Connect with us

Opinion

Pro-ASUU protest songs of disappointment against PMB

Published

on

Public protests have become common feature in contemporary societies where citizens communicate their discontents in relation to government policies, actions and inactions. Public protest is a democratic platform for government to understand the feelings of her people and responsibly assuage their pains and displeasures. Through public protest, the public space is contested and appropriated between the state and the citizens. Since protest may expose loopholes in governance and the hollowness of those at the helms of affairs, it is also functional for driving social change and another way of political participation. It is this contestation over public spaces between the state and the civic public that brings up memories which are communicated by protesters with their placards and songs.

This piece attempts an interpretive understanding of how protest songs empower us to dissect the relationship between government and the people, as well as appreciate how bad governance brings up memories of promises unkept. It elevates the agency of the people to query bad governance, deride exploitative leadership and call for positive change in the affairs of the state. It gives the participants the opportunity to catalogue existential challenges which confront Nigerians and the difficulties they face in navigating it. I employed some of the songs composed by Labour union activists and other Nigerians who hit the streets on July 26 and 27, 2022 to register their displeasure against the over five months strike embarked upon by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the lackadaisical attitudes of President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) and his Ministers in resolving the matter. Although Nigeria Labour Congress foot-dragged as the protest was long overdue, the protesters hit the roads nationwide carrying with placards with inscriptions such as “end ASUU strike permanently and bring our children back to school”, “stop making universities constituency projects” among others.

“All we are saying…. end ASUU strike”, kicked off the protest in Ibadan. Old men and women, strong and frail, young adult and adolescents who felt the need to express their feelings about Nigeria joined the protest. As we moved through NLC secretariat to Agodi-gate junction, they sang “e ma ba ilu je mowa loori, e balu je mowa lori, kosomo yin Kankan ni naijiria, e ma balu je mow a loori”. This is a pointed attack on the destructive act of the parasitic ruling class whom the protesters asked not to destroy the common patrimony because their children are abroad studying and enjoying Nigeria’s money. This is a clear warning to Nigerians not to invest their votes on those who do not consume what they serve to Nigerians. As the strike continues, some governors went abroad to attend the graduation of their children yet they failed to provide similar world class institutions for children of the masses at home. This, to the protesters is a strategic way to destroy Nigeria for the masses since they have plan B clearly mapped out for their families. How can Nigerians have been deceived to vote for someone whose children studied abroad but was said to be poor? Will someone getting treated abroad and not at home be committed to provide quality health facilities for Nigerians? The rest is history and one hopes Nigerians have suffered enough to make the right choices in 2023.

The protest also afforded protesters the opportunity to ask questions about unfulfilled promises made by those in government. To demand accountability, they sang “O ti yara gbagbe gbogbo re ileri ri re igba ipolongo, ase binti logbon ori e, iwo ti a ro poo gbon”. This song recalls the promises made by President Muhammadu Buhari in relation to fixing the economy, fighting corruption and combating terrorism and his promise to lead from the front. The song shows how the perks of office makes office holders forgetful. It shows a transition from someone who promised to impact positively but unleashing misery. It explains how unreal and deceitful political parties and their candidates have deceived Nigerians who are currently experiencing nosediving fortunes in every area of their lives since the birthing of this government over seven years ago.

Through the song, ‘gbogbo yin le lowo nbe, gbogbo yin le lowo nbe, bi Education se dayi, gbogbo yin le lowo nbe. Buhari naa lowo nbe, Osinbajo Lowo nbe, Ngige na lowo nbe, Tinubu naa lowo nbe, Atiku naa lowo nbe, Atiku naa lowo, bi Nigeria se dayi, gbogbo yin le lowo nbe’ (all of you are culpable, all of you are culpable, the way education and Nigeria is today all of you are culpable. Buhari is culpable, Osinbajo is culpable, Ngige is culpable, Tinubu is culpable, Obasanjo is culpable. The way Nigeria is today, all of you are culpable), the protesters historicize the cumulative contribution of bad leadership to the present state of affairs.

The Nigerian leaders mentioned also raises fundamental question about the quality of leadership Nigeria has had, its level of degeneration and the reduced attention paid to critical social institutions such as education by successive administration. The protesters lamented the hike in prices of food and associated services in the country. As they marched peacefully through the streets of Ibadan, I heard from behind “Ta lo mu gaari won? Buhari lo mu gaari won. O le Iyan wo le, o le eba wole, o wa joba lori owo wa Buhari lo mu gaari won” (who is responsible for the hike in the price of gaari? Buhari is responsible. He has made pound-yam and eba to be out of reach of common man yet he uses our money the way he likes). Inflation creates unaffordable food items which makes protesters justifiably angered as gaari and rice prices have gone up with hunger and malnutrition as consequences (O ye ka binu, o ye ka binu, gaari won, rice won, petrol won, gas won, ebi n pa mekunnu o o ye ka binu). This is attributed to the poor economic management of the President’s team and the lack of political Will to tame insecurity. Inability to get food is considered a major challenge and that is why the protesters sang “when my papa born me, I no sabi oppression, when my mama born me, I no sabi oppression, I no sabi impunity, I no sabi impunity, I no sabi corruption, I no sabi terrorism, I no sabi terrorism, another challenge oooo another challenge ooo, another challenge ooo double double challenge ooo”. Entertaining as it is, it tells us about rampant impunity in government circle, the seeming incapacity of the Buhari-led government to deal decisive blow on terrorists and bandits who have started poking their sinister hands into the eyes of PMB security zones. Could it be corruption that accounts for such lapses or the incompetence of the Service Chiefs or the underhand of war entrepreneurs? Whichever way, the protest signposts these failures with urgent demand for positive change.

While the protest may have ended with ultimatum given to government to end the strike, public protests are critical for social change which the public should engage in to demand accountability. The lyrics interrogated have utility value for re-examining and renegotiating the social contract between government and the governed. From the songs, the Buhari administration is able to appreciate how well they have done and how Nigeria is now better secured than what they inherited from former President Goodluck Jonathan and how under their watch, Nigeria was promoted to the exalted position as the poverty capital of the world with 1$ exchanging for N710 naira! The deceit of 2014 and failure to correct it in 2019 landed Nigeria at this dire condition. Will the electorates repeat the same error in 2023?

 

Dr. Tade, a sociologist writes via dotad2003@yahoo.com    

Comments

Opinion

Nigeria’s Insecurity: Why the System Rewards Reaction, Not Prevention

Published

on

The most foolish person in a burning house is not the one who cannot find the exit. It is the one who knew the house would burn, watched it happen, and only ran when the ceiling collapsed. That is Nigeria’s governance posture toward insecurity—a pattern so consistent that it has become normalized.

“Ikú tó pa ojúgbà ẹni, òwe ló fi pa. (The death that kills your neighbour is a proverb directed at you).

The bandits did not simply arrive. They sent warnings ahead of them through a trail of violence that crossed state lines and appeared in every massacre headline we filed away as someone else’s problem.

When Insecurity Was Still “Someone Else’s Problem”

When the North was burning and the Middle Belt bleeding, the South West treated it as distant noise. Kwara became the first warning sign—the bridge between North and South—slowly slipping under the shadow of insurgency. The question every serious observer should have asked was simple: what happens when it crosses the border?

South West governors issued statements—careful, brief, and reactive. None moved with the urgency the threat demanded. Before long, violence arrived at our doorstep: herder brutality in Oke-Ogun, attacks in Oyo and Ekiti, kidnappings along the Ibadan–Ijebu-Ode expressway, and forest camps emerging in Ondo.

The warning signs had matured into reality, yet we were still searching for an exit strategy that should have been built years earlier.

The Problem: We Only Count the Dead

In safety performance management, there is a critical distinction between lagging indicators—outcomes after failure (deaths, destruction, losses)—and leading indicators, which measure prevention before failure occurs.

Aviation, oil and gas, and other high-risk industries understand this clearly: a system that obsesses over lagging indicators will always arrive after the accident.

Nigeria’s security governance is built almost entirely on lagging indicators. We count attacks after they happen. We rebuild after a collapse. We mourn after preventable deaths.

We rarely ask:

How many attacks were prevented this quarter?

How many threats were neutralized before execution?

How many cells were dismantled at the planning stage?

We do not know the answers—because we are not measuring them. The system was never designed to prevent. It was designed to respond: loudly, visibly, expensively, and always too late.

Another Base. The Same Question Nobody Asks

The presidency is reportedly considering a military base in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo state. It is a familiar pattern: a major security incident, public outrage, and an institutional response designed to signal seriousness.

But the critical question remains unanswered: what has been the leading-indicator performance of existing bases?

How have long-standing military formations in places like Jos, Benue, and Zamfara—some active for over two decades—actually shifted the security outcome?

A military base without actionable intelligence is a stationary slaughter ground for soldiers. It does not prevent attacks; it often becomes a reactive outpost in a repeating cycle: attack, deployment, statement, investigation, and then silence—while underlying threat networks remain intact.

The Incentive Structure Behind the Chaos

The deeper issue is not the capability of security forces. It is the incentive structure of the system.

When leadership is judged only by incidents that have already occurred, governance shifts from prevention to performance management of failure. The objective becomes managing optics, not reducing probability.

Nigeria’s security budget has grown significantly over the past decade, yet insecurity has worsened. Kidnappings have become more brazen. Why? Because funding is justified by the persistence of the crisis, not its resolution.

If the problem is solved, what justifies the next budget cycle?

For years, decentralization has been proposed as the structural reform that could change the system—but it remains trapped in political rhetoric. Why? Because decentralization disperses power, and power in Nigeria’s political economy is not dispersed. It is concentrated.

Sixteen Days. Full Stop.

Forty-six children and teachers were kidnapped in Oriire. It reportedly took sixteen days for the presidency to authorize a specialized rescue framework.

Sixteen days before the Commander-in-Chief treated the abduction of forty-six human beings as a crisis requiring formal executive activation.
But responsibility in moments like this is not singular.

The Oyo State Governor, by constitutional convention regarded as the Chief Security Officer of the state and a recipient of security votes, also occupies a central coordinating role in the security architecture of the state. Within a crisis of this scale, expectations of rapid intergovernmental coordination, visible command urgency, and sustained pressure on federal response mechanisms are not optional, hey are inherent to the office.

Yet, the response cycle, from abduction to high-level coordinated action and physical engagement with affected communities, unfolded at a pace that raised legitimate public concern about the speed and intensity of institutional reaction.

By the time visible field visits and coordinated engagements occurred, the delay had already become part of the public record of the crisis itself—shaping perception as much as the incident shaped fear on the ground.

In a functional security system, crisis response is measured in hours, not days. Not for symbolism, but because time directly affects outcomes: every passing hour in an active kidnapping reduces the probability of safe recovery and increases the leverage of perpetrators.

Sixteen days, therefore, is not merely a lapse in timing. It reflects a deeper structural problem—where urgency is often declared after pressure builds, rather than operationalized when intelligence first breaks.

And in that gap between incident and action, citizens are left to absorb the consequences of delayed coordination across all tiers of authority.

The Verdict

Nigeria does not primarily need more military bases. It needs a new security measurement architecture—one that prioritizes intelligence conversion rates, early-warning response times, and pre-emptive disruption metrics over post-incident operations.

Every threat must be treated as time-sensitive, where minutes and hours determine outcomes—not weeks and statements.

Most importantly, citizens must shift the accountability question:

Not only “why did the attack happen?”

But “why was it not prevented?”

Nigeria’s security challenge is ultimately a leadership and systems failure—an institutional preference for reaction over prevention, because prevention is politically invisible.

You cannot hold a press conference about the attack that never happened.

Until this reality is named and confronted with precision, the cycle will continue.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Why Ibadan North youths are rooting for Repete

Published

on

Growing support has continued to trail a youthful politician and technology advocate, Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, popularly known as Repete, as many youths in Ibadan North Federal Constituency expressed confidence in his leadership style and vision for development.

Across several communities within the constituency, residents, particularly students, artisans and young professionals, described Repete as one of the emerging political figures with strong grassroots appeal and a passion for youth empowerment.

Supporters said his growing popularity stems from his consistent advocacy for innovation, entrepreneurship and skills development aimed at addressing unemployment and creating opportunities for young people.

As an engineer and technology enthusiast, Repete is also said to possess a deep understanding of the evolving digital economy and the need to position youths for global competitiveness.

Many of his supporters noted that his approach to leadership focuses on practical solutions, mentorship and capacity-building initiatives capable of helping young people become self-reliant and economically productive.

Some community stakeholders who spoke on his rising profile said his humility, accessibility and relationship with the grassroots have continued to endear him to many residents within the constituency.

They added that Repete’s engagement with youths and community groups reflects his commitment to inclusive governance and people-oriented representation.

Observers within the constituency also maintained that the increasing support for the politician reflects a growing desire among residents for a new generation of leaders driven by innovation, competence and accountability.

According to them, many young people see Repete as a symbol of hope and progressive leadership capable of contributing meaningfully to the development of Ibadan North Federal Constituency.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Repete or Regret: APC’s Moment of Truth in Ibadan North

Published

on

File photo of Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega (Repete)

The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State stands on the edge of a consequential decision—one that may define not only its fortunes in Ibadan North Federal Constituency but also its broader political relevance in the state.

As the countdown to the party primaries intensifies, the question before APC leaders is no longer routine. It is strategic. It is urgent. And it is decisive: will the party align with the clear preference of the people or risk repeating costly political miscalculations?

At the centre of this debate is Hon. Khalil Mustapha Adegboyega, widely known as Repete—a name that has, over time, evolved from a political identity into a grassroots phenomenon.

A Candidate Rooted in the People

In contemporary Nigerian politics, where voter awareness is rising and expectations are shifting, candidates are increasingly judged not by promises but by presence. On this scale, Adegboyega stands tall.

His political journey is marked by consistent engagement with constituents—far beyond the optics of election seasons. From youth empowerment initiatives that provide practical skills and startup support, to sustained interventions in healthcare access for the elderly and indigent, his footprint across Ibadan North reflects a model of leadership anchored on service.

Unlike the transactional approach that often defines political relationships, Adegboyega’s connection with the people appears organic—built on trust, accessibility, and continuity. These are not mere campaign attributes; they are political assets.

The Danger of Political Disconnect

History offers the APC a clear lesson: parties that ignore grassroots sentiment often pay a heavy electoral price. The imposition of candidates perceived as distant or untested has, in several instances, resulted in voter apathy, internal dissent, and eventual defeat at the polls.

Ibadan North presents no exception.

With opposition parties closely monitoring the APC’s internal dynamics, any misstep in candidate selection could provide a ready opening. A divided house, coupled with a candidate lacking widespread acceptance, is a formula the opposition is well-positioned to exploit.
The implication is straightforward: this is not merely about party loyalty; it is about electoral viability.

Echoes from the Grassroots

Across the length and breadth of Ibadan North—markets, motor parks, religious centres, and community gatherings—a consistent pattern emerges in political conversations. The name “Repete” resonates with familiarity and acceptance.

Such organic support is not easily manufactured. It is cultivated over time through visible impact and sustained presence. For a party seeking electoral certainty in a competitive environment, this level of grassroots validation is not just desirable—it is critical.

A Test of Leadership and Judgment

For the APC leadership in Oyo State, the moment calls for clarity of purpose. Decisions driven by narrow interests, personal alignments, or short-term calculations may carry long-term consequences.

The task, therefore, is to balance internal considerations with external realities. Elections are ultimately decided by voters, not by party caucuses. A candidate who commands public confidence offers the strongest pathway to victory.

The Stakes Are Clear

Ibadan North is too strategic a constituency for experimentation. The cost of error is not limited to a single seat; it extends to party cohesion, credibility, and future positioning within the state’s political landscape.

In this context, the argument for Adegboyega is less about sentiment and more about strategy. His visibility, acceptability, and record of engagement place him in a strong position to consolidate support and mobilise voters effectively.

Conclusion: A Choice with Consequences

As the APC moves closer to its primaries, the decision before it is both simple and significant: align with a candidate who reflects the mood of the electorate or risk conceding advantage to a watchful opposition.

In politics, moments such as this often separate foresight from hindsight.
For APC in Ibadan North, this may well be one of those defining moments.

 

Aderibigbe Akanbi, a political analyst, writes from Ibadan.

Continue Reading

Advertisement

Entertainment

Advertisement

MegaIcon Magazine Facebook Page

Advertisement

MEGAICON TV

Advertisement

Trending