not at home be committed to provide quality health facilities for Nigerians? The rest is history and one hopes Nigerians have suffered enough to make the right choices in 2023.

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The protest also afforded protesters the opportunity to ask questions about unfulfilled promises made by those in government. To demand accountability, they sang “O ti yara gbagbe gbogbo re ileri ri re igba ipolongo, ase binti logbon ori e, iwo ti a ro poo gbon”. This song recalls the promises made by President Muhammadu Buhari in relation to fixing the economy, fighting corruption and combating terrorism and his promise to lead from the front. The song shows how the perks of office makes office holders forgetful. It shows a transition from someone who promised to impact positively but unleashing misery. It explains how unreal and deceitful political parties and their candidates have deceived Nigerians who are currently experiencing nosediving fortunes in every area of their lives since the birthing of this government over seven years ago.

Through the song, ‘gbogbo yin le lowo nbe, gbogbo yin le lowo nbe, bi Education se dayi, gbogbo yin le lowo nbe. Buhari naa lowo nbe, Osinbajo Lowo nbe, Ngige na lowo nbe, Tinubu naa lowo nbe, Atiku naa lowo nbe, Atiku naa lowo, bi Nigeria se dayi, gbogbo yin le lowo nbe’ (all of you are culpable, all of you are culpable, the way education and Nigeria is today all of you are culpable. Buhari is culpable, Osinbajo is culpable, Ngige is culpable, Tinubu is culpable, Obasanjo is culpable. The way Nigeria is today, all of you are culpable), the protesters historicize the cumulative contribution of bad leadership to the present state of affairs.

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The Nigerian leaders mentioned also raises fundamental question about the quality of leadership Nigeria has had, its level of degeneration and the reduced attention paid to critical social institutions such as education by successive administration. The protesters lamented the hike in prices of food and associated services in the country. As they marched peacefully through the streets of Ibadan, I heard from behind “Ta lo mu gaari won? Buhari lo mu gaari won. O le Iyan wo le, o le eba wole, o wa joba lori owo wa Buhari lo mu gaari won” (who is responsible for the hike in the price of gaari? Buhari is responsible. He has made pound-yam and eba to be out of reach of common man yet he uses our money the way he likes). Inflation creates unaffordable food items which makes protesters justifiably angered as gaari and rice prices have gone up with hunger and malnutrition as consequences (O ye ka binu, o ye ka binu, gaari won, rice won, petrol won, gas won, ebi n pa mekunnu o o ye ka binu). This is attributed to the poor economic management of the President’s team and the lack of political Will to tame insecurity. Inability to get food is considered a major challenge and that is why the protesters sang “when my papa born me, I no sabi oppression, when my mama born me, I no sabi oppression, I no sabi impunity, I no sabi impunity, I no sabi corruption, I no sabi terrorism, I no sabi terrorism, another challenge oooo another challenge ooo, another challenge ooo double double challenge ooo”. Entertaining as it is, it tells us about rampant impunity in government circle, the seeming incapacity of the Buhari-led government to deal decisive blow on terrorists and bandits who have started poking their sinister hands into the eyes of PMB security zones. Could it be corruption that accounts for such lapses or the incompetence of the Service Chiefs or the underhand of war entrepreneurs? Whichever way, the protest signposts these failures with urgent demand for positive change.

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While the protest may have ended with ultimatum given to government to end the strike, public protests are critical for social change which the public should engage in to demand accountability. The lyrics interrogated have utility value for re-examining and renegotiating the social contract between government and the governed. From the songs, the Buhari administration is able to appreciate how well they have done and how Nigeria is now better secured than what they inherited from former President Goodluck Jonathan and how under their watch, Nigeria was promoted to the exalted position as the poverty capital of the world with 1$ exchanging for N710 naira! The deceit of 2014 and failure to correct it in 2019 landed Nigeria at this dire condition. Will the electorates repeat the same error in 2023?

 

Dr. Tade, a sociologist writes via dotad2003@yahoo.com    

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Opinion

OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

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The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

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‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

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‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

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For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

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Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

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I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

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There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

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Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

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Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

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Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

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It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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