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Nigeria’s billionaire presidential aspirants

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Miffed about the current state of affairs in Nigeria, the late Fela Anikulapo, from the land of the dead, looks back and picks the CD containing his song, Teacher don’t teach me Nonsense, where he theorised about the craziness in the operation of Nigeria’s brand of democracy.  

Abami Eda reasons that it is inconceivable to see things grow worse from one government to another while the same democracy works well and brings development in other Western democracies were it not for demons operating in Nigeria’s democracy.

Fela recalls the lyrics of his song where he views our retrogressive democracy as a blatant demonstration of crazy. He sings, Demo-crazy (Demo-crazy), Crazy demo (Demo-crazy) Demonstration of craze (Demo-crazy), Crazy demonstration (Demo-crazy), If e no be craze (Demo-crazy), Why for Afrika? (Demo-crazy), As time dey go (Demo-crazy), Things just dey bad (Demo-crazy), Dey bad more and more (Demo-crazy), Poor man dey cry (Demo-crazy), Rich man dey mess (Demo-crazy), Demo-crazy (Demo-crazy), Crazy demo (Demo-crazy), Demonstration of craze (Demo-crazy), Crazy demonstration (Demo-crazy). 

Is it, therefore, not crazy demonstration to see those who have been feeding fat on Nigeria’s democracy struggling to buy their way into Aso Rock?

These aspirants have formed the billionaire club and with the conspiracy of their party leaders, have put barriers on the way of eligible and the most suitable but financially incapable aspirants to contest with them. They hold on to that structure tenaciously and ask youths to wait for their time despite the fact that the incumbent president has practically been ruling Nigeria from youth till old age with his other military comrades.

Financial inequality has become weaponised as an instrument of strategic exclusion in Nigeria where the most qualified are shoved aside by money bags. These parasitic money bags make strong individuals that can do their bidding. They weaken institutions that ought to be strong enough to check their greed. To what extent has the primitive accumulation of the ruling elite influenced the quest to want to become millionaires and billionaires in Nigeria through illegitimate means?

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It was Teniola Apata, popularly called Teni Makanaki, who showed through her song the importance of money in achieving upward social mobility. In her song, Billionaire, Teni mirrors the mindset of Nigerian youths and their quest for money. She lyrically argues that Femi Otedola and Aliko Dangote, who are billionaires, do not possess two heads (won o lori meji) and that the aspiration to step into their shoes as a billionaire will be realised in order to compete effectively within the billionaire club.

In our society, ritual killings here and there are all about making money. When some teenagers slaughtered their girlfriend in Ogun State, it was all about making money and using posh cars. Since the arrest of the billionaire kidnapper, Chukwudi Onuamadike, also known as Evans, the landscape of kidnapping for ransom has changed in the country. It has become a new industry yielding high returns with low cost. Since political parties have used money as a barrier for people of legitimate means to compete, there is no doubt that kidnappers and terrorists and their sponsors will purchase forms, after joining these parties, and contests in 2023. We should know what to expect post-2023 with the background that we are laying.

A scan through those who have obtained forms from both the All Progressives Congress and the Peoples Democratic Party revealed that they are those who have been feeding themselves and their families from Nigeria’s collective patrimony since the return to democracy in 1999. Most of them could not solve small problems in their past and present positions as governors, former governors, serving or former senators. Most of them are part of this failing government; a government that cannot secure its citizens but rather baptised them into poverty. A government that deploys public funds to feed terrorists and train them in foreign schools as repentant. Yet, the same government cannot fund public education for law-abiding children.

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A government that leaves her security men and women vulnerable to the whims and caprices of terrorists, bandits and Fulani invaders. This is a government that gives orders to Service Chiefs to stop insecurity but never bothers to probe why there are no results and our gallant officers are killed almost on a daily basis.

These aspirants are among those who deny their countrymen and women quality education, health and security. While in office, they took so much. When they were leaving, they arranged so much for themselves as severance packages and lifetime social welfare packages. But they make poor pensioners suffer. As those in service see how former colleagues are treated, they learn to corruptly enrich themselves so that they will have something to fall back to. This is the origin of fake certificates, fraud and forgeries in the civil service.

These billionaire presidential aspirants have also started their dramaturgical performances, presenting themselves in the ethnic clothing of other groups. I hope Nigerians are not fooled by such deceit. Erving Goffman (1922-1982) devoted quality time to interrogating life as a social stage and individuals as actors who struggle to create certain impressions through the presentation of selves.

The incumbent President, Major General Muhammadu Buhari (retd.), was presented as pan-Nigeria during campaigns (and as a converted democrat), adorning attires of other ethnic nationalities but after elections, the original Buhari personality governs. This impression management (efforts to create specific impressions in the minds of the people) includes performances such as identifying as Yoruba, Ibo or Hausa through dressing, opening your doors to all interest groups, tweeting, dancing to hip-hop during campaigns to appeal to youths, attending any religious events against your own known religious convictions, among others. Having money to purchase the expression of interest form by themselves or through proxies does not imply they have solutions to the problems plaguing the country. Rather, it’s a lifelong ambition for some and an investment for the majority of them as they scramble for the remains of Nigeria.

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Purchase of forms is a political strategy by billionaire pretenders to negotiate their political life in a post-Buhari presidency. Their aspiration is not to solve the problem of unemployment, which is about 33.3 per cent. They are not bothered about rescuing over 120 million Nigeria swimming in poverty, fixing power or ending the compromised territorial integrity and insecurity troubling the country. They use poverty as a weapon for political domination.

Fela Anikulapo watches our compromised system and queries the entrenchment of culture and tradition of corruption, mismanagement and embezzlement where there is no accountability to the source of money. There are consequences for the millions of naira being invested in political activities while critical human capital development is low. As Fela says, rich man dey mess (demo-crazy), but the poor man will suffer the consequences of the mess.

 

 

Dr.  Tade, a sociologist, writes via dotad2003@yahoo.com

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Opinion

OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

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The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

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‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

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‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

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For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

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Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

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I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

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There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

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Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

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Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

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Opinion

Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

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It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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