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Lórí-Iró leadership and herdsmen nationalism | By Oludayo Tade

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Lórí-Iró (based on deliberate falsehood or lie) is a metaphoric expression which unpacks the relationship of falsehood between Nigerian politicians and the public. Popularised recently by an Ibadan-based street evangelist, Gbadamosi Ismail, Lórí-Iró is useful in dissecting the failures of social institutions in Nigeria. It reveals how relationships are consummated based on lies and culminates in heartbreaks, broken relationships, and fragile national unity.

Blessed with deceitful lips, an average Nigerian politician, whether holding an umbrella or broom, mesmerises vulnerable electorates with messianic posture as harbinger of growth, development, peace and prosperity. This is the social context that characterised the ascendancy of the repackaged candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, who had been serially rejected thrice. Those in opposition then, particularly from western Nigeria campaigned against candidate Buhari for fear of violence, clannish rule and alleged Islamisation agenda. By 2014, the opposites harmonised with assemblage of strange bed fellows and the foundation of what we experience today was laid by leaders who apparently failed to learn anything from history. They clothed candidate Buhari as converted democrat. Today, that identity is haunting the national life as fear of victimisation by bandits and terror herders envelopes the land.

The regret now is that President Muhammadu Buhari who promised to fight corruption, defeat terrorism and fix the economy has not delivered on this tripod upon which his government is mounted. Many of his statements, one of which is ‘I belong to nobody’ has come to be appreciated as Lórí-Iró based on lived experiences of Nigerians since 2015. From 2010 through to 2016, Nigeria’s best ranking on the global Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) has been 136 out of the 176 countries. By the end of 2019 when PMB contested second term, CPI of Nigeria was 146 and nosedived further to 149 in the 2020 CPI ranking.

Although the government is challenging the 2020 CPI report, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) 2019 study affirmed the deepening corruption under Buhari and the upward mobility of insecurity as the major concern of Nigerians. Under this presidency, might is right and criminal herdsmen are unleashing terror on farming communities, raping, kidnapping and grabbing ancestral lands. This is what I call, herdsmen nationalism.

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Herdsmen nationalism is the notion that the herding community and their interests are superior to any other cultures in Nigeria. Mouthing the narrative of having right to live anywhere as ‘Nigerians’, criminal herdsmen trample on the livelihoods of farmers, rape their women, displace them and acquire their lands. The consequences of these intended actions are food insecurity as farmers can no longer access their farms owing to fear of being attacked by terror herders and public resistance to herdsmen atrocities in southern Nigeria.

The negligence of governments and perceived pampering of criminal herders by the security agencies underlie ongoing sustained resistance and outcry against criminal herders in southern Nigeria. This is happening because our Lórí-Iró leaderships are negating the lyrical counsel preached in our national anthem that ‘living just and true’ enables a country to attain lofty heights of nationhood to build a country where peace and JUSTICE reign.

Nigeria’s Lórí-Iró leaders only sing the national anthem but do not act the lyrics. While leaderships at the national and sub-national levels are preaching peaceful living, little is being said about JUSTICE. Justice is the pillar upon which PEACE stands. Justice is needed for those killed, kidnapped, raped and displaced in farming communities by criminal herders. We are often reminded (based on lies/lori-iro) that we are one indivisible country even though there are obvious diversities. For instance, southern Nigeria operates Criminal Code while northern Nigeria operates Penal Code. Child Rights Act is implemented in most southern states while northern states have been lukewarm. Show me how many southerners have violated cultural and religious norms in northern Nigeria and have been spared without sanction. What then gives a criminal herder the right to migrate down south to cause acrimony and challenge local norms, values and laws governing human conducts?

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Self-help is activated when government fails to live up to the constitutional roles of assuring safety of lives and properties. When nobody is sure of tomorrow or who the next victim of criminality will be, a defensible space approach becomes inevitable and this is manifested in territorial protection against perceived enemies. The mindset of criminal herders is better appreciated through the lens of Governor of Bauchi State, Bala Muhammed who postulated the theory of AK-47 defence. This governor who is a Fulani from his maternal side had hitherto asked Nigerians in a television interview to continue to live with the realities of herders. This is why a sympathetic Fulani-headed government cannot shut borders on criminal herders migrating into Nigeria to wreak havoc at the expense of law-abiding indigenous Fulani herders. Bala Muhammed informs us that the AK-47 assault rifle brandished by Fulani herders is for self-defence and protection against their endangered lives and livelihoods in the forests.

If Fulani are being profiled, Sheik Gumi’s motivated trip into the den of Fulani bandits in Zamfara affirmed that framing. Gumi revealed meeting with over one battalion (1,000) of armed Fulani bandits in three locations inside Zamfara forest. He claims that the bandits are angry with their governor but refused to reveal the reasons for their anger. His advocacy is now how to use state resources to placate bandits created by the system they run.

Down south and within the same administration, harmless #ENDSARS protesters are hounded and dehumanised by security forces. This is the tragedy of the inequality in securing Nigeria— the state negotiates with terrorists and bandits but clamp down on genuine and harmless protesters. What government is saying is that the kingdom of Nigeria suffereth violence and only the violent sits with the high and mighty in government and gets the best treatment. This is a path to destruction as criminals in other zones will adopt similar approach and demand to be appeased.

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False denial of the causes of this tension will escalate the raging tribal solidarity. Government should allow security agencies to perform their work professionally. Since culture of pastoral nomadism aligns with the cultures in the north, northern governors should embrace the Kano State approach of establishing ranches while those herding in southern Nigeria should do so in compliance with state laws. Systems nurturing the growth of bandits in the north must be reviewed and blocked. Government must check inflow of people from the Sahel region and control the flow of small arms and light weapons. The present centralised policing system cannot sustain the demands of modern security in Nigeria. Many believe in Nigeria but not at the expense of their lives as only the living has a country. Oral plea to Nigerians to embrace peace will not work without ensuring that justice is served. Otherwise, there will be rise of more insurgent citizens.

 

Dr. Tade, a sociologist and media expert sent this piece from Ibadan

 

 

 

 

 

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OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

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The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

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‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

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‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

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For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

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Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

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I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

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There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

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Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

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Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

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Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

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It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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