Opinion
Lai Mohammed’s subterfuge by moonlight
Last week, as Minister of Information and Orientation, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, was engrossed in his theatrics on television over the Lagos EndSARS panel report; I was wrapped in sobriety as I listened to Manchester-based UK pop group of artists called the Hollies. Renowned for being one of Britain’s leading musical groups of the 1960s and into the mid 1970s, especially with their unique and distinctive blend of a three-part vocal harmony style, Hollies’ renown got catapulted to the zenith through their highly evocative song entitled He Ain’t Heavy, He’s My Brother.
The song was composed by Bobby Scott and Bob Russell. Russell, born April, 1914, was an American songwriter and lyricist who died of lymphoma in Beverly Hills, in 1970, shortly after the song was released in 1969. With Elton John in the background fiddling with the piano and Alan Clarke, the lead vocalist tugging the base of the world’s empathy, the Hollies badgered the world to care for the other person, with their lyrics piercing into the global subconscious. For their superlative performance all through the ages, the Hollies were inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 2010.
He Ain’t Heavy, He’s My Brother has a multiplicity of themes, ranging from human rights, trials and tribulations, human empathy and sobriety at the sight of a dying fellow man. Among others, the track goes thus: The road is long//With many a winding turn//That leads us to who knows where//Who knows where//But I’m strong//Strong enough to carry him//He ain’t heavy, he’s my brother//So, on we go//His welfare is of my concern//No burden is he to bear//We’ll get there//For I know//He would not encumber me//He ain’t heavy, he’s my brother//If I’m laden at all//I’m laden with sadness//That everyone’s heart//Isn’t filled with the gladness//Of love for one another//It’s a long, long road//From which there is no return//While we’re on the way to there…
He Ain’t Heavy, He’s My Brother was borne out of the pain and anguish, as well as the camaraderie felt by soldiers who fought in the Vietnam War. In wars, soldiers saw their fellow brothers shot and bleeding. At that point, they had two choices: flee for dear life or stay back to carry them on the shoulder to safety, preparatory to a first aid being administered on them. The song is the narrative of an emotionally or physically stronger person, who without complaints provides succor to a traumatized other, either a countryman in distress, in pain or discomfort. The one who is down is at the end of their tethers, without the will to continue on the journey. Hollies lament that our emotive composition as human beings is not balanced as not everyone is ready to offer comfort to the broken hearted. This, the Hollies represented, inter alia, thus: “If I’m laden at all, I’m laden with sadness, that everyone’s heart is filled with a gladness of love for one another.”
Again, listening to Mohammed waffling as he read from his prepared speech, my mind flipped over to Chief Tom Ikimi, Nigeria’s notorious military despot, Sani Abacha’s Minister of Foreign Affairs. Like Mohammed, Ikimi’s heart was made of tar and coal, cold without life. He shawled Abacha with a duvet of beatitudes reserved only for angels. In Auckland, New Zealand in 1995, while the blood of environmental rights activist, Ken Saro-Wiwa, was yet hot as he jerked for the last of his breath in the hands of Abacha’s hangmen, Ikimi sought to place Abacha among the pantheon of the gods. Saro-Wiwa, he told the world, was a devil reincarnate. As the world is horrified that State apparatus could be deployed to murder peacefully protesting youths, the world was equally aghast in 1995 that Buhari could judicially murder Saro-Wiwa, even when Abacha, in a 1994 meeting with Late South African President Nelson Mandela in Abuja, had promised Madiba, conveyed to him through General Oladipo Diya, that even if the kangaroo judicial panel found him guilty, he would extend the prerogative of mercy to the Ogoni-born activist.
With peacock pomposity jutting out of his octopus stature, Ikimi stood on television beamed live to Nigerians and the international community, to criminalize the hanged activist. Today, Ikimi, architect and politician, is a victim of history, tossed inside the trash receptacle of the time. While I am not privy to how the blood of Saro-Wiwa may be tormenting him today, 26 years after, I am convinced that even when he must have departed this earthly space, his progenies will feel the heat of that nestling shoulder he gave despotism to fester in our land.
The first impression you get from Lai Mohammed at that press conference ground is a man who took unqualified pleasure in gloating at the dead. Unlike the Hollies’ soldier who offered comfort to the wounded, Lai Mohammed mocked the blood that was spilled at the Lekki Toll Gate and like Ikimi, gave a wooly embrace to murderers cloaked in the gabardine of the Nigerian state. Rather than the panel report, Mohammed and those who authored the speech he read stand condemned forever for tormenting the memories of the people who the system they work for, killed. It is disheartening that officials of the Nigerian state, unlike that imaginary valiant soldier in the Hollies’ song, do not stand by the tax payers who pay for the untrammeled comfort and wealth they scoop from the Nigerian state. Like a blood-overfed bed bug that they are, these officials luster in their wickedness.
Mohammed was just the federal government version of other legmen earlier sent out by a combination of the federal and Lagos State governments, with the instruction to water the ground preparatory to a White Paper that is diametrically opposed to the recommendations of the panel. Mohammed and his earlier lackeys dwelt extensively and incongruously on supposed technical errors in the report but which, in the main, do not detract from the gravamen of the report.
What is key is the role played on that grisly night by men of the Nigerian Army, whose presence at the Toll Gate on that day is no longer a matter for conjecture. Lagos State governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu himself had confirmed that he extended invitation to them. Incontrovertible footages obtained that night and thereafter also confirmed that the soldiers were there. Initially, there was an attempt to Unknown Soldier-ise the bloodthirsty detachment sent to the Toll Gate that night, until Sanwo-Olu, perhaps hastily but in defence of hapless Nigerian youths felled in the melee, confirmed that the soldiers were not ghosts and he called for their presence. The buck-passing, from the then Chief of Army Staff, Tukur Buratai, down to the Lagos military command, confirmed this attempt to dissolve the culprits into the inky night.
Now, granted that the forensic analyst who examined the bullets found at the locus in quo claimed that the bullets were not military-grade (high-velocity) live ammunition because, in the words of Lai, “had the military personnel deliberately fired directly at the protesters; there would have been significantly more fatalities and catastrophic injuries recorded,” the question then is, who fired the shots that killed that night? Could the soldiers, aware of the havoc they were coming to perpetrate, have armed themselves with non-military rifles? Because, if the soldiers didn’t kill those who, even by government’s admission, were killed, who and what then killed them?
Again, even from the angle of Lai Mohammed’s “credible evidence” of the Forensic Pathologist, Prof. John Obafunwa, to wit that “only three of the bodies on which post mortem were conducted were from Lekki and only one had gunshot injury,” we will like to know, was it blank bullets that killed these two victims? This gives the probability that most of the victims who were killed were the human casualty evidence reportedly whisked away by the soldiers and whose bodies may never be seen again.
You will agree with me that Nigerians are totally hemmed in, in the hands of their rulers who peremptorily bring out all manner of subterfuge, lies and deceits in the administration of the space called Nigeria. The soldiers claimed to have shot blank cartridges. How many of those spent cartridge were found the second day, especially when the panel members paid their maiden visit to the locus in quo? With reported frenetic attempt made by government to muffle evidence by deploying those who mopped off blood the second day and with soldiers reportedly carting away human casualty evidence, there was the probability that the bulk of evidence that would have showcased the Nigerian state’s guilt of massacre must have been washed or whisked away.
This is why Lai Mohammed’s incredulity at the panel’s submission is itself incredulous. He was aghast at the panel’s claim that trucks with brushes underneath were whisked to the Lekki Toll Gate “in the morning of Oct. 21 2020 to clean up bloodstains and other evidence, but still found bullet casings at the same site when it visited on October 20, 2020.” To me, it is infantile to reason that though “soldiers picked up bullet casings from Lekki Toll Gate on the night of October 20, 2020,” yet submit that there could not have been evidence of bullet casings found at the same locus in quo on October 21, 2020. This is because, if found to be true that the state attempted to tamper with evidence, it must have been done in a hurry before dawn on October 21, 2020, in the process of which there was the probability that, like every murderer in a crime scene, no matter how small it may be and regardless of how smart they may think they are, they always leave even if a scintilla of lead for investigators.
As to Lai Mohammed’s bother that some names of casualties appended to the report by the panel bore no surname and many family members have not come forward to identify their killed members in the Lekki Toll Gate disaster, for anyone who lives in Nigeria raising such disagreement, the person is either being mischievous or full of grisly dis-ingenuity. The Minister had said that “the panel was silent on the family members of those reportedly killed, merely insinuating they were afraid to testify. Even goats have owners who will look for them if they do not return home, not to talk of human beings. Where are the family members?”
The truth is that, governments after governments have reduced Nigerians to mere pieces of wood, worse than Mohammed’s goat allusion. Our identity as human beings has been dehumanized. Till today, I am sure many dead in the Ikoyi 21-storey building collapse are yet to be identified or names put to them. This is because we and our governments in particular, are a people who disdain statistics and data. There are hundreds of people who live in Lagos today whose families do not know their whereabouts. That they might have strayed into the Lekki Toll Gate incident is not unlikely. For Lai Mohammed to now make an issue of this is the highest form of official gerrymandering.
The Minister’s wonder why the panel’s report did not cover cases of police personnel brutally murdered or “the massive destruction of police stations, vehicles,” is valid. However, I recall that the panel called for memorandum and submissions by people who were affected by the crises, calling on them to supply evidence. Though the panel was judicial, it was not an investigative panel nor was it a panel of omnipotent and omniscient characters. It could not have been going to every home to find out if anyone suffered casualty at Lekki or any other part of Lagos, or whoever’s “businesses were attacked and destroyed during the protest in Lagos.” Lai Mohammed just used this set of victims as an opportunity to escalate his window of dissent and thus widen his dragnet of fault-finding.
Admitted, the panel report, like every human scrutiny, is not infallible. However, it would be the height of descent into the arena for a minister like Lai Mohammed, notorious for hubris and mendacity to be allowed to fester his calling by attacking the integrity of the panel members who were appointed by the Lagos State government, in the first instance, on account of their sparkling credentials. The Minister’s usage of gutter language to demonize the panel, though in sync with his character, is too heavy for men and women who sacrificed time and energy for the people. As I said earlier, I give kudos to Governor Sanwo-Olu and will reserve this applause for him until the White Paper is issued by his government. It is very un-Nigerian for a government to set up a panel and not teleguide its operations. It is apparent that Sanwo-Olu didn’t.
In the rush to throw the baby out with the bathwater, Mohammed and the State were not bothered by the recommendations of the panel for urgent governmental engagement with the youth and the upward review of the welfare of the Nigeria Police. They were busy trying to wipe away blood stains that ensconce their apparels.
I am convinced that, owls and vultures like Mohammed and the state apparatus used to murder defenceless Nigerians were afraid that if the report finds teeth, grits and buy-in of the international community, it may signify their journey to The Hague, the Netherlands to have their day in the International Criminal Court (ICC).
No matter how long the cadaver-loving soldiers who pulled the trigger that caused the massacre at the Lekki Toll Gate and their governmental accomplices, attempt to pull the wools over the eyes of the people, the truth is just but a mile away. When it opens the shutters and enters, there will be weeping, wailing, mourning and gnashing of the teeth by those who made attempts to muffle it, using the instrumentality of the State.
Celebrated columnist, Dr. Festus Adedayo writes
Opinion
NASS Pensioners: How Akpabio, Abbas Should Not Treat The Elderly
On Monday and Tuesday last week, workers and political operatives within the precincts of the new Senate building in the National Assembly complex, Abuja, were treated to a replica of the Theatre of the Absurd. This type of drama originated in Europe and later spread to America in the 1950s. It was influenced by existential philosophy and Albert Camus’s essay The Myth of Sisyphus.
In that work, Camus captured the fundamental human needs and compared the absurdity of man’s life with the situation a figure of Greek mythology, Sisyphus found himself, where he was condemned to repeat forever the task of pushing a boulder up a mountain, and repeatedly sees the same roll down the hill as he approaches the top.
He, thereafter, juxtaposed life’s absurdities with what he called the “unreasonable silence” of the universe to human needs and concluded that rather than adopt suicide, in frustration, “revolt” was required.
82-year-old Dr. Muhammed Adamu Fika, former Clerk to the National Assembly and former Chairman, of the National Assembly Service Commission (NASC), who calls himself the “smaller Adamu Fika,” must have come across the Camus essay in deciding to lead an emergency meeting of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries of the National Assembly on November 18. The emergency meeting, which was jointly held with members of the Association of Retired Staff of the National Assembly was meant to salvage the pathetic plights of the National Assembly retirees.
Eighty-two-year-old Fika can hardly gather the pace to navigate round the corners of the National Assembly, but he insisted on making the trip to enable him to preside over the meeting as the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries. As his retiree colleagues, many of whom are far younger, saw him struggling to walk the required distance from the Bola Ahmed Tinubu Library, originally fixed as venue to the new Senate building, they had to provide some shoulders to lean on. At one stage, an office chair was converted to a wheelchair to ensure the elderly Fika got to certain locations. It was a sad tale, especially if you look at the essence of Fika’s trip to the National Assembly. He was there to preside over a meeting to press home the need for the payment of the entitlements of National Assembly retirees. An alarm had earlier been sounded on the different Whatsapp platforms of the retired workers of the National Assembly to the effect their members were dying in numbers. It was revealed that no fewer than 20 retired workers had died awaiting the payment of their entitlements in the recent past. Another set of retirees numbering 12 were said to have been bedridden in different hospitals across the land. That alarm was more than enough to prompt Fika and his retiree colleagues to an emergency meeting. But the sight of an elderly man, fighting a just cause on an improvised wheelchair was more than absurd.
Payment of the entitlements got stalled after former President Muhammadu Buhari assented to the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023, which mandated the National Pensions Commission (PENCOM) to hand over assets of the staff of the National Assembly in its custody after the passage of the National Assembly pension law.
In the beginning, there were no signs that things would go south on the implementation of the Act. Three months after the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act came into effect, PENCOM had written the management to convey its decision to hand off the pension assets of the staff of the National Assembly, while requesting the National Assembly management to provide it with account details to remit the accrued funds. The 10th Senate and the House of Representatives also provided hope for the retirees by providing a take-off grant to the tune of N2.5 billion in the 2024 budget. However, the NASS management could not comply with the request from PENCOM because the Pensions Board had not been inaugurated. Months after months, the retirees waited. Those who were already enjoying their benefits when PENCOM was administering had the payments terminated, while the waiting game ensued.
In trying to fast-track the implementation of the Act, Fika, as the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries had forwarded a letter to the President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, intimating them of the council’s recommendations for positions in the National Assembly Service Pensions Board.
Fika said in the letter, dated February 27, 2024, that “Considering the pathetic health conditions of our retired colleagues, Your Excellency will agree with me that the establishment of the National Assembly Pensions Board is overdue five (5) months after Mr. President’s assent.” He said that his letter was premised on the provisions of Sections 2 and 17(3) of the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023, which indicate that the presiding officers of the National Assembly shall make the appointments subject to recommendations of the Council of Clerks and Secretaries. But some persons are insinuating that the undue delay might have been instigated by two strange bedfellows-politics and money. Where the two are involved, simply things hardly follow a straight course. However, nothing justifies the nearly 20-month delay in inaugurating the Pensions Board.
At the end of the emergency meeting on Monday, further meetings were said to have been scheduled at the instance of the Senate President, Akpabio, his deputy, Jibril Barau and others but there were no conclusive steps, yet.
A communique released after the meeting indicated that the retirees observed that the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023 went through full legislative process in the 9th National Assembly and was assented to by President Muhammad Buhari. It further noted that the delay in implementing the Act has caused undue and untold hardship to the retirees who are unable to access their retirement benefits, adding that while a number of the retired Staff have died, many others are bedridden due to sufferings occasioned by the non-payment of their entitlements.
According to the communique, the meeting decried the pains the retired staff have been subjected to and recalled that appropriate recommendations as per the composition of the Pensions Board have been made to the Presiding Officers of the National Assembly, in line with the enabling Act.
Opinion
The Fuji Music House Of Commotion
Like every lover of Yoruba traditional music, language and culture, I have of recent been inundated with requests to lend a voice to the newest raging fire in the Fuji music genre. Since the passage of Alhaji Sikiru Ayinde Balogun, popularly known as Ayinde Barrister or Agbajelola Barusati, there have been longstanding tiffs on whom of the trio of Ayinde Omogbolahan Anifowose, KWAM 1; self-named King Saheed Osupa (K.S.O.) and Wasiu Alabi Pasuma, was the “King.”
These musicians’ recent quest for supremacy is not new. From time immemorial, supremacy battles have been part and parcel of Yoruba music. Apparently now tempered by modernity, in the olden days, the battles were fought with traditional spells, incantations and talisman aimed at deconstructing and liquidating their rivals. Mostly fought on genre basis, I submit that pre and post-independence entertainment scene would have been livelier, far more robust than it was but for the acrimonious liquidating fights of those eras.
In the Sakara music, Abibu Oluwa, a revered early precursor of this Yoruba musical genre, who reigned in the late 1920s and 1930s, had Salami Alabi Balogun, popularly known as Lefty Salami, Baba Mukaila and Yusuff Olatunji as members of his band. Oluwa praise-sang many Lagos elites of his time, especially Herbert Macaulay to whom he sang his praise in the famous track named “Macaulay Macaulay.” In it, he sang the foremost Nigerian nationalist’s alias of Ejonigboro – Snake on the Street and prayed that he would not come to shame.
Sakara also produced the likes of S. Aka Baba Wahidi, Kelani Yesufu (alias Kelly). It was sung with traditional Yoruba instruments like the solemn-sounding goje violin whose history is traced to the north, and the roundish Sakara drum, beaten with stick and whose appearance is like that of a tambourine. Sakara music is often called the Yoruba variant of western blues music because of its brooding rhythm though laced with a high dosage of philosophy.
When Oluwa died in 1964, he literally handed over to Lefty who, born on October 1913, died December 29, 1981. Lefty, a talking drummer under Oluwa, churned out over 35 records before his demise, one of which was a tribute to Lagos monarch, Oba Adele (Adele l’awa nfe – Oba Adele is the king we want) and another to the Elegushi family. I dwelt considerably on Sakara because it is believed to have had considerable influence on other genres of traditional African Yoruba music, especially Apala and Fuji, with the former sometimes indistinguishable from Sakara.
Apala music, whose exponent is said to be Haruna Ishola, originated in the late 1930s Nigeria. Delivered with musical instruments like a rattle (Sekere) thumb piano, (agidigbo) drums called Iya Ilu and Omele, a bell (agogo) and two or three talking drums, Apala and Sakara are the most complex of these genres of traditional Yoruba music, due to their infusion of philosophy, incantations and dense Yoruba language into their mix. Distinct, older and more difficult in mastery than Fuji music which is considered to be comparatively easy to sing, Ayinla Omowura, Ligali Mukaiba, Kasumu Adio, and many others were Apala leading lights of the time. The three genres have very dense Islamic background.
The latest entrant of all the three genres is Fuji. Pioneered by Ayinde Barrister no doubt, for an Apala musician biographer like me, I am confused that Omowura, as far back as early 1970s, asked listeners in need of good Fuji music to come learn from him – “Fuji t’o dara, e wa ko l’owo egbe wa…” Sorry, I digressed.
While KWAM 1 emerged with his Talazo music from the ashes of his being a music instrument arranger for Barrister’s musical organization in the early 1980s, the feud in the house after Barrister’s death erupted when narratives allegedly oozed unto the musical scene that KWAM 1 referred to himself as the creator of Fuji music. He however promptly denied the claim. For decades, Osupa and Pasuma were locked in horns over supremacy of the Fuji music genre. In August 2023, the two however seemed to have decided to thaw their feud as they shared stage with Wasiu Ayinde, at Ahmad Alawiye Folawiyo, an Islamic singer’s 50th birthday celebration in Lagos. KWAM 1 glibly acted as their senior colleague at the event.
As an indication that they are no bastards of the teething and recurrent supremacy battles that emblemize traditional Yoruba music, the three Fuji music icons seem to have gone into the trenches again. It first started with Taiye Currency, an Ibadan-based alter-ego of Pasuma picking a fight with the musician who self-styled himself Son of Anobi Muhammed’s Wife. In a viral video, Currency had disclaimed reference to Pasuma as his “father” in the music industry. In another video not long after, KWAM 1, like some kind of father figure, was shown asking Currency to apologize to Pasuma.
A few days ago, a video of Osupa went viral. Therein, he was chastising a particular hypocrite he called “Onirikimo” and “alabosi”, who is “stingy and is ready to shamelessly collect money from those under him.” Osupa also claimed that this “shameless elder” had strung a ring of corn round his waist and should be ready to be made fun of by hens. Watchers of the endless tiffs among these Fuji icons swear that KWAM 1 was the unnamed Fuji musician Osupa was casting aspersion on.
The trio of Sakara, Apala and Fuji music also witnessed such petty squabbles. While many claim that the fights were promotional gambits aimed at having their fans salivate for their hate-laced musical attacks against one another, some others claim that the rivalries were genuine. In the Apala music scene, Haruna Ishola and Kasumu Adio fought each other to the nadir, with Adio, who sang almost in the same voice and cadence as Ishola, suddenly vamoosing from the musical scene. Rumours and speculations had it then that a mysterious goat bit Adio and rendered him useless. While Ayinla Omowura also fought Fatai Olowonyo, Fatai Ayilara, among others in the Apala genre, the duo of Yusuff Olatunji and S. Aka also feuded till their last days. This is not to mention the interminable fight between Kollington Ayinla and Barrister.
If the tiff between the trio of KWAM 1, Osupa and Pasuma is about age and Yoruba traditional respect for elders, KWAM 1 would easily go away with the trophy of the best of the three. However, if philosophical depth, musical elan, research of lyrics and deployment of Yoruba language are at issue, none of the other two musicians can unbuckle Osupa’s sandals. Osupa began his musical career in 1983 as a teenager and has gone through the mills, his late father being a musician, too and Awurebe music lord, Dauda Epo Akara’s musical contemporary.
Unlike their predecessors, the three Fuji musicians are literate and should thus address their musical issues in more mature manner. Osupa even recently bagged a degree from the department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. One thing they should know is that, whether one is supreme to the other or not, their fans will readily queue behind the brand that delights them.
Opinion
Almajiri: Why Northern Leaders Must Look Themselves in the Mirror
Two incidents happened during the 1994/95 NYSC service year, which I was part of in Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State, and they gave me profound culture shocks that I still remember till today. I would equally say that those incidents probably justified the Federal Government’s decision to float the scheme.
We were told that part of the reasons General Yakubu Gowon floated the NYSC was to ensure national integration, cohesion and exposure of young Nigerians to cultures of other parts of the country other than where they were born.
First was the shock of seeing a director that I was attached to in the then Government House, who had just taken a new wife, and sat among drivers, gate men and other junior staff to dine. I saw them seated round a huge iron pot of Koko, a local delicacy, exchanging one big spoon made of calabash, as each took turns to use the spoon to eat the delicacy. It was as if I was witnessing a scene where children of a big family were struggling to catch a portion of food or where people were eating Saara, as they say it in Yorubaland.
As I walked past the noisy crowd, I was transfixed seeing the newly-wedded director among the lot. He saw me standing still, as I couldn’t comprehend what he was doing there, and he got the message. ‘Taiyo, (as he used to call me) you won’t understand,’ he said as he waved to me to keep going. When we later saw, he explained that what he just did was a way of assuring the commoners that ‘we are all one,’ as they felicitated him on the new bride. But I could not fathom how the occupant of a ‘huge office’ as that of a director in a Government House , would sit among “commoners” on a tattered mat to share a single spoon and eat in public.
The other incident was quite pathetic. My friend, Tunde Omobuwa, was posted to a school in Yauri, in the southern part of the state, for his primary assignment. But he found the place boring on weekends. So, he arranged to always be with me on weekends.
One such weekend, we decided to take a stroll round the streets near the Government House. We took off from the place of my primary assignment, the Federal Information Centre; bought corn beside the office, and started ‘blowing’ the ‘mouth organ’ as we strolled. We were too engrossed in our gist and the sweetness of the corn to note that some young boys were trailing us, praying that some leftovers of the corn would drop for them to scavenge. Somehow, the two of us dropped the corn cob almost simultaneously. We were more than taken aback by a commotion that erupted at our back. Four eight or nine year-olds had descended on the supposed leftovers and broken the corn cobs into pieces. I was again transfixed as if one was hit by an electric shock. Remember that feeling when you play with electric fish?
I was moved to tears as I had never ever seen a group of children scavenging on nothing as it were. I beckoned to the kids and offered them N20, which was the highest denomination at the time, and with some smattering Hausa words told them to go buy their own corn from the same place we got ours. As they left, heading to the corn seller, I couldn’t erase that ugly sight from my mind. Was it really possible that some people scavenge on nothing this way? I was later to see incidents of children swarming around restaurants and pouncing on near empty plates.
These incidents told me clearly that the North was a different place and that the life of the boy child is not only risky and endangered but sold to stagnation and deprivation, unless you are one of the lucky few.
Having benefited from the free education policy of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) between 1979 and 1983, when the Second Republic was terminated, I knew that there is a lot the government can do in educating the children. In my secondary school days, I was the Library Prefect at one point, and so I saw an excess of books supplied by the government to our school. So, I was an example of the feasibility of free education. It was the same way the Action Group government had handled education in the years preceding Nigeria’s independence and the First Republic.
So why can’t the state governments in the North declare free and compulsory education for the young ones out there? Why should children be made to scavenge on empty corn cobs just to see if they can find pieces of seeds left over?
And why was my director giving drivers and gate men in the Government House false hope that they were all the same, instead of him to challenge them to seek to lift themselves up the social ladder?
I think there was no excuse for the North not to have adopted a free education policy, just as Chief Obafemi Awolowo did in the South-West. And if we say the North needs to look itself in the mirror, you again remember the efforts by President Goodluck Jonathan to educate the multitude of Northern children through the Almajiri Schools. That government built more than 400 of such schools, which were abandoned because it could upset the oligarchy. The oligarchs forgot the truism that the children of the poor they refuse to train today won’t let their children sleep peacefully.
But the governor of Borno State, Prof Babagana Zulum, appears to have got the message. Last week, I was thrilled to see him organise a summit to reform the Almajiri system.
The Almajiri education system is a traditional Islamic method of learning widely obtained across states in northern Nigeria. Through that system, which is tied to Islamic teaching, youths, especially boys are kept out of the formal western education system. I don’t know why the teachings by Islamic scholars cannot go alongside that of Western education as it obtains in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq and other Islamic countries that are doing well economically and in the world of science, technology.
While addressing the summit, Zulum had mentioned the need to address the root causes of insecurity through the provision of education for citizens of Borno, adding that improper teaching of Islamic studies has contributed to the emergence of Boko Haram insurgents in the state.
According to him, to curtail whatever is the adverse effect of Almajiri education; the Borno State Government has established the Arabic and Sangaya Education Board to introduce a unified curriculum for Sangaya and Islamic schools. He said that the reform would include establishing Higher Islamic Colleges to cater for Almajiri children and blending the religious teachings with the secular curricula as well as skills.
He said: “The Sangaya Reform is a great development. It will give Almajiri a better chance in life, particularly the introduction of integrating western education, vocational, numeracy, and literacy skills into the centres, which are also described as Almajiri and Islamic schools.
“Distinguished guests and esteemed educationists, government’s intention was to streamline the informal and formal education systems to quality integrated Sangaya School for admission into colleges and universities.”
One would have thought that governors with radical postures like Nasir el-Rufai and others before him would have proposed this type of reform, but it is better late than never. Zulum should be supported to get something out of this.
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