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Fuel Subsidy Removal: A Paradigm Shift for Nigeria’s Development

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In a nation grappling with the persistent challenge of eliminating fuel-based subsidies, Nigeria stands at a crucial crossroads. Since the inception of fuel subsidies in 1970, successive governments have attempted to remove them, only to be met with stiff political complexities that have allowed the subsidy to persist for a long. However, the time has come for decisive action.

President Abimbola Ahmed Tinubu in his inaugural speech declared an end to fuel subsidy in an unambiguous word “It has gone for good”. To put an end to the government’s continuous subsidizing of fuel, will mark a significant domestic policy shift if it’s become successful. As the nation braces for the potential repercussions, citizens are faced with a critical question: Is Nigeria better off with or without fuel subsidies?

The debate surrounding fuel subsidies has always been fraught with controversies and conflicting interests. Critics argue that fuel subsidy has overstayed its usefulness, draining exorbitant amounts of money from governments’ lean purses year in, in, and year out-without significant impact on the lives of ordinary citizens it meant to benefit. Instead, these subsidies often end up benefiting individuals and independent marketers, exacerbating inequality and inflation in the process. Over the years, the removal of fuel subsidies has always sparked explosive situations and protests from Lagos to Kano, Benin to Abuja fueled by the elite, who manipulate the grievances of citizens to achieve their objectives.

Yet, the government argument or those in support has always asserted that by redirecting the funds saved from subsidies into education and health, the masses will benefit more directly. The promise of reinvestment in sectors that have a tangible impact on citizens’ lives holds the potential for transformative change. However, concerns remain about the immediate consequences of subsidy removal, especially for low-income earners who constitute the majority of the country’s populace and will bear the brunt of increased fuel prices and a subsequent rise in the cost of goods and services.

In my analysis, the removal of fuel subsidies presents both challenges and opportunities for the Nigerians and the Nigerian government in the short and long run. It is a complex domestic policy that requires careful consideration and effective implementation, if failed the masses will bear the brunt, if it becomes successful, the government bears the credit. However, with the right approach, it can lead to long-term benefits and positive outcomes for the country.

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To effectively navigate this transition, the Tinubu lead government must address these fears head-on and build trust among the people. Firstly, the government must be proactive, swift, and effective in handling its interventions in the form of palliatives for the poorest of the poor that is necessary to cushion the effects of rising food prices and the overall cost of living that will accompany this major domestic policy shift or else it will sink the administration. Additionally, the government should consider temporary measures, such as opening the borders to flood the market with affordable food items, while also engaging transport associations and owners to prevent exorbitant fare hikes that would burden the citizens beyond their means.

Beyond these immediate actions, a comprehensive and sustainable approach is essential to prevent sinking citizens further into poverty, instead, the government should roll out measures targeted toward bringing significant portions of the population out of poverty and improving their overall well-being. This includes enhancing social welfare initiatives, improving public service delivery, investing in healthcare, providing adequate wages, and implementing unbiased empowerment programs. By focusing on these areas, the government can foster entrepreneurship that will further reduce the effect of fuel subsidy removal and create a more equitable society.

Furthermore, the government must prioritize transparency and accountability in the management of resources. It should ensure that the funds saved from fuel subsidy removal do not end up in the pocket of individuals but rather are channeled effectively into sectors that directly benefit the masses. To achieve this, a clear policy mechanism by civil societies organization and organizations like BudgIT should be empowered to track and monitor the utilization of these funds, preventing any mismanagement or misappropriation.

To successfully navigate this transition, effective communication, and public enlightenment campaigns are paramount. The rationale behind fuel subsidy removal and the long-term benefits must be communicated to the public, managing expectations and reducing resistance. Collaboration with civil society organizations, labor unions, and other stakeholders is crucial in developing comprehensive social safety nets to protect the most vulnerable from potential negative impacts.

In the same vein, as part of efforts to revitalize the nation’s oil and gas industry, the government should immediately consider outright concession or privatization of the dormant refineries. This would pave the way for improvements, efficiency, optimization, and commercialization by private investors, bringing these refineries back to life. This government cannot afford to embark on another futile round of Turn Around Maintenance, which has consumed trillions of dollars without yielding results under previous administrations. By doing so, with the addition of the nation’s four refineries with capacities of 600,000, 150,000, 125,000, and 110,000 barrels per day, along with the largest single train Dangote and BUA refineries, fuel would become more accessible and affordable.

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However, before reaching that stage, the government must effectively manage the consequences of fuel subsidy removal and alleviate the multidimensional impacts it would have on the country’s limited resources, as it could prove to be a challenging task. If the subsidy is removed, it will inevitably lead to a significant increase in the prices of goods and services across the country, disproportionately affecting low-income earners in terms of transportation costs and quality of life, that’s it become expedient to flood the market with affordable food items by opening the border temporarily.

Similarly, the new government must not pay lip service to diversifying the economy, by promoting and supporting sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology, the government can create a more balanced and resilient economy. This will not only generate job opportunities but also reduce the vulnerability of the economy to fluctuations in oil prices, ultimately contributing to sustainable and inclusive growth. These are critical steps toward building a more resilient economy. This comprehensive approach will help lift a significant portion of the population out of poverty and improve their overall well-being.

One crucial lesson to be learned from past experiences is the importance of prioritizing social welfare initiatives. The government should draw inspiration from the Jakande administration, which focused on enhancing public service delivery in various sectors. Affordable and accessible housing options should be prioritized to address the housing needs of the less privileged, ensuring that they have a secure and dignified place to call home. Instead of constructing luxurious mansions in exclusive areas, the government should redirect its resources toward building affordable homes in areas where the poor can afford to reside.

Also, investments in the healthcare system are of paramount importance to provide quality and accessible healthcare services to all citizens, especially the underprivileged while adequate wages must be provided to workers across various sectors to ensure that they can afford a decent standard of living and support their families. Well-structured education is vital in equipping individuals with the necessary skills and knowledge for personal and professional growth, leading to improved socioeconomic conditions.

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Lastly, effective regulation and oversight are necessary to ensure fair and accessible services for the citizens, particularly in sectors such as transportation. Monitoring mechanisms should be put in place to prevent exploitation and profiteering by private entities, ensuring that transport fares remain reasonable and affordable even without fuel subsidies. Investing in an efficient and affordable public transportation system will not only alleviate the financial burden on low-income earners but also contribute to decongesting the cities and reducing pollution.

In addition to these measures, transparency, and accountability in the management of resources are crucial to building trust and confidence among the citizens. The government must ensure that the funds saved from fuel subsidy removal are directed toward sectors that directly benefit the masses, such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure development.

In conclusion, the removal of fuel subsidies represents a paradigm shift in Nigeria’s development. By adopting a comprehensive and sustainable approach that prioritizes social welfare, economic diversification, transparency, and effective communication, the government can successfully navigate this transition. It is crucial to ensure that the benefits of economic growth reach all segments of the population, particularly the most vulnerable. With careful planning, implementation, and collaboration with stakeholders, Nigeria can forge a path toward a more equitable and prosperous future for its citizens.

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Opinion

OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

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The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

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‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

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‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

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For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

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Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

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I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

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There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

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Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

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Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

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Opinion

Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

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It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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