Opinion
Nigeria’s Student Loan Initiative: Progress, Pitfalls, and Solutions
Published
2 years agoon
The launch of the Student Loan Programme in Nigeria, coupled with the endorsement of its Amendment bill by the administration under President Bola Tinubu, signifies a promising step towards revitalizing the nation’s education sector.
This initiative holds the potential to revolutionize the educational landscape and empower Nigerian youth, paving the way for a brighter future.
It is gratifying to note that the Federal Government has allocated five billion naira (N5bn) in 2023 supplementary appropriations and fifty billion naira (N50bn) in the 2024 budget.
However, the lack of disbursement of the loans despite the allocation of significant funds raises concerns about the effectiveness of the implementation strategies, particularly the committee-based management approach outlined in the law.
The truth of the matter is that the student loan concept is a noble and much-needed initiative by the current administration to improve access to quality Education for indigent students but may likely fail because of a lack of a well-thought-out implementation structure and operational frameworks.
Overview of Management, and Administration of the Student Loan Fund in accordance with Student Loans Acts 2023
The fund is to be domiciled in the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and managed by an 11-person special committee chaired by the CBN governor, as the law stipulates in Section 5.
The special committee consists of the CBN governor as chairperson and a secretary to be appointed by the chairperson.
Membership of the committee as dictated by the law includes the ministers responsible for Education and finance, or the latter’s representatives, and the Auditor-General of the Federation.
Other members are the Chairman, the National Universities Commission (NUC), a representative of the forum of university Vice Chancellors, a representative of the forum of polytechnic Rectors, and the forum of Provosts of all Colleges of Education in the country.
Also, a representative of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), a representative of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), and a representative of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) are members.
This committee is saddled with the responsibility of deciding the broad modalities, including the process of application for the loan, qualification criteria to get the loan, and also the repayment plan among other details.
“The Committee shall establish regulations and guidelines for the management, administration, disbursement, and recoupment of students’ loans under this Act, and all stakeholders, including parents, the beneficiaries of the students’ loans, and the deposit banks, shall comply with the regulations and guidelines,” Section 5(5) states.”
Section 5 (2) of the Act also states that the fund “shall be domiciled with, managed, and administered by the Central Bank of Nigeria through the money deposit banks in Nigeria for the purpose set out under Section 6 of this Act.”
Meanwhile, the tenure of each member lasts through the time he/she holds the position. As soon as he/she is replaced or retired, the successor takes his/her position in the special committee, Section 8 states.
A member also ceases to be a part of the committee when he/she becomes bankrupt, convicted of a felony or any offence involving dishonesty or fraud, becomes of unsound mind, or is incapable, for any reason, of discharging his/her duties.
The Flaws of the Committee-Based Implementation Model for Nigeria Student Loans:
The committee structure outlined for managing the student loan programme in Nigeria may encounter several challenges that could hinder its effectiveness.
The federal government should rework the proposed student loan administration and management framework as encapsulated in the Acts. While there is nothing wrong with the caliber of people included in the committee, such a committee should be upgraded to a “Governing Board” to perform oversight and provide strategic leadership and corporate governance for the management of the loan, and not be involved in the day-to-day running the loan disbursement operations under a new agency called “Nigeria Student Loans Management Agency” (NSLMA).
In my view, administering a newly established student loan by a committee headed by the CBN Governor instead of establishing a Nigerian student loan agency or commission like the US Department of Education’s Federal Student Aid (FSA) and the Student Loan Company (SLC) as being practiced in the US and the UK may lead to several potential problems.
Firstly, the committee may lack the necessary expertise and experience in managing student loans, thereby resulting in inefficiencies and unoptimised processes.
Also, without a dedicated agency or commission, there may be a lack of accountability and transparency in the loan administration process.
Additionally, the absence of a specialised student loan entity could lead to delays in loan disbursement, inadequate support services for borrowers, and inconsistencies in loan policies and procedures.
Furthermore, the diverse composition of the committee, including government officials, education stakeholders, and union representatives, could lead to conflicting interests and slow decision-making processes.
Lastly, the lack of a specialised focus on student loan management within the committee may result in inefficient operations and delayed disbursement of loans.
Successful Student Loan Management Model: Comparative Analysis
In countries like the United Kingdom and the United States, successful student loan programmes are managed by dedicated agencies with specific expertise in financial aid disbursement. For instance, the United Kingdom established the Student Loans Company (SLC) who administer student loans efficiently. Similarly, the U.S. Department of Education’s Federal Student Aid (FSA) manages federal student loans effectively through streamlined processes and specialised resources.
Here are the website links for the government student loan management agencies in the US and the UK: United States: U.S. Department of Education’s Federal Student Aid (FSA): https://studentaid.gov/
FSA manages federal student loans in the US, including direct loans, PLUS loans, and federal Perkins loans.
United Kingdom:
Student Loans Company (SLC): https://www.gov.uk/student-finance
SLC handles student loans and grants for students in England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland.
Advocating for a Dedicated Student Loans Agency to Manage Nigerian Student Loans:
(Appeal for Review and Action: The Way Forward)
1. To ensure the success of the student loan programme in Nigeria, the implementation model needs to shift towards establishing a dedicated agency such as the Nigeria Student Loans Management Agency (NSLMA).
This agency would be solely focused on managing student loans, with a clear mandate and expertise in loan administration. By emulating successful models from countries like the United Kingdom’s Student Loans Company (SLC) and the United States’ U.S. Department of Education’s Federal Student Aid (FSA), as earlier emphasized Nigeria can streamline loan disbursement processes, this will enhance transparency, and improve efficiency in managing student loans.
2 In light of the potential challenges posed by the current committee-based implementation model for the student loan programme, it is crucial for the Nigerian government to reevaluate its approach. A call is made to President Bola Tinubu and the National Assembly to consider amending the existing legislation to establish the Nigeria Student Loans Management Agency (NSLMA) for the effective management of student loans.
3. The Federal Government should set up a panel and committee to visit and study US-FAS and the UK student loan companies to gain insight into their operations.
4. The Federal Government should consider establishing the Nigeria Student Loans Management Agency (NSLMA) to be managed by top-notch professionals in order to guarantee the loan’s scheme effectiveness, proper accountability, easy access to the loans by the students, and overall sustainability of the scheme.
5. To address the shortcomings of the committee-based model in Nigeria, the establishment of the Nigeria Student Loans Management Agency (NSLMA) is hereby proposed. The NSLMA would serve as an independent agency solely dedicated to managing student loans in the country.
Key Functions of NSLMA:
Loan Disbursement: The NSLMA would be responsible for overseeing the disbursement of student loans in a timely and efficient manner.
(a) Loan Administration: Managing the administrative processes related to student loan applications, approvals, and repayments.
(b) Regulatory Oversight: Ensuring compliance with regulations and guidelines related to student loan management.
(c) Stakeholder Engagement: Collaborating with Educational institutions, financial institutions, and student associations to enhance the effectiveness of the student loan programme.
(d) Evaluating loan applications and determining eligibility criteria
(e) Providing financial counseling and support services to loan beneficiaries
(f) Monitoring loan performance and enforcing repayment agreements
Composition and Structure of NSLMA:
1. Governing Board: Comprising individuals with expertise in finance, education, and governance, the Board would provide strategic direction and oversight to the NSLMA. The current management compositions as stipulated in the Loan Acts 2023 can be upgraded or converted to the Governing Board.
2. Executive Leadership: A dedicated team of professionals, including a Chief Executive Officer and key executives, would be responsible for day-to-day operations and decision-making.
3. Specialised Departments: Divisions focusing on loan processing, customer service, compliance, and data management would ensure the efficient functioning of the NSLMA
Parting Words:
The success of Nigeria’s Student Loan Programme hinges on the effectiveness of its implementation strategies. By recognising the limitations of the committee-based model and advocating for the establishment of a dedicated student loan agency, Nigeria can overcome obstacles and pave the way for a more inclusive and sustainable education financing system.
It is time for Nigeria to prioritise the needs of its students and invest in a robust and independent student loan management agency to drive positive change in the Education sector.
Oroge is the Chief Executive Officer of Debt Doctors Consulting Services International Limited, a firm specializing in credit, debt, and financial advisory services.
He can be contacted via WhatsApp at 08023551457 or by email at saoprofessional@yahoo.com.
Related
Opinion
Ibarapa East: Yusuf Ramon’s Quest for Responsive Representation
Published
3 weeks agoon
February 14, 2026As the road to 2027 gradually unfolds across Oyo State, political conversations are shifting from routine permutations to deeper questions about competence, generational leadership, and measurable impact. In Ibarapa East, that conversation has found a new voice in Yusuf Abiodun Ramon — a Lanlate-born technocrat whose entry into the race for the State House of Assembly is redefining what representation could mean for the constituency.
In a political environment often dominated by familiar faces and conventional calculations, Ramon presents a profile shaped by technical discipline, structured thinking, and solution-driven engagement. His professional background, anchored in analytical precision and systems management, forms the foundation of his public service aspiration.
For him, representation must move beyond ceremonial presence to practical responsiveness — laws that reflect local realities, oversight that protects public resources, and advocacy that translates into visible development.
Ramon argues that the future of Ibarapa East lies in leadership that listens deliberately, plans strategically, and delivers measurably. He speaks of strengthening rural infrastructure, expanding youth-driven economic opportunities, and institutionalising transparency as core pillars of his agenda. In his view, governance must not merely be symbolic; it must be structured, accountable, and people-centred.
Rooted in Ile Odede, Isale Alubata Compound, Ward Seven of Ibarapa East Local Government, and maternally linked to Ile Sobaloju, Isale Ajidun Compound, Eruwa, Ramon’s story is not one of distant ambition but of lived experience. He is, in every sense, a son of the soil — shaped by the same roads, schools, and economic realities that define daily life in Ibarapa East.
“I was born here. I grew up here. I understand our struggles, our strengths, and our untapped potential,” he says. “Representation must go beyond occupying a seat; it must translate into preparation, competence, and genuine commitment to development.”
His academic journey mirrors that philosophy of steady growth. He began at Islamic Primary School, Lanlate (1995–2001), proceeded to Baptist Grammar School, Orita Eruwa (2001–2007), and later earned a National Diploma in Mechanical Engineering Technology from Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro, between 2009 and 2011. Refusing to plateau, he advanced his intellectual horizon and is now completing a Bachelor of Science in Business Administration at the University of Lagos. “Education,” he reflects, “is continuous capacity building. Leadership today requires both technical knowledge and administrative insight.”
That blend of engineering precision and managerial training has defined a professional career spanning more than a decade. Shortly after his diploma, Yusuf joined Mikano International Limited as a generator installer, gaining hands-on experience in industrial power systems — a sector central to Nigeria’s infrastructural backbone. He later transitioned into telecommunications at Safari Telecoms Nigeria Limited, where he received specialized training in Industrial, Scientific, and Medical radio bands, strengthening his expertise in network operations.
In 2013, he became a Field Support Engineer at Netrux Global Concepts Ltd., then a leading ISM service provider in Nigeria. Over four formative years, he immersed himself in telecom infrastructure deployment and maintenance, mastering field coordination, logistics management, and real-time technical problem-solving.
Since July 2017, he has served as a Field Support Engineer with Specific Tools and Techniques Ltd., a power solutions firm providing services to major operators including MTN Nigeria and Airtel Nigeria. In that capacity, he operates at the frontline of ensuring energy reliability and network uptime — responsibilities that demand discipline, accountability, and systems thinking.
For political observers in Ibarapa East, this trajectory matters. It reflects more than résumé credentials; it speaks to a mindset anchored in efficiency, coordination, and measurable outcomes — qualities increasingly demanded in legislative representation.
Beyond the private sector, Ramon’s political exposure is neither sudden nor superficial. A loyal member of the progressive political family in Lagos, he once served as a personal assistant to a former lawmaker, gaining practical insight into legislative procedure and constituency engagement. Within his community, he has quietly extended financial support to small-scale entrepreneurs and students — modest but consistent interventions rooted in personal responsibility.
“My interest is my people,” he states firmly. “Ibarapa East deserves strategic, responsive, and capable leadership at the State Assembly. We must move from rhetoric to results.”
Across the constituency — from Lanlate to Eruwa — development priorities remain clear: youth employment, vocational empowerment, rural road rehabilitation, stable power supply, agricultural value-chain expansion, improved educational standards, and stronger lawmaking that directly reflects community needs.
Political analysts argue that Ramon’s technocratic background positions him uniquely at the intersection of policy formulation and practical implementation. At a time when national discourse increasingly favours competence over grandstanding, his profile resonates with a broader generational shift toward performance-driven governance. His engineering discipline reinforces problem-solving; his business training strengthens administrative understanding; his grassroots roots anchor his empathy.
For Ibarapa East, the 2027 election cycle may represent more than a routine democratic exercise. It may mark a recalibration of expectations — a demand for representation that understands both the soil beneath its feet and the systems that drive modern development. As political alignments gradually crystallize in Oyo State, Yusuf Abiodun Ramon’s declaration signals the arrival of a candidate seeking to translate private-sector structure into public-sector impact.
One thing is clear: the conversation about the future of Ibarapa East has begun — and it is now framed around competence, credibility, and capacity.
Oluwasegun Idowu sent in this piece from Eruwa, Ibarapa East LG, Oyo State
Related
Opinion
Flying on Trust: How Ibom Air’s Reliability Became Its Winning Strategy
Published
4 weeks agoon
February 5, 2026“In a sky where delays are normal, one airline flies with precision and trust. Ibom Air shows that reliability can be a strategy”.
In Nigeria’s skies, where flight delays and cancellations are often taken as routine, Ibom Air has quietly rewritten the rules. From the moment it launched in June 2019, the Akwa Ibom State–owned carrier has treated reliability not as a bonus, but as a core strategy—turning punctuality, discipline, and operational excellence into a competitive edge that passengers can count on.
While most airlines chase rapid expansion or flashy promotions, Ibom Air has chosen consistency. Flights depart on schedule, disruptions are minimal, and communication with passengers is clear and timely. This predictability has quickly earned the airline a loyal following among business travellers, professionals, government officials, and families for whom time is invaluable.
The airline’s approach is methodical. Every flight is treated as a commitment, and operational decisions are guided by structured planning, not improvisation. This discipline underpins everything from scheduling to fleet management, ensuring passengers experience flying without surprises.
Central to this model is Ibom Air’s modern fleet. Its Airbus A220-300 and Bombardier CRJ-900 aircraft are fuel-efficient, comfortable, and rigorously maintained to meet both manufacturers’ specifications and the regulatory standards of the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority and international aviation bodies. Safety here is a culture, not a compliance exercise.
Cabin cleanliness and aircraft health are equally prioritized. Passengers consistently step into neat, hygienic, and professionally maintained cabins, reinforcing confidence and comfort even before take-off. In a sector where small details signal operational quality, Ibom Air’s standards speak volumes.
Technology quietly drives reliability across operations. From booking and check-in to flight coordination and customer service, modern systems enhance efficiency, reduce disruptions, and ensure smooth communication. These tools allow the airline to anticipate challenges rather than merely react.
R–L: Dr. Solomon Oroge, a consultant, and Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, aboard an Ibom Air flight.
Service delivery follows the same disciplined pattern. Pilots, cabin crew, engineers, and ground staff operate under strict professional standards. Courtesy is paired with efficiency, and calm, structured service ensures passengers feel confident throughout their journey.
The Ibom Flyer loyalty programme reflects this structured approach, rewarding consistent passengers and fostering long-term engagement. It turns reliability into a tangible benefit for frequent flyers.
From its hub at Victor Attah International Airport, Uyo, Ibom Air serves major Nigerian cities including Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, Calabar, and Enugu, while extending its reach to West Africa with flights to Accra, Ghana. Expansion is deliberate, prioritizing sustainability over rapid growth that could compromise service quality.
Measured growth allows the airline to maintain operational excellence and service consistency even as demand increases—a strategy that contrasts sharply with competitors whose rapid expansion often strains resources.
Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, pictured inside an Ibom Air aircraft.
Beyond commercial success, Ibom Air has become a national example. It has created employment, stimulated tourism, and strengthened regional connectivity, projecting a positive image of Nigerian aviation at a time when confidence in the sector is often fragile.
The airline has also challenged assumptions about government-owned enterprises. By combining professional management with operational autonomy, it demonstrates that public investment can achieve efficiency, accountability, and competitiveness.
Reliability, in the case of Ibom Air, is than a promise—it is a deliberate business philosophy. It shapes operations, informs decisions, and builds passenger trust consistently.
Technology, discipline, and attention to detail converge to produce an airline that works. Every element, from fleet maintenance to cabin service, supports the promise that Ibom Air delivers what it advertises—without surprises.
In a market where uncertainty has been the norm, Ibom Air has shown that consistency can be a strategic advantage. Passengers no longer fly with anxiety; they fly with confidence, knowing their schedules will hold and service will meet expectations.
Ultimately, Ibom Air is not just an airline—it is a model of operational excellence in Nigerian aviation. By prioritizing reliability over spectacle, discipline over improvisation, and planning over shortcuts, it sets a benchmark for the industry and a standard for passengers: in the skies, predictability is priceless
Idowu Ayodele – Journalist, Ibadan, Oyo State
0805 889 3736 | megaiconpress@gmail.com
Related
Opinion
Help or Hegemony? Trump’s Threat and Nigeria’s Terror War | By Olusegun Hassan
Published
4 months agoon
November 11, 2025In Homer’s epic poem The Odyssey, the concept of the “Greek gift” was invented. The Trojan Horse became the undoing of Troy, ending a decade-long war in which many Greeks had perished, including the mighty Achilles. The Trojans accepted the Greeks’ gift, and the rest, as they say, is history.
In the past few days, both social and conventional media have been agog with reactions to President Donald J. Trump’s threat to the Nigerian government regarding terrorism. In his words, Nigeria must “address the genocide against Christians in the North and Middle Belt, or else the U.S. will cut aid to the country and, in addition, come into the country guns blazing in an attempt to flush out the terrorists.”
Sincerely speaking, the tweet made by the U.S. President sounded a bit comical to me, as did many other commentaries that followed. Comical not in a ridiculous sense, but in a comedic sense.
This piece is not written to support or oppose any particular view, but to lay down facts in the most succinct and objective manner, thereby allowing for the independence of a balanced position.
In 2009, a terror group named Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li al-Da’wa wa al-Jihad (popularly referred to as Boko Haram) emerged with the aim of establishing Islamic rule across Nigeria. According to the group, Sharia was the only path to true progress, and any faith other than Islam was haram (forbidden).
Soon after, this group began launching vicious attacks against Christians and Christian places of worship. From singularly attacking Christians, their targets shifted to government institutions and facilities, and on 28 November 2014, one of the greatest attacks against fellow Muslims occurred with the bombing and mass shooting of Juma’at worshippers at the Kano Central Mosque. Over 120 worshippers were killed and another 260 critically injured.
The point here is to underscore the fact that Boko Haram—and indeed all other extremist groups in Nigeria—are not targeting Christians alone, as earlier claimed, but are pursuing a more sinister agenda of land grabbing with the colouration of economic, psychological and socio-political domination of conquered territories, with intentions of spreading across the country.
From the Northeast, the activities of wanton killing and destruction perpetrated by terrorists spread to the North Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue States. What originally began as farmer–herder clashes metamorphosed into full-blown village and community sackings, where Fulani invaders razed entire communities, leaving hundreds dead or wounded while survivors were displaced and left with harrowing experiences in IDP camps.
This wave of destruction continued, with one of the bloodiest in recent times occurring in Yelwata, Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, on the night of 13–14 June 2025. According to Amnesty/CE/UN/NGO, over 200 people were gruesomely massacred, several houses burnt to ashes, and about 3,000 people displaced and rendered homeless. In 2025 alone, Amnesty reported more than 10,000 additional people displaced in Benue across several local governments, ranging from Gwer West to Agatu, Ukum/Gbagir, Logo, Kwande and Guma.
From the North Central, terrorism—or better still, banditry—also found its way to the North West. The activities of bandits, kidnappers and other criminal elements were consistently reported in Zamfara, Kaduna, Kebbi, Sokoto, Kano, and even Katsina, which was once regarded as the true home of hospitality, as its state slogan depicts, and as I can also attest considering how much I enjoyed the peace and serenity of the state during my days therein as a Youth Corps member. Reuters.ng reports that as of 2025, approximately 2,456 people had been killed in the North West region across multiple states. In addition to this, about 7,260 people, including schoolchildren and commuters on highways, had been abducted, with several millions of naira collected by kidnappers as ransom payments. Some parts of the South West, South East and South South have not been spared the atrocities of terrorists and bandits.
Therefore, it is safe to say that the entire country has, at one time or the other, experienced the activities of bandits, terrorists and kidnappers. The intensity of attack, however, differs from region to region.
Late General Sani Abacha once said that “if any insurgency lasts for more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” This saying more or less amplifies the complexity of the terrorism–banditry–kidnapping problem in Nigeria. Nigeria is a country abundantly blessed with all manners of rich mineral resources. Apart from the vast arable land required for productive agriculture, there is virtually no region of the country that does not possess one valuable solid mineral or another.
From iron ore in Zamfara, Kogi and Enugu; gold in Kaduna, Kebbi and Osun; lithium in Nasarawa, Kwara, Oyo and the FCT; bitumen in Ondo, Edo and Ogun; plus other industrial minerals like gypsum, kaolin and limestone, with deposits of over one billion tonnes across many states—Nigeria is sitting on an incredibly underutilised treasure worth billions of dollars. The government’s inability to adequately manage these vast potentials provides fertile grounds for opportunistic scrambling, illegal mining, chaos and its attendant conflicts.
One can therefore boldly say that the chaos and violence camouflaged as terrorism and banditry is indeed a calculated campaign driven not just by Islamic extremism but by land grabbing and occupation for the purpose of blood mineral extraction and illicit mining.
Thus, a sophisticatedly armed radical Islamic Fulani ethnic militia, often operating under political protection, carries out multiple killings, displacements and kidnappings across the Northeast, North Central and North West, after which reports reveal that foreign miners appear following the death and displacement of indigenes to exploit the lands.
Amnesty International has also reported that Nigeria loses over $9 billion annually to illicit mining of gold, tin and lithium, with a significant portion—estimated at 10%—funding violence and corruption. The report further revealed that the involvement of some government elements in this corruption is not in doubt, as eyewitness reports of survivors and satellite surveillance footage revealed the connivance of certain government personnel. Some survivors have also repeatedly claimed that they witnessed helicopters in the middle of the night dropping weapons and ammunition for the bandits—a disclosure corroborated by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi in an interview on African Stream earlier this year.
So, it is right to say that the violence and carnage are just a smokescreen and a catalyst to a far-reaching economic, psychological and socio-political agenda of certain influential elements in the country. This is part of the reason why the billions of naira spent on security to equip the military to better fight insurgency have not yielded much result to date.
In addressing the threat of President Donald Trump, I would like to start by recounting a little history about the 47th President of the United States and his previous antecedents. In January 2018, at a news conference in the White House, President Trump referred to Haiti and some African countries—including Nigeria—as “shithole countries” that should not be accorded immigrant status in the U.S.
Furthermore, his government’s stern immigration policies and visa restrictions clearly reflect a hostile stance towards Africa and some other Global South countries. In light of this, it is hard to understand where the sudden genuine concern for Nigerian Christians is coming from—more so when a U.S. congressman earlier this year revealed that USAID played a significant role in the funding of Boko Haram and other terrorist groups. This concern was never mentioned when Late President Muhammadu Buhari visited the White House a few months after the “shithole” saga and was praised by the same Trump for his valiant efforts in fighting Boko Haram and ISWAP, despite staggering reports of attacks and killings in the Northeast and North Central during that period.
Under the erudite scholarship of Professor Kunle Ajayi, I learnt several years ago, in one of our Politics of Global Economic Relations lectures, that in world politics and global socio-economic relations, the overriding determinant of states’ decisions and actions is strategic interest. Altruism is hardly ever a factor.
Present realities of Nigeria’s economic relations are fast approaching self-sufficiency—particularly in the oil sector, where Nigeria was once a major importer of finished petroleum products from the U.S. The Dangote refinery, having begun domestic refining and production of petroleum products, is fast taking over a market once dominated by imports from the U.S. This shift, no doubt, is taking jobs away from American oil workers—no cheering news for the country’s oil conglomerates. Secondly, China has since replaced the United States as Nigeria’s foremost trading partner.
According to Nairametrics (2025), the value of trade between Nigeria and China between 2023–2025 totals approximately $50 billion compared to an estimated $30 billion with the U.S. This paradigm shift would certainly not be palatable to the U.S. or her president, who happens to be a dogged businessman that hates the word “no”. From this perspective, it is not difficult to see where President Trump is coming from.
Be that as it may, I think Nigeria needs to employ shrewd diplomacy in dealing with the U.S. under a president like Donald Trump. Regardless of international law and conventions, the U.S. has repeatedly proven itself willing to take unilateral military action against countries, defying the rule of law and popular global opinion. So those hinging on Nigeria’s sovereignty as a deterrent to the U.S. are not good students of history.
What is, however, more important in all of this is that global attention is once again drawn to the horrible atrocities of these criminal elements in Nigeria. The country cannot continue to behave as though it is normal headline news when people are slaughtered daily, and families and homes are torn apart.
I believe this is an opportunity for the government to rejig the entire security architecture of the country, with the needed political will, to once and for all end these killings. Strategic partnership with the United States in this regard is not a bad idea. With its extensive experience in counter-terrorism operations and access to sophisticated military technology and intelligence, the U.S. can assist in identifying and eradicating the major financiers and enablers of terrorism and banditry. It is not rocket science that when the financing of terrorists ends, terrorism ceases to exist.
However, this should be done only on the basis of shared interest, mutual respect, trust, and understanding reflective of a healthy and balanced foreign policy relationship. By prioritising constructive diplomacy, dialogue and partnership, Nigeria can work with the United States in a strategic alliance to restore peace, security and confidence across the nation. That is the way to go.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
Related
Advertisement
Entertainment
Adekunle Gold, Simi welcome twins
Ayefele drops new album, Reflections
Reggae Legend, Jimmy Cliff, Dies At 81
Photos: Davido blows $3.7m on lavish Miami white wedding for Chioma
FAAN probes K1 for spilling alcohol on airport officer during boarding
Odunlade Adekola loses father
MegaIcon Magazine Facebook Page
MEGAICON TV
Advertisement
Trending
-
Politics3 days agoIbarapa East Assembly Hopeful, Ramon Congratulates Ajiboye, Says Emergence Good for Oyo APC
-
Politics7 days agoMakinde: My Successor Must Be Loyal to Oyo, Not Me
-
Politics3 days ago2027: Former Oyo Deputy Governor Adeyemo Emerges APC Chairman (See Full List)
-
Politics7 days agoFintiri Dumps PDP for APC, Moves with Cabinet, 14 Adamawa Lawmakers