Opinion
Emefiele’s terrorism mess
Published
3 years agoon
If you read God’s Bankers: A History of Money and Power at the Vatican, you would have a whiff of understanding of the battle that assails and the nature of the assailants of Godwin Emefiele, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor. God’s Bankers, written by Gerald Posner, is an expose on the Papacy and the Holy See, known to be the world’s biggest and the most impregnable religious institution ever. Posner, reputed to be a “master chronicler of legal and financial misconduct,” conducted a deep-seated investigation which lasted nine years, into how financial octopuses of the Vatican, known as God’s Bankers, waddled through the ocean of wealth, intrigues, corruption and plotted the graph of political intrigues that these bankers face in the Catholic Church.
With a fine toothcomb which he pierces into the darkest secrets of the Vatican, Posner was able to meticulously locate and prise open cracks in the Holy See, revealing legendary and long-lost secrecies that have acted as the underbelly of the Vatican. Like David Yallop’s In God’s Name, Posner was able to expose how the church accumulated wealth and the byzantine, cobweb-like weaves of its financial malfeasances scattered all over the world. From the narratives of cardinals, prelates, bishops and Popes who were in charge of the Vatican in the previous 200 years, Posner uncovered the lead of eyebrow-lifting narratives of how power and money were shuffled, as they do in card games, inside one of the world’s most dreaded but influential religious empires. In God’s Bankers, you are confronted with a cache of revelations of how business moguls were poisoned; how prosecutors disappeared and some were found with holes in their heads; how obvious murders were swapped as suicides and the tension of power in the inner court of power at the Vatican. These all got a trace from the author who plotted the graph of how the Vatican mutated from its initial conception as a bastion of faith to a convoluted empire of immense wealth, power and systemic corruption.
In Nigeria where the grotesque, and the absurd are everyday commonplaces, Nigerians should rank as possessing one of the most vibrant shock-absorbing mechanisms in the world. Yet, last week, Nigerians were shocked beyond comprehension. News suddenly hit the airwave that Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor, Godwin Emefiele, was embroiled in terrorism financing allegations. The first thought that coursed through Nigerians’ minds was that the allegation was a broth straight from the pot of yellow journalism concoction. On a more careful perusal, the news shed its veil of social media gossip. So it unfolded, the Department of State Services (DSS) had secretly filed a suit to have Emefiele arrested over terrorism charges. The ex-parte suit, filed at the Federal High Court Abuja, before John Tsoho, was however dismissed by the court, in what it called a subterranean ploy and an illegal operation; indeed, a “plot to deceive the court into granting a frivolous order to help them arrest and deprive an innocent man of his liberty.”
Innocent man?
In the suit No FHC/ABJ/CS/2255/2022 and its affidavit depositions, DSS had averred that its preliminary investigation revealed various acts of terrorism financing, fraudulent activities perpetrated by Emefiele and his involvement in economic crimes of national security dimension. Prefacing its prayers on Section 66 of the Terrorism Prevention and Prohibition Act 2022, the plaintiff asked the court to grant an order for the arrest and detention of the CBN governor for 60 days. By the wording of that Act, if that ex-parte application was granted and Emefiele clamped into 60 days detention, the order could be renewed for another 60 days or until an investigation into the alleged misdemeanour is concluded. Such a person would be held incommunicado during the pendency of the investigation. The judge however ruled that DSS provided no concrete evidence to back up its very grievous allegations.
Peeled of its legalese, Nigerians are scared stiff of the implications of these allegations. Yes, Emefiele has behaved like a rogue CBN governor, the most roguish in the history of that office ever, while he got enmeshed, early this year, in a scandalous but subterranean angling for the Nigerian presidency. In the process of that obtuse ambition, billions of what would appear to be Nigerian money were incinerated in this amorphous bid which, according to feelers from political sidewalks, also got him allegedly milked by the don of media-cum-political wheeling-dealing, Nduka Obaigbena. This notwithstanding, news of Emefiele’s alleged involvement in terrorism financing is not a barroom gossip that should be flung off with a beer fly whisk.
Having sufficiently mastered the geography of propaganda and image-burnishing techniques that are the turf of Nigerian politics, Emefiele immediately began to play the politics of re-contextualizing the grievous allegations with which he was tar-brushed. One after the other, lackeys and political beneficiaries appeared in the media trying to voice their dissent to the Emefiele terrorism allegation. All of these dissenting voices to the DSS allegation, if the Nigerian propaganda mechanism is to be factored in, must have been actioned by Emefiele himself or induced by politicians who stand to make political currency from where they stand.
First to march out in protest was a group calling itself Coalition of Civil Society Organisations, (CSOs) a body said to comprise Lawyers in Defence of Economic Rights and Justice, a Forum of Chairmen of Political Parties, Ethnic Youth Leaders of Nigeria, Buhari Legacy Defenders, African Centre for Justice and Human Rights, Arewa Consultative Youths Movement, and Ohanaeze Youths Movement.
The group marched to the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation and submitted a petition against the DSS boss, Yusuf Bichi. It also submitted a similar letter to the office of the President, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and Inspector General of Police and addressed a press conference where its convener, Tochukwu Ohazuruike, outlined their grouses. They queried why the DSS, headed by an appointee of the president, “brazenly undermined” his authority and “carried out actions that could so destabilize the government and the economy of the country.” It asked how Emefiele could be accused of being a terrorist and yet be allowed to travel with the president, thus having unrestricted access to the President. The last straw was their claim that the goal of what they called the witch-hunt of Emefiele was both political and financial.
“It must be stated clearly that the entire purpose of this dastardly plot was for political and financial benefit. The people in the plot are very strong people and indeed the high and mighty in the government and our country,” it said.
Individuals and groups have also latched on to the alleged politics in the terrorism allegation. One such was the Conference Of Nigeria Political Parties (CNPP) which tasked the federal government to investigate the allegation it labelled a plot to frame Emefiele. CNPP raised a further allegation that the DSS was derailing from its statutory role and becoming a tool in the hands of desperate politicians.
“Those who want to receive and spend money without any traces are those who have been kicking against the cashless policy of the CBN. If you have legitimate money, why are you afraid to wire the money through bank transfers? Why are you afraid of cash withdrawal limits? There is no limit to the amount you can transfer through the bank but because they are having stolen money, they don’t want to make traceable transactions and that is a sin of Emefiele. That’s why they want him out of the way before the election so that someone who can do their bidding is appointed to reverse the cashless policy implementation,” CNPP said.
A group called itself Center for Financial Surveillance and Illicit Transaction Tracking Group (CSITT) also jumped into the fray. In a release issued by its director, John Dimu, CSITT raised a poignant alarm of looming consequences that could follow what it called an “unprovoked attack” on the CBN governor. The attack, it said, was borne out of the disavowal of the new cash withdrawal policy of the apex bank. Egmont Group, a 164-countries forum with the core responsibility of providing financial units with a platform to securely exchange expertise and financial intelligence, to combat money laundering and terrorist financing, said CSITT, could sanction Nigeria for the “witch-hunt” of Emefiele.
A chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, in a statement, also condemned the DSS charge, advising Nigerian security agencies to refrain from being manipulated by politicians as the 2023 polls draw near. “With all the due respect that I have for the DSS, as a very professional security agency, I still found it very difficult to understand what led to the charges, why concrete evidence that will enable the court to take a good decision was not provided and why the Department gave room for suspicion and speculations as the case file has gaping holes as noted by the Judge, John Tsoho,” he said.
Speaking in the same vein last Wednesday, Lord Hannan, the Baron of Kingsclere, a member of the Board of Trade and Conservative peer, queried the DSS charge of terrorism on Emefiele at the House of Lords. He said: “The rule of law, due process and the independence of public officials: these values matter. They bind us together as Commonwealth nations… That is why I have raised the issue of the attempt to detain the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Godwin Emefiele, in Parliament. And that is why I hope that democrats on all sides will join Nigeria in supporting the independence of its institutions in the run-up to the 2023 election – including, of course, the central bank.”
What should agitate Nigerians more is that, thus far, neither the Nigerian government, President Buhari nor the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) has spoken about the bothersome matter. Yet, the Emefiele terrorism charge is held as a strong symbol of the kind of government Buhari has run in the last seven and half years or so.
Notorious for his aloofness, embarrassing taciturnity, and smallish drawl in taking decisions on dire, critical matters of state, these unstatesmanlike qualities have dragged Nigeria backwards under Buhari. The loopholes of this laidback leadership style have been bored even deeper by individuals with an eye on taking advantage of the presidential decision hiatus. The actions of these proxies have led Nigeria and the system to grave consequences. Some have even said that Buhari’s 2015 prefacing of his government as “I belong to everybody and I belong to nobody.” was a clear summary of the drudgery in the office which he eventually manifested
For instance, when Buhari, ensconced in his snailish shell, pre-All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential primary, dilly-dallied on his preferred choice of a successor, a group of people in the presidency, allegedly chaperoned by the famous cabal head, Mamman Daura, using Obaigbena as their front office media mopping-stick, gave an Emefiele presidency a larger-than-life image. In the process, these mopping-stick triumvirates succeeded in squeezing liquid cash said to be in billions of Naira, from Nigeria’s Number One Banker’s Banker and inflicting danger of Hiroshima proportions on the a-political office of the CBN governor.
At the end of the presidential primary, not only did Emefiele hurt some top guns in the presidential race, his integrity as Nigeria’s financial umpire suffered a serious setback. It was said that he would never remain the same. After that fox-like angling for Aso Rock, which Emefiele shrouded with infantile and deceptive denials, the image of the Buhari government got dented in no small measure. A clear-sighted, unambivalent and purposeful government would have shown Emefiele the gate of the CBN afterwards, but not Buhari. The tragedy of it all is however that, if today, he is asked about the whole Emefiele-for-president furore, we may be shocked that Buhari’s response would be that he never knew that Emefiele ever took that shameful step. Buhari doesn’t know anything and the proxies who act for him enjoy that veil on the president’s face. It is the veil under which the cabal re-angles presidential policies to suit their interests, cavalierly call the shots and take atrocious steps that have taken Nigeria to where it is today.
After superintending over the most unprecedented somersault of national currency in Nigeria’s history within the period of the Buhari presidency, the currency re-designation policy of Emefiele has been held to be one of his most redemptive moves ever. Its advantages for the polity are myriads. First is that it will stem the Nigerian currency’s journey to Zimbabwe which it embarked upon under Buhari. Second, it will take the wind off the sail of Nigerian politicians’ vote-buying strategy as they have reportedly warehoused billions of Naira in personal vaults for the 2023 election. Third, it will bring sanity to the worthless binge that the Nigerian Naira is enveloped in.
Methinks the gravest allegation that those who are ranged against Emefiele hold aloft against him is that he is being used by those selfsame proxies of Buhari to emasculate them financially while conferring financial advantage on their opponent. Thus, having allegedly had the EFCC, DSS and strategic agencies under their armpit, it was time for Emefiele’s adversaries, the political vultures of Nigeria, to unleash these agencies on Emefiele, When you add this to the vultures’ disgust at Emefiele’s audacity in contesting the primary election against them, configuring trumped up charges of terrorism against him may just be their last card in this 2023 race to achieve their life ambition.
The audacity of the DSS in levelling terrorism charges against a top officer of the state, the CBN governor, without noticeable recourse to the president, is a manifestation of awareness in top circles that Buhari is a boringly weak leader. Emefiele was also said to have stayed back abroad, rather than come to Nigeria with the president, with whom he had earlier travelled. This has provoked analysts’ claim that this is a confirmation that Emefiele knows that the bloodsucking paws of the vultures gathered against him can reach him faster than the protective shield of the Buhari presidency. To understand the weakness of the president and his inability to bring sanity into this messy scenario, one can just imagine what would have happened to the conjurers of this grisly terrorism charge if they had dared do the same under Olusegun Obasanjo.
One is tempted to pity Emefiele who, like Posner revealed in God’s Bankers, is strapped in a vault of dangerous, vaulting ambitions that clash like cymbals. To continue to occupy his position as Nigeria’s No 1 Banker’s Banker, Emefiele dined with the devils of power who dragged him into the raw sewage of political power. The devil is asking for propitiation now. Its demand is a bowl of human flesh. Will Emefiele offer himself as a sacrifice?
Dr Festus Adedayo, a lawyer, journalist and columnist writes from Ibadan, Oyo State.
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Opinion
Ibarapa East: Yusuf Ramon’s Quest for Responsive Representation
Published
3 weeks agoon
February 14, 2026As the road to 2027 gradually unfolds across Oyo State, political conversations are shifting from routine permutations to deeper questions about competence, generational leadership, and measurable impact. In Ibarapa East, that conversation has found a new voice in Yusuf Abiodun Ramon — a Lanlate-born technocrat whose entry into the race for the State House of Assembly is redefining what representation could mean for the constituency.
In a political environment often dominated by familiar faces and conventional calculations, Ramon presents a profile shaped by technical discipline, structured thinking, and solution-driven engagement. His professional background, anchored in analytical precision and systems management, forms the foundation of his public service aspiration.
For him, representation must move beyond ceremonial presence to practical responsiveness — laws that reflect local realities, oversight that protects public resources, and advocacy that translates into visible development.
Ramon argues that the future of Ibarapa East lies in leadership that listens deliberately, plans strategically, and delivers measurably. He speaks of strengthening rural infrastructure, expanding youth-driven economic opportunities, and institutionalising transparency as core pillars of his agenda. In his view, governance must not merely be symbolic; it must be structured, accountable, and people-centred.
Rooted in Ile Odede, Isale Alubata Compound, Ward Seven of Ibarapa East Local Government, and maternally linked to Ile Sobaloju, Isale Ajidun Compound, Eruwa, Ramon’s story is not one of distant ambition but of lived experience. He is, in every sense, a son of the soil — shaped by the same roads, schools, and economic realities that define daily life in Ibarapa East.
“I was born here. I grew up here. I understand our struggles, our strengths, and our untapped potential,” he says. “Representation must go beyond occupying a seat; it must translate into preparation, competence, and genuine commitment to development.”
His academic journey mirrors that philosophy of steady growth. He began at Islamic Primary School, Lanlate (1995–2001), proceeded to Baptist Grammar School, Orita Eruwa (2001–2007), and later earned a National Diploma in Mechanical Engineering Technology from Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro, between 2009 and 2011. Refusing to plateau, he advanced his intellectual horizon and is now completing a Bachelor of Science in Business Administration at the University of Lagos. “Education,” he reflects, “is continuous capacity building. Leadership today requires both technical knowledge and administrative insight.”
That blend of engineering precision and managerial training has defined a professional career spanning more than a decade. Shortly after his diploma, Yusuf joined Mikano International Limited as a generator installer, gaining hands-on experience in industrial power systems — a sector central to Nigeria’s infrastructural backbone. He later transitioned into telecommunications at Safari Telecoms Nigeria Limited, where he received specialized training in Industrial, Scientific, and Medical radio bands, strengthening his expertise in network operations.
In 2013, he became a Field Support Engineer at Netrux Global Concepts Ltd., then a leading ISM service provider in Nigeria. Over four formative years, he immersed himself in telecom infrastructure deployment and maintenance, mastering field coordination, logistics management, and real-time technical problem-solving.
Since July 2017, he has served as a Field Support Engineer with Specific Tools and Techniques Ltd., a power solutions firm providing services to major operators including MTN Nigeria and Airtel Nigeria. In that capacity, he operates at the frontline of ensuring energy reliability and network uptime — responsibilities that demand discipline, accountability, and systems thinking.
For political observers in Ibarapa East, this trajectory matters. It reflects more than résumé credentials; it speaks to a mindset anchored in efficiency, coordination, and measurable outcomes — qualities increasingly demanded in legislative representation.
Beyond the private sector, Ramon’s political exposure is neither sudden nor superficial. A loyal member of the progressive political family in Lagos, he once served as a personal assistant to a former lawmaker, gaining practical insight into legislative procedure and constituency engagement. Within his community, he has quietly extended financial support to small-scale entrepreneurs and students — modest but consistent interventions rooted in personal responsibility.
“My interest is my people,” he states firmly. “Ibarapa East deserves strategic, responsive, and capable leadership at the State Assembly. We must move from rhetoric to results.”
Across the constituency — from Lanlate to Eruwa — development priorities remain clear: youth employment, vocational empowerment, rural road rehabilitation, stable power supply, agricultural value-chain expansion, improved educational standards, and stronger lawmaking that directly reflects community needs.
Political analysts argue that Ramon’s technocratic background positions him uniquely at the intersection of policy formulation and practical implementation. At a time when national discourse increasingly favours competence over grandstanding, his profile resonates with a broader generational shift toward performance-driven governance. His engineering discipline reinforces problem-solving; his business training strengthens administrative understanding; his grassroots roots anchor his empathy.
For Ibarapa East, the 2027 election cycle may represent more than a routine democratic exercise. It may mark a recalibration of expectations — a demand for representation that understands both the soil beneath its feet and the systems that drive modern development. As political alignments gradually crystallize in Oyo State, Yusuf Abiodun Ramon’s declaration signals the arrival of a candidate seeking to translate private-sector structure into public-sector impact.
One thing is clear: the conversation about the future of Ibarapa East has begun — and it is now framed around competence, credibility, and capacity.
Oluwasegun Idowu sent in this piece from Eruwa, Ibarapa East LG, Oyo State
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Flying on Trust: How Ibom Air’s Reliability Became Its Winning Strategy
Published
1 month agoon
February 5, 2026“In a sky where delays are normal, one airline flies with precision and trust. Ibom Air shows that reliability can be a strategy”.
In Nigeria’s skies, where flight delays and cancellations are often taken as routine, Ibom Air has quietly rewritten the rules. From the moment it launched in June 2019, the Akwa Ibom State–owned carrier has treated reliability not as a bonus, but as a core strategy—turning punctuality, discipline, and operational excellence into a competitive edge that passengers can count on.
While most airlines chase rapid expansion or flashy promotions, Ibom Air has chosen consistency. Flights depart on schedule, disruptions are minimal, and communication with passengers is clear and timely. This predictability has quickly earned the airline a loyal following among business travellers, professionals, government officials, and families for whom time is invaluable.
The airline’s approach is methodical. Every flight is treated as a commitment, and operational decisions are guided by structured planning, not improvisation. This discipline underpins everything from scheduling to fleet management, ensuring passengers experience flying without surprises.
Central to this model is Ibom Air’s modern fleet. Its Airbus A220-300 and Bombardier CRJ-900 aircraft are fuel-efficient, comfortable, and rigorously maintained to meet both manufacturers’ specifications and the regulatory standards of the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority and international aviation bodies. Safety here is a culture, not a compliance exercise.
Cabin cleanliness and aircraft health are equally prioritized. Passengers consistently step into neat, hygienic, and professionally maintained cabins, reinforcing confidence and comfort even before take-off. In a sector where small details signal operational quality, Ibom Air’s standards speak volumes.
Technology quietly drives reliability across operations. From booking and check-in to flight coordination and customer service, modern systems enhance efficiency, reduce disruptions, and ensure smooth communication. These tools allow the airline to anticipate challenges rather than merely react.
R–L: Dr. Solomon Oroge, a consultant, and Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, aboard an Ibom Air flight.
Service delivery follows the same disciplined pattern. Pilots, cabin crew, engineers, and ground staff operate under strict professional standards. Courtesy is paired with efficiency, and calm, structured service ensures passengers feel confident throughout their journey.
The Ibom Flyer loyalty programme reflects this structured approach, rewarding consistent passengers and fostering long-term engagement. It turns reliability into a tangible benefit for frequent flyers.
From its hub at Victor Attah International Airport, Uyo, Ibom Air serves major Nigerian cities including Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, Calabar, and Enugu, while extending its reach to West Africa with flights to Accra, Ghana. Expansion is deliberate, prioritizing sustainability over rapid growth that could compromise service quality.
Measured growth allows the airline to maintain operational excellence and service consistency even as demand increases—a strategy that contrasts sharply with competitors whose rapid expansion often strains resources.
Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, pictured inside an Ibom Air aircraft.
Beyond commercial success, Ibom Air has become a national example. It has created employment, stimulated tourism, and strengthened regional connectivity, projecting a positive image of Nigerian aviation at a time when confidence in the sector is often fragile.
The airline has also challenged assumptions about government-owned enterprises. By combining professional management with operational autonomy, it demonstrates that public investment can achieve efficiency, accountability, and competitiveness.
Reliability, in the case of Ibom Air, is than a promise—it is a deliberate business philosophy. It shapes operations, informs decisions, and builds passenger trust consistently.
Technology, discipline, and attention to detail converge to produce an airline that works. Every element, from fleet maintenance to cabin service, supports the promise that Ibom Air delivers what it advertises—without surprises.
In a market where uncertainty has been the norm, Ibom Air has shown that consistency can be a strategic advantage. Passengers no longer fly with anxiety; they fly with confidence, knowing their schedules will hold and service will meet expectations.
Ultimately, Ibom Air is not just an airline—it is a model of operational excellence in Nigerian aviation. By prioritizing reliability over spectacle, discipline over improvisation, and planning over shortcuts, it sets a benchmark for the industry and a standard for passengers: in the skies, predictability is priceless
Idowu Ayodele – Journalist, Ibadan, Oyo State
0805 889 3736 | megaiconpress@gmail.com
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Opinion
Help or Hegemony? Trump’s Threat and Nigeria’s Terror War | By Olusegun Hassan
Published
4 months agoon
November 11, 2025In Homer’s epic poem The Odyssey, the concept of the “Greek gift” was invented. The Trojan Horse became the undoing of Troy, ending a decade-long war in which many Greeks had perished, including the mighty Achilles. The Trojans accepted the Greeks’ gift, and the rest, as they say, is history.
In the past few days, both social and conventional media have been agog with reactions to President Donald J. Trump’s threat to the Nigerian government regarding terrorism. In his words, Nigeria must “address the genocide against Christians in the North and Middle Belt, or else the U.S. will cut aid to the country and, in addition, come into the country guns blazing in an attempt to flush out the terrorists.”
Sincerely speaking, the tweet made by the U.S. President sounded a bit comical to me, as did many other commentaries that followed. Comical not in a ridiculous sense, but in a comedic sense.
This piece is not written to support or oppose any particular view, but to lay down facts in the most succinct and objective manner, thereby allowing for the independence of a balanced position.
In 2009, a terror group named Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li al-Da’wa wa al-Jihad (popularly referred to as Boko Haram) emerged with the aim of establishing Islamic rule across Nigeria. According to the group, Sharia was the only path to true progress, and any faith other than Islam was haram (forbidden).
Soon after, this group began launching vicious attacks against Christians and Christian places of worship. From singularly attacking Christians, their targets shifted to government institutions and facilities, and on 28 November 2014, one of the greatest attacks against fellow Muslims occurred with the bombing and mass shooting of Juma’at worshippers at the Kano Central Mosque. Over 120 worshippers were killed and another 260 critically injured.
The point here is to underscore the fact that Boko Haram—and indeed all other extremist groups in Nigeria—are not targeting Christians alone, as earlier claimed, but are pursuing a more sinister agenda of land grabbing with the colouration of economic, psychological and socio-political domination of conquered territories, with intentions of spreading across the country.
From the Northeast, the activities of wanton killing and destruction perpetrated by terrorists spread to the North Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue States. What originally began as farmer–herder clashes metamorphosed into full-blown village and community sackings, where Fulani invaders razed entire communities, leaving hundreds dead or wounded while survivors were displaced and left with harrowing experiences in IDP camps.
This wave of destruction continued, with one of the bloodiest in recent times occurring in Yelwata, Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, on the night of 13–14 June 2025. According to Amnesty/CE/UN/NGO, over 200 people were gruesomely massacred, several houses burnt to ashes, and about 3,000 people displaced and rendered homeless. In 2025 alone, Amnesty reported more than 10,000 additional people displaced in Benue across several local governments, ranging from Gwer West to Agatu, Ukum/Gbagir, Logo, Kwande and Guma.
From the North Central, terrorism—or better still, banditry—also found its way to the North West. The activities of bandits, kidnappers and other criminal elements were consistently reported in Zamfara, Kaduna, Kebbi, Sokoto, Kano, and even Katsina, which was once regarded as the true home of hospitality, as its state slogan depicts, and as I can also attest considering how much I enjoyed the peace and serenity of the state during my days therein as a Youth Corps member. Reuters.ng reports that as of 2025, approximately 2,456 people had been killed in the North West region across multiple states. In addition to this, about 7,260 people, including schoolchildren and commuters on highways, had been abducted, with several millions of naira collected by kidnappers as ransom payments. Some parts of the South West, South East and South South have not been spared the atrocities of terrorists and bandits.
Therefore, it is safe to say that the entire country has, at one time or the other, experienced the activities of bandits, terrorists and kidnappers. The intensity of attack, however, differs from region to region.
Late General Sani Abacha once said that “if any insurgency lasts for more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” This saying more or less amplifies the complexity of the terrorism–banditry–kidnapping problem in Nigeria. Nigeria is a country abundantly blessed with all manners of rich mineral resources. Apart from the vast arable land required for productive agriculture, there is virtually no region of the country that does not possess one valuable solid mineral or another.
From iron ore in Zamfara, Kogi and Enugu; gold in Kaduna, Kebbi and Osun; lithium in Nasarawa, Kwara, Oyo and the FCT; bitumen in Ondo, Edo and Ogun; plus other industrial minerals like gypsum, kaolin and limestone, with deposits of over one billion tonnes across many states—Nigeria is sitting on an incredibly underutilised treasure worth billions of dollars. The government’s inability to adequately manage these vast potentials provides fertile grounds for opportunistic scrambling, illegal mining, chaos and its attendant conflicts.
One can therefore boldly say that the chaos and violence camouflaged as terrorism and banditry is indeed a calculated campaign driven not just by Islamic extremism but by land grabbing and occupation for the purpose of blood mineral extraction and illicit mining.
Thus, a sophisticatedly armed radical Islamic Fulani ethnic militia, often operating under political protection, carries out multiple killings, displacements and kidnappings across the Northeast, North Central and North West, after which reports reveal that foreign miners appear following the death and displacement of indigenes to exploit the lands.
Amnesty International has also reported that Nigeria loses over $9 billion annually to illicit mining of gold, tin and lithium, with a significant portion—estimated at 10%—funding violence and corruption. The report further revealed that the involvement of some government elements in this corruption is not in doubt, as eyewitness reports of survivors and satellite surveillance footage revealed the connivance of certain government personnel. Some survivors have also repeatedly claimed that they witnessed helicopters in the middle of the night dropping weapons and ammunition for the bandits—a disclosure corroborated by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi in an interview on African Stream earlier this year.
So, it is right to say that the violence and carnage are just a smokescreen and a catalyst to a far-reaching economic, psychological and socio-political agenda of certain influential elements in the country. This is part of the reason why the billions of naira spent on security to equip the military to better fight insurgency have not yielded much result to date.
In addressing the threat of President Donald Trump, I would like to start by recounting a little history about the 47th President of the United States and his previous antecedents. In January 2018, at a news conference in the White House, President Trump referred to Haiti and some African countries—including Nigeria—as “shithole countries” that should not be accorded immigrant status in the U.S.
Furthermore, his government’s stern immigration policies and visa restrictions clearly reflect a hostile stance towards Africa and some other Global South countries. In light of this, it is hard to understand where the sudden genuine concern for Nigerian Christians is coming from—more so when a U.S. congressman earlier this year revealed that USAID played a significant role in the funding of Boko Haram and other terrorist groups. This concern was never mentioned when Late President Muhammadu Buhari visited the White House a few months after the “shithole” saga and was praised by the same Trump for his valiant efforts in fighting Boko Haram and ISWAP, despite staggering reports of attacks and killings in the Northeast and North Central during that period.
Under the erudite scholarship of Professor Kunle Ajayi, I learnt several years ago, in one of our Politics of Global Economic Relations lectures, that in world politics and global socio-economic relations, the overriding determinant of states’ decisions and actions is strategic interest. Altruism is hardly ever a factor.
Present realities of Nigeria’s economic relations are fast approaching self-sufficiency—particularly in the oil sector, where Nigeria was once a major importer of finished petroleum products from the U.S. The Dangote refinery, having begun domestic refining and production of petroleum products, is fast taking over a market once dominated by imports from the U.S. This shift, no doubt, is taking jobs away from American oil workers—no cheering news for the country’s oil conglomerates. Secondly, China has since replaced the United States as Nigeria’s foremost trading partner.
According to Nairametrics (2025), the value of trade between Nigeria and China between 2023–2025 totals approximately $50 billion compared to an estimated $30 billion with the U.S. This paradigm shift would certainly not be palatable to the U.S. or her president, who happens to be a dogged businessman that hates the word “no”. From this perspective, it is not difficult to see where President Trump is coming from.
Be that as it may, I think Nigeria needs to employ shrewd diplomacy in dealing with the U.S. under a president like Donald Trump. Regardless of international law and conventions, the U.S. has repeatedly proven itself willing to take unilateral military action against countries, defying the rule of law and popular global opinion. So those hinging on Nigeria’s sovereignty as a deterrent to the U.S. are not good students of history.
What is, however, more important in all of this is that global attention is once again drawn to the horrible atrocities of these criminal elements in Nigeria. The country cannot continue to behave as though it is normal headline news when people are slaughtered daily, and families and homes are torn apart.
I believe this is an opportunity for the government to rejig the entire security architecture of the country, with the needed political will, to once and for all end these killings. Strategic partnership with the United States in this regard is not a bad idea. With its extensive experience in counter-terrorism operations and access to sophisticated military technology and intelligence, the U.S. can assist in identifying and eradicating the major financiers and enablers of terrorism and banditry. It is not rocket science that when the financing of terrorists ends, terrorism ceases to exist.
However, this should be done only on the basis of shared interest, mutual respect, trust, and understanding reflective of a healthy and balanced foreign policy relationship. By prioritising constructive diplomacy, dialogue and partnership, Nigeria can work with the United States in a strategic alliance to restore peace, security and confidence across the nation. That is the way to go.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
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