Opinion
OBA ADEYEMI III: A postscript and a song
Published
4 years agoon
If any man held a position for nearly 52 years and made a habit of turning heads and wowing audiences even as an Octogenarian, you have got to give him enormous credit.
What Oba Adeyemi III embodied was a fusion of his personality with the historically chequered stool of the Alaafin of Oyo. A studious voyage into Oyo history will reveal that very few Alaafins ruled without one serious crisis or the other. From the dethroned to the exiled; from the disgraced to the murdered. Oyo even had an interregnum for 80 years. This means Oyo was in such debilitating disarray, it was an exiled dynasty with no real leadership for 80years. No other kingdom other than extinct ones has that kind of history.
It follows that whoever becomes an Alaafin wears a potentially problematic crown. Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown.
Oba Adeyemi III certainly had a delicately vulnerable youth. He was his father’s favourite. Alaafin Adeniran had seen bodily marks and spots on Prince Lamidi immediately after he was born in the same areas he, the father, had. He had the hunch the baby would be future royalty. In a household of about 200 wives and Prince Lamidi’s mother, Ibironke, having passed away when Prince Lamidi was an infant, Alaafin Adeniran had to protect him from harm. He first sent the Prince to live with an Anglican school teacher and disciplinarian in Oyo. Later, he arranged for the young Prince to gain royal tutelage in the household of the Alake of Egbaland, Oba Oladapo Ademola, in Abeokuta.
Unfortunately, the Alake started having running battles with market women in his domain chiefly about taxation. The confrontations or protests were led by Funmilayo Ransome Kuti and Eniola Soyinka (Wole Soyinka’s mother). They chased the Alake away from his palace. He abdicated his throne and was exiled to Oshogbo. Prince Lamidi followed him there and saw the tribulations firsthand.
Prince Lamidi later found his way to Lagos where he lived in the household of Sir Kofo Abayomi, an ally of his father. It was while he was in Lagos that his father suffered the same fate as the Alake of Egbaland.
In Oyo, Alaafin Adeniran was facing civil/political battles of his own. There was political unrest in Oyo. Also, Chief Bode Thomas, an erudite lawyer and minister, had died mysteriously after an altercation with the monarch. The Action Group leadership pointed accusing fingers at the monarch who was a staunch supporter of the rival NCNC led by Nnamdi Azikiwe.
In the aftermath of political unrest in Oyo Town in 1954 which claimed six lives including Pa Gbadamosi Afojna (father of ex-minister and former Chairman of First Bank, Prince Ajibola Afonja), the regional AG-led government suspended and de-stooled Alaafin Adeniran. Sir Richard Lloyd QC, senior crown counsel to Nigeria’s Governor-General Sir John Macpherson, headed an inquiry into the unrests. The Commission of Inquiry’s recommendations fell short of expressly exonerating the Alaafin but it thought that elected representatives ought to show more tolerance to older members of the Oyo Divisional Council, including the Alaafin, on account of their difficulty to adapt to a new system. The AG-led government of the Western Region nevertheless deposed the Alaafin and exiled him to Iwo-Oke and later Ilesha.
I bet Prince Lamidi lapped up all the excruciating details of his father’s travails and swore revenge. The deposed Alaafin would later move to No 31, Egerton Lane, Lagos, the home of Alhaji N.B Soule, a wealthy NCNC stalwart who offered all material support to the deposed monarch. Alaafin Adeniran died there in 1960.
In Lagos, Prince Lamidi had taken to boxing, a sport that guarantees physical and mental toughness. He would later work with an insurance company. When his father’s successor, Oba Bello Gbadegesin Ladigbolu, joined his ancestors in 1970, it was a tug of war between Lamidi and other contenders to the throne. While Prince Sanda ‘Ladepo Oranlola was seen by many as people’s favourite, Prince Lamidi’s nomination was confirmed by the appointing authorities and he ascended the throne in January 1971. That came with the assistance of certain well-connected indigenes of Oyo, notably Chief E.O. Ashamu.
I would say Oba Adeyemi III’s 51-year reign was marked, in my view, by his adherence to the 48 Laws of Power applicable to anyone with supreme authority. The ones he did not wield are the ones below the status of a first-class monarch. He deliberately picked the trajectories of his kindness and also his revenge. He was unforgiving to those he thought disgraced his father. He meticulously timed his reprisals. He drew some of them close before he pounced on them.
I heard and confirmed a story of one of them. He was reported to be one of those who led a chorus of songs to mock his exiled father. He died but his son sought a Chieftaincy title in the town during Oba Adeyemi III’s reign. The Alaafin led him on by giving a “commitment” that he would be installed as chief in a pool of contenders. An installation date was picked. There was pomp and merriment on the grounds of Oyo palace. The chief-in-waiting came with his people. The Alaafin came to the forecourt of the palace to meet them. Surely, the installation would happen. So they thought. The Alaafin motioned the vociferous crowd to be quiet. He hinted that before the installation, the crowd would help him to give a chorus to a song. The crowd was excited. The drummers were poised. The chief-in-waiting was all smiled. The Alaafin rendered the song strung together to mock his exiled father immediately after he was deposed. Many people in the crowd, including the chief-in-waiting, got the hint. They dared not give any chorus. You could hear a pin drop. The Alaafin asked why there was no chorus. Dead silence. The Alaafin stormed back into the inner recess of the palace. There would be no installation. It was revenge perfectly exacted. Whether or not he should have taken a route like that is left to an individual’s interpretation of Karma.
Upon ascending the throne, Oba Adeyemi III primed himself to give truly royal impetuses to the institution of the Alaafin. What he didn’t get in terms of certificated qualifications, he made up for with a supremely admirable sense of history served in the most knowledgeable, candid, sometimes controversial, and witty manner. He had a solid grasp of both Yoruba and English languages. His choice of adjectives and mastery of diction was top-notch. If you hated him for any reason but had a chance encounter with him, your hatred of him would dissipate, even if for the moment.
He was indeed a controversial Oba. Sometimes for good reasons, as an indigene of Oyo, you just wished he did certain things differently. If he was not an Oba or a boxer, a sport he loved till his last breath, I bet he would have been a terrific lawyer. He knew his onions and deployed all his arsenals to fend off any circumstance that would challenge the status of his institution. He fought through the court’s certain incursions that came from Ooni Okunade Sijuade in a supremacy battle in the old Oyo State. As the feud reached a combustible crescendo, Osun State was created. Both historical stools went their separate ways. The supremacy tussle left the battlefield of government offices and the courts to have mere academic and bragging rights significance. Oyo owes him and his descendants a debt of gratitude for always standing firm in the affirmation of the supremacy of his throne. He never wavered. He never faltered. He never capitulated. He never failed. He had almost everything HIS WAY.
My study of Oba Adeyemi started within my own family. He was at the early part of his ascension very close to my uncle, Mr. Muraina Oyedemi Afonja, of blessed memory. My uncle was well-traveled, urbane, happy-go-lucky, and financially sound. He arranged Oba Adeyemi’s first-ever travel to the western world. He took the Kabiyesi to London and also arranged to have his first daughter, Princess Akofade, in a school in England. Both would soon have personal differences and they fell apart. To be candid, the Alaafin recorded a very good number of falling apart with allies. I don’t know the causes of the estrangements but collaborating with many of them would have been in the best interests of Oyo Town and the institution of the Alaafin.
I was a constant visitor to the palace. I went there as a child to watch cultural events and also football on a dusty pitch on the west side of the palace. I became friends with his son, Prince Akeem (now a second-term member of the House of Representatives), during the time we attended St Francis Nursery and Primary School together. That friendship continued at Olivet Baptist High School. There was a blackout in Oyo around June/July 1993 and the final of the Under 17 World Cup was to be played between Nigeria and Ghana. I met Akeem in school and asked if I could come to the palace to watch the final. We had no generator in our own house. He obliged by telling me he would meet me at the palace gate by 9 am. He was there on time. We walked towards the palace’s expansive quarters and Kabiyesi was doing a light workout close to the palace mosque. In absolute awe, I prostrated fully. He greeted me. Akeem introduced me. Remembering framed London pictures of the Kabiyesi and my uncle hung in the latter’s sitting room, I quickly told Kabiyesi I am a nephew to Mr. Muraina Afonja. He beamed and said nice words about him. It was my first personal meeting with the Kabiyesi. I thereafter followed Akeem into the living room of Prince Babatunde Adeyemi, the Alaafin’s first son, where we watched the World Cup final.
I would meet him personally again after I became a lawyer. He had suggested to a surveyor to find a young lawyer who would work with the surveyor in the administration of certain stool land. I was before the Kabiyesi. He offered me a seat. I felt trepidation but he put me at ease. He gave the instructions and I commenced the job. I must’ve made up to #5 million on the job before my foray into politics drew me away from him and the job, partly due to my political naivety, as I felt I was not safe with Alaafin’s affinity with a rival political party. I met him again in 2014. One of his chiefs was in police trouble. He mentioned that I should handle the matter. I resolved the case within hours at Iyaganku. The chief insisted I must accompany him to thank the Kabiyesi. I did so reluctantly. Kabiyesi had traveled but we got feelers that he was on his way back to Oyo, so we waited. He came in and he saw me among the hordes of visitors who milled around his car to greet him. “Lawyer, o ya ma bo kin tete da e loun”. I followed him sheepishly into a living room where I narrated the circumstances of the case to him. He asked if I’d been paid. I applied native intelligence and said “Kabiyesi, eyin le ran mi n’ise”. He reached for a leather purse, unzipped it, and retrieved a wad of mints which he handed to me.
Despite publicly aligning with the Muslim faith and at one time the Amir-Ul-Hajj for Nigeria, he was the father of all. He attended church programmes when necessary and could copiously quote from the Bible. There was a time some Islamic clerics declared opposition to certain parts of the Egungun festival routine. It was an incendiary moment. War was imminent. The Alaafin stood firm and erred on the side of tradition.
His sense of tradition was patent in the way he preserved much of the palace’s old architecture. He did not embrace swanky modernity. While the palace is not particularly modern, its identity as a palace of grand royalty is unmistakable. He dressed the way a Yoruba monarch should dress. Regaled in beauty, style, panache, and comportment, Oba Adeyemi was always a star attraction. His outfits from his dog-ear (abeti aja) cap to his shoes left no one in doubt about what true royalty should be. Never outlandish. Just adequately regal. When he was in the mood, he treated onlookers to a sui generis dance move that culminated in the forward thrust of his right leg for a light stomp on the ground. Classy.
He had the carriage, the swagger, the looks, the speech, the show of love, the elicitation of fear, the compassion, the mean streak, the never-say-die attitude, the mischiefs, the magnetic aura, the eye for opportunities, the penchant for spotting talents and the knack for picking the best brains to his fullest advantage. In a place like Oyo where people had a history of turning against their king, he needed to be all this. Call him Dr. Jekyll and Hyde, you’ll not be far from the truth. How he did all in nearly 52 years, walking where Angels fear to tread, with only a few stumbles, is remarkable. He ended his reign as the longest-serving Alaafin in history and one of the longest-serving monarchs anywhere in the world.
Oba Adeyemi III was a Solomon. I’m not talking about his numerous women but his wisdom. You just couldn’t out-think him. In the unlikely event that you managed to outsmart him, steer clear. He was almost always one step ahead even in the face of shattering controversies.
He navigated the disgrace that could have come from a drug incident in the United Kingdom in the early 90s. He was exonerated by the British authorities. He didn’t own the bag containing the package. A storm hovered over him upon the murder of Amuda Olorunosebi, the last Ashipa of Oyo. A mob stormed his palace and it was torched. He rode that storm. Another serious allegation of murder came when my mentor, Alhaji Rashidi Adebayo Atingisi, was murdered. He made it to the UCH, and wrote a statement in his handwriting naming one of the “palace boys” as the man that shot him but he died about 24 hours after volunteering his written statement. The alleged shooter was arrested and charged in court with murder. There was a trial but the court ruled that Atingisi’s statement is not a dying declaration. The shooting happened at night and there were no corroborative witnesses. The accused was discharged and acquitted. Another major reputational damage was averted.
Kabiyesi then fell out with his godson, Hon Kamil Akinlabi. The feud threatened to get dirty when Prince Akeem Adeyemi squared up against the godson in two consecutive elections (a third is impending). There was an air of fear that Hon Kamil, so close to Kabiyesi he could be said to know everything about the monarch, would spill certain beans. It’s either there are no beans to spill or Hon Kamil will keep quiet forever now that the great monarch has passed away.
Politically, the Alaafin was smart. He moved with the tide most times. For
long periods, he avoided Awolowo’s parties. It is a fact that his deposed father’s humiliation was politically-motivated. Up till 2010, it was the belief in political circles that the Alaafin would never be affiliated with any party having links with Awolowo’s political legacy. That changed with Alao Akala’s mismanagement of his relationship with the Alaafin. The monarch had no choice but to pitch a tent with the ACN to flush out Akala whose second term as governor, if he had gotten it, would have been disastrous for the Alaafin. He fell out with Lam Adesina and Rashidi Ladoja too but he sustained a good relationship with Governor Abiola Ajimobi.
All the time I knew him, he mastered the art of reinventing himself. Opinion polls in Oyo were not always stacked in his favour. But he would come up with schemes that kept him afloat. One was amassing a squad of young wives and the style of going to functions with a minimum of three of them in tow.
If there was a lull, he would invent a Chieftaincy title for the high and mighty. Thousands of visitors would storm Oyo. The glitz of the occasions brought more reverence, patronage, and cash. One was slated for May 27, 2022. Speaker Gbaja would have shut Oyo down with who is who in Nigeria for a Chieftaincy title. Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey and Ayinde Marshall were billed to entertain. It wasn’t to be.
He could have done a lot more to uplift Oyo and a lot of the indigenes. He had the clout and the opportunities. Of course, a good number of indigenes and non-indigenes are beneficiaries of his benevolence. Could we have had more benefits flowing from his clout? Certainly. He was a human being after all. Perfection belongs to God.
His passing will have socio-economic, cultural, political, and “soul-searching” ramifications for Oyo and even beyond. We hope it will be for good.
Kabiyesi, we will miss you. Rest In Peace!
Muideen Olalekan Olagunju, a Lawyer and Politician; writes from Oyo
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Opinion
Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration
Published
2 weeks agoon
July 9, 2026By
Mega IconThe popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.
For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.
Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.
Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.
What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.
Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.
Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.
Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.
The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.
One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.
As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.
Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.
At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.
At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.
The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.
Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.
Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.
As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.
History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
Opinion
An Open Letter to Northern Leaders: Arewa Is Bleeding. Who Will Answer the Call?
Published
2 weeks agoon
July 7, 2026By
Mega IconI write this letter with a heavy heart to the sons and daughters of Arewa, particularly those entrusted with leadership and influence, concerning the painful reality confronting our region today. Once united in purpose and driven by a shared vision, Arewa now appears to be living in the shadow of its glorious past.
Our forefathers built this great region with one voice, setting aside differences of ethnicity and religion. They understood that unity was our greatest strength and that our diversity was not a weakness but a blessing. Their legacy was one of peace, mutual respect, visionary leadership, and collective progress.
Today, it is heartbreaking to witness how far we have drifted from those ideals. This letter is a sincere call for reflection, reconciliation, and a renewed commitment to rebuilding the unity, security, and prosperity that once defined our beloved Arewa.
Arewa Under Siege
Northern Nigeria has become widely known as a hotspot for multiple forms of insecurity. From the Boko Haram insurgency to widespread kidnapping, armed banditry, and violent attacks, fear has become part of everyday life. People no longer feel safe in their homes, workplaces, on their farms, or while travelling on the highways. Every journey is undertaken with uncertainty, with no guarantee of arriving safely.
Even more troubling is the perception that these security challenges have become normalised. Reports of abductions, killings, and attacks have become so frequent that they often receive far less attention than they deserve. This perceived indifference from those in positions of authority has contributed to a growing public belief that criminal groups now operate with confidence and relative impunity.
Consequently, many residents feel abandoned, while public trust in the government’s ability to protect lives and property continues to erode.
Addressing this crisis requires a coordinated and sustained response through stronger security operations, improved intelligence gathering, greater support for affected communities, and genuine accountability. Without decisive action, the cycle of violence and fear will continue to undermine the region’s stability, economic development, and the well-being of its people.
Beyond Insecurity: A Crisis of Leadership
The North’s challenges are not accidental. Poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment are the cumulative consequences of long-standing structural failures, weak governance, and policy choices that have compounded over decades.
Responsibility is shared across different segments of society—including the political elite, the educated class, and the business community—many of whom have possessed both the influence and the opportunity to intervene more decisively than they have.
Rather than being the result of a single coordinated agenda, what is evident is a persistent pattern of neglect, weak accountability, and recurring governance failures that have allowed social and economic conditions to deteriorate. These failures have contributed to rising unemployment, declining educational outcomes, inadequate healthcare, and the expansion of insecurity across much of the region.
Breaking this cycle requires more than assigning blame. It demands institutional reform, accountable leadership, strategic investment in human capital, and a renewed sense of public responsibility.
Where Are the Northern Elite?
This brings us to the most difficult question: Where are the Northern elite? Where are the governors, ministers, lawmakers, business leaders, scholars, and other influential voices? Many command enormous influence, considerable private wealth, and extensive international networks, yet too often appear unable—or unwilling—to meaningfully confront the conditions that continue to leave large parts of the region insecure, impoverished, and politically weakened.
Why does this gap persist?
Part of the answer lies in proximity to power. In political environments shaped by patronage, speaking boldly may threaten access, while silence preserves influence. Over time, self-preservation begins to resemble strategy.
Unfortunately, the cost is borne not by those in positions of privilege but by ordinary communities far removed from the rooms where decisions are made.
Reviving the North’s Industrial Legacy
Northern Nigeria was once the industrial powerhouse of the country. Cities such as Kano and Kaduna were thriving centres of manufacturing, commerce, and employment. Today, much of that industrial strength has faded.
This is, therefore, a respectful appeal to two of Nigeria’s most accomplished industrialists—Aliko Dangote and Abdul Samad Rabiu. Many people continue to ask why there is limited visible large-scale industrial reinvestment in Kano, your home state, and across Northern Nigeria.
As a Kano indigene, and to the best of my knowledge, neither Aliko Dangote nor Abdul Samad Rabiu currently operates major manufacturing facilities actively producing in Kano. Several facilities associated with their businesses are widely reported to have become inactive or to function primarily as warehouses rather than active industrial plants. For example, along Tafawa Balewa Road, two BUA facilities that previously operated flour and vegetable oil mills are reported to have ceased production. Likewise, several Dangote industrial sites stretching from Mai Malari Road to the Sharada Industrial Area are also widely reported to be inactive or operating far below capacity.
Kano and Kaduna, once renowned for their vibrant manufacturing sectors, have experienced decades of industrial decline, resulting in widespread unemployment and underutilised infrastructure. At the same time, a significant share of new private-sector industrial investment appears to have been concentrated in other parts of the country, particularly the South-West. This naturally raises important questions about balanced national development.
Philanthropy remains valuable and deeply appreciated. Scholarships, donations, and humanitarian support undoubtedly improve lives. However, charity cannot replace sustainable industrial development.
What the North urgently needs is long-term investment that revives manufacturing, creates employment, strengthens local supply chains, develops skills, and rebuilds industrial ecosystems across Kano, Kaduna, and neighbouring states. Strong factories build strong communities, while sustainable industries create lasting prosperity. The expectation, therefore, is not charity but a renewed commitment to the economic transformation of the region where many of Nigeria’s greatest industrial success stories first began.
The Responsibility of Business Leaders
The Northern business elite have watched insecurity, poverty, and displacement deepen while economic activity has increasingly concentrated elsewhere.
Insurgency, banditry, and weakened rural governance have disrupted agriculture, trade routes, and local markets. Investment naturally gravitates towards safer and more predictable environments. Yet public advocacy from many influential business leaders has often remained muted, constrained by commercial interests, political relationships, and regulatory considerations.
The region risks becoming divided into two realities: one integrated into national wealth and opportunity, and the other left to bear the consequences of persistent insecurity, economic stagnation, and neglect.
Business leadership extends beyond generating profits. It also entails helping to create an environment where enterprise can flourish, jobs can be created, and communities can prosper. Sustainable economic growth depends not only on private investment but also on the willingness of influential stakeholders to advocate policies and initiatives that promote stability, security, and inclusive development.
The North’s business community has historically played a significant role in shaping the region’s economic fortunes. That tradition of leadership remains essential today. While governments bear primary responsibility for governance and security, the private sector also possesses the capacity to influence development through strategic investments, partnerships, innovation, and constructive engagement with public institutions.
Rebuilding confidence in Northern Nigeria requires collaboration among government, businesses, civil society, and local communities. A more secure and prosperous region ultimately benefits everyone, creating new opportunities for investment, employment, and long-term economic growth.
A Message to Political Leaders
To the political leadership of Northern Nigeria: the contradiction has become increasingly difficult to ignore. The region remains one of the country’s most significant in terms of population and political influence, yet it continues to lag behind on key development indicators such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, employment, and security.
When communities are attacked, farmers are displaced, and schools are forced to close, silence from those entrusted with leadership is seldom interpreted as restraint. More often, it is perceived as detachment. Leadership is measured not only by electoral success or political influence but also by the willingness to confront difficult realities with courage, empathy, and decisive action.
The expectations of citizens go beyond promises. They seek visible commitment, practical solutions, and sustained engagement with the challenges affecting their daily lives. Rebuilding public confidence requires leadership that is accountable, responsive, and focused on the long-term development of the region.
A Message to the Educated and Professional Class
To our academics, professionals, and intellectuals: the evidence is neither hidden nor difficult to find. Reports, research, and lived experiences consistently reveal widening gaps in human development, education, healthcare, and security.
Yet, too often, expertise remains confined within institutions and professional circles that discourage open engagement with entrenched power. Knowledge should not merely describe problems; it should help solve them. Research should inform policy, enrich public debate, and contribute meaningfully to sustainable solutions.
Every society depends on courageous thinkers who are willing to engage constructively, challenge complacency, and place the public interest above personal convenience. The North possesses no shortage of intellectual talent. What is needed is a stronger connection between knowledge and action.
A Message to Cultural Influencers
To our musicians, artists, writers, actors, and other public figures: throughout history, art has served as a powerful instrument of truth, reflection, and social transformation. Cultural voices have inspired movements, preserved history, and given hope to communities during difficult times.
Yet, when economic survival becomes closely tied to political or commercial interests, critical voices often become subdued. Society benefits when its cultural figures speak with honesty, empathy, and a sense of responsibility. Their influence extends beyond entertainment; it helps shape public values, inspire civic engagement, and amplify the concerns of ordinary people.
A Shared Responsibility
Ultimately, this is not solely a Northern Nigerian problem. It reflects a broader question confronting societies everywhere: what happens when elite interests become disconnected from the well-being of ordinary people?
When access becomes more valuable than accountability, and proximity to power outweighs responsibility to the public, silence is rarely accidental—it becomes institutionalised.
The result is a widening emotional and political distance between leadership and the people. Unless that distance is narrowed through meaningful investment, principled advocacy, and courageous leadership, the same questions will continue to resonate:
Who speaks? Who benefits? Who bears the cost?
History will judge every generation by how it responds to the challenges of its time. Northern Nigeria possesses enormous human potential, entrepreneurial talent, agricultural resources, and a rich cultural heritage.
What it requires now is leadership marked by vision, courage, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the common good.
This letter is not intended to condemn but to encourage honest reflection and meaningful action. The future of Arewa depends not only on government but also on every leader, businessperson, scholar, professional, artist, and citizen willing to place the region’s long-term prosperity above personal or political interests.
May we find the wisdom to rebuild what has been weakened, the courage to confront uncomfortable truths, and the determination to restore Northern Nigeria to its rightful place as a region of peace, opportunity, and shared prosperity.
Abba Dukawa writes from Kano and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com.
Opinion
2027: Why Oyo APC Should Close Ranks Behind Sarafadeen Alli | By Adeniyi Olowofela
Published
3 weeks agoon
July 4, 2026By
Mega IconSince the emergence of Senator Sarafadeen Alli as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2027 election in Oyo State, I have listened to and read numerous reactions from party members and stakeholders. While some of his co-contestants have expressed disappointment, such feelings are understandable in every keenly contested democratic process.
Interestingly, many people have attempted to draw Senator Teslim Folarin into the controversy surrounding the party’s choice. However, he has remained silent. In my view, that silence is deliberate. I believe Senator Folarin understands the direction taken by the party’s national leadership regarding the choice of candidate.
Anyone who believes Senator Folarin was unaware of Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s governorship ambition does not fully appreciate his political experience. Senator Folarin is a strategic politician. In the 2023 governorship election, he pursued victory with determination and commitment. Personally, I had hoped he would emerge victorious, and I remain convinced that he gave his all in that contest.
Former Minister of Power, Chief Bayo Adelabu, also contested the 2023 governorship election on the platform of the Accord Party. Although I disagreed with that political decision, democracy guarantees every citizen the freedom of association and political choice.
Following the election, he was appointed into the Federal Executive Council, a development many interpreted differently based on their political perspectives.
Today, Chief Adelabu commands a substantial political following built over several election cycles. His support base remains significant, and if APC is to present a formidable front in 2027, Senator Sarafadeen Alli will undoubtedly benefit from the goodwill and backing of Adelabu and his loyalists.
Similarly, former Minister of Communications, Barrister Adebayo Shittu, has consistently demonstrated interest in Oyo State’s governorship over the years, even though he did not purchase the APC nomination form this time. His political experience and network remain valuable assets that should not be ignored.
My sympathy also goes to those aspirants who invested as much as ₦50 million each to purchase the APC governorship nomination form. That is no small sacrifice. Nonetheless, politics demands sacrifice in the collective interest. The pendulum could easily have swung in favour of any of them. Had that happened, the rest of us would equally have appealed to others to rally behind the eventual flag bearer.
I recall an incident during the 2022/2023 party activities when an official from Abuja, sent to supervise APC affairs in Oyo State, passionately appealed to stakeholders to embrace consensus. His message remains instructive. He warned that continued division within the party would only prolong its stay outside power and ultimately hurt everyone.
That warning remains relevant today.
For seven years, the APC has remained outside government in Oyo State. Can the party afford another four years in opposition? I do not think so.
This is why the task before us goes beyond the personal ambition of Senator Sarafadeen Alli. It is a collective struggle for every APC member, especially the foot soldiers who have remained loyal through difficult times. The Federal Government alone cannot provide opportunities for everyone. Regaining power in Oyo State is essential if the party hopes to broaden opportunities for its members at both the state and federal levels.
The challenge before us, therefore, is to build a larger political platform that accommodates everyone.
Senator Sarafadeen Alli is no political novice. Over the years, he has built relationships across virtually every ward in Oyo State. His political structure and grassroots appeal are undeniable. If party members unite behind him, APC stands a strong chance of returning to Government House.
Realistically, the 2027 governorship contest in Oyo State is shaping up to feature three major political forces. First is Senator Sarafadeen Alli of the APC, representing arguably the state’s most established political platform. Second is Hon. Bimbo Adekanbi, who many believe enjoys the backing of Governor Seyi Makinde and is expected to fly the flag of the APM. Third is Alhaji Hazmat Oriyomi of the Accord Party, whose growing popularity among many grassroots supporters cannot be dismissed.
The eventual winner is likely to emerge from one of these three political blocs. That reality alone should remind APC members that victory is far from guaranteed.
The surest path to success is unity.
This election should not be seen as Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s personal battle. It is the collective responsibility of every APC member who desires the party’s return to power in Oyo State.
The time has come to bury personal grievances, close ranks and work together. Only through unity can APC reclaim Oyo State in 2027.
Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, former Chairman of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Oyo State, former Chairman of Ido Local Government, former Commissioner for Education, Science and Technology in Oyo State, and former Federal Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.
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