Opinion
Emefiele’s terrorism mess
If you read God’s Bankers: A History of Money and Power at the Vatican, you would have a whiff of understanding of the battle that assails and the nature of the assailants of Godwin Emefiele, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor. God’s Bankers, written by Gerald Posner, is an expose on the Papacy and the Holy See, known to be the world’s biggest and the most impregnable religious institution ever. Posner, reputed to be a “master chronicler of legal and financial misconduct,” conducted a deep-seated investigation which lasted nine years, into how financial octopuses of the Vatican, known as God’s Bankers, waddled through the ocean of wealth, intrigues, corruption and plotted the graph of political intrigues that these bankers face in the Catholic Church.
With a fine toothcomb which he pierces into the darkest secrets of the Vatican, Posner was able to meticulously locate and prise open cracks in the Holy See, revealing legendary and long-lost secrecies that have acted as the underbelly of the Vatican. Like David Yallop’s In God’s Name, Posner was able to expose how the church accumulated wealth and the byzantine, cobweb-like weaves of its financial malfeasances scattered all over the world. From the narratives of cardinals, prelates, bishops and Popes who were in charge of the Vatican in the previous 200 years, Posner uncovered the lead of eyebrow-lifting narratives of how power and money were shuffled, as they do in card games, inside one of the world’s most dreaded but influential religious empires. In God’s Bankers, you are confronted with a cache of revelations of how business moguls were poisoned; how prosecutors disappeared and some were found with holes in their heads; how obvious murders were swapped as suicides and the tension of power in the inner court of power at the Vatican. These all got a trace from the author who plotted the graph of how the Vatican mutated from its initial conception as a bastion of faith to a convoluted empire of immense wealth, power and systemic corruption.
In Nigeria where the grotesque, and the absurd are everyday commonplaces, Nigerians should rank as possessing one of the most vibrant shock-absorbing mechanisms in the world. Yet, last week, Nigerians were shocked beyond comprehension. News suddenly hit the airwave that Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor, Godwin Emefiele, was embroiled in terrorism financing allegations. The first thought that coursed through Nigerians’ minds was that the allegation was a broth straight from the pot of yellow journalism concoction. On a more careful perusal, the news shed its veil of social media gossip. So it unfolded, the Department of State Services (DSS) had secretly filed a suit to have Emefiele arrested over terrorism charges. The ex-parte suit, filed at the Federal High Court Abuja, before John Tsoho, was however dismissed by the court, in what it called a subterranean ploy and an illegal operation; indeed, a “plot to deceive the court into granting a frivolous order to help them arrest and deprive an innocent man of his liberty.”
Innocent man?
In the suit No FHC/ABJ/CS/2255/2022 and its affidavit depositions, DSS had averred that its preliminary investigation revealed various acts of terrorism financing, fraudulent activities perpetrated by Emefiele and his involvement in economic crimes of national security dimension. Prefacing its prayers on Section 66 of the Terrorism Prevention and Prohibition Act 2022, the plaintiff asked the court to grant an order for the arrest and detention of the CBN governor for 60 days. By the wording of that Act, if that ex-parte application was granted and Emefiele clamped into 60 days detention, the order could be renewed for another 60 days or until an investigation into the alleged misdemeanour is concluded. Such a person would be held incommunicado during the pendency of the investigation. The judge however ruled that DSS provided no concrete evidence to back up its very grievous allegations.
Peeled of its legalese, Nigerians are scared stiff of the implications of these allegations. Yes, Emefiele has behaved like a rogue CBN governor, the most roguish in the history of that office ever, while he got enmeshed, early this year, in a scandalous but subterranean angling for the Nigerian presidency. In the process of that obtuse ambition, billions of what would appear to be Nigerian money were incinerated in this amorphous bid which, according to feelers from political sidewalks, also got him allegedly milked by the don of media-cum-political wheeling-dealing, Nduka Obaigbena. This notwithstanding, news of Emefiele’s alleged involvement in terrorism financing is not a barroom gossip that should be flung off with a beer fly whisk.
Having sufficiently mastered the geography of propaganda and image-burnishing techniques that are the turf of Nigerian politics, Emefiele immediately began to play the politics of re-contextualizing the grievous allegations with which he was tar-brushed. One after the other, lackeys and political beneficiaries appeared in the media trying to voice their dissent to the Emefiele terrorism allegation. All of these dissenting voices to the DSS allegation, if the Nigerian propaganda mechanism is to be factored in, must have been actioned by Emefiele himself or induced by politicians who stand to make political currency from where they stand.
First to march out in protest was a group calling itself Coalition of Civil Society Organisations, (CSOs) a body said to comprise Lawyers in Defence of Economic Rights and Justice, a Forum of Chairmen of Political Parties, Ethnic Youth Leaders of Nigeria, Buhari Legacy Defenders, African Centre for Justice and Human Rights, Arewa Consultative Youths Movement, and Ohanaeze Youths Movement.
The group marched to the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation and submitted a petition against the DSS boss, Yusuf Bichi. It also submitted a similar letter to the office of the President, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and Inspector General of Police and addressed a press conference where its convener, Tochukwu Ohazuruike, outlined their grouses. They queried why the DSS, headed by an appointee of the president, “brazenly undermined” his authority and “carried out actions that could so destabilize the government and the economy of the country.” It asked how Emefiele could be accused of being a terrorist and yet be allowed to travel with the president, thus having unrestricted access to the President. The last straw was their claim that the goal of what they called the witch-hunt of Emefiele was both political and financial.
“It must be stated clearly that the entire purpose of this dastardly plot was for political and financial benefit. The people in the plot are very strong people and indeed the high and mighty in the government and our country,” it said.
Individuals and groups have also latched on to the alleged politics in the terrorism allegation. One such was the Conference Of Nigeria Political Parties (CNPP) which tasked the federal government to investigate the allegation it labelled a plot to frame Emefiele. CNPP raised a further allegation that the DSS was derailing from its statutory role and becoming a tool in the hands of desperate politicians.
“Those who want to receive and spend money without any traces are those who have been kicking against the cashless policy of the CBN. If you have legitimate money, why are you afraid to wire the money through bank transfers? Why are you afraid of cash withdrawal limits? There is no limit to the amount you can transfer through the bank but because they are having stolen money, they don’t want to make traceable transactions and that is a sin of Emefiele. That’s why they want him out of the way before the election so that someone who can do their bidding is appointed to reverse the cashless policy implementation,” CNPP said.
A group called itself Center for Financial Surveillance and Illicit Transaction Tracking Group (CSITT) also jumped into the fray. In a release issued by its director, John Dimu, CSITT raised a poignant alarm of looming consequences that could follow what it called an “unprovoked attack” on the CBN governor. The attack, it said, was borne out of the disavowal of the new cash withdrawal policy of the apex bank. Egmont Group, a 164-countries forum with the core responsibility of providing financial units with a platform to securely exchange expertise and financial intelligence, to combat money laundering and terrorist financing, said CSITT, could sanction Nigeria for the “witch-hunt” of Emefiele.
A chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, in a statement, also condemned the DSS charge, advising Nigerian security agencies to refrain from being manipulated by politicians as the 2023 polls draw near. “With all the due respect that I have for the DSS, as a very professional security agency, I still found it very difficult to understand what led to the charges, why concrete evidence that will enable the court to take a good decision was not provided and why the Department gave room for suspicion and speculations as the case file has gaping holes as noted by the Judge, John Tsoho,” he said.
Speaking in the same vein last Wednesday, Lord Hannan, the Baron of Kingsclere, a member of the Board of Trade and Conservative peer, queried the DSS charge of terrorism on Emefiele at the House of Lords. He said: “The rule of law, due process and the independence of public officials: these values matter. They bind us together as Commonwealth nations… That is why I have raised the issue of the attempt to detain the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Godwin Emefiele, in Parliament. And that is why I hope that democrats on all sides will join Nigeria in supporting the independence of its institutions in the run-up to the 2023 election – including, of course, the central bank.”
What should agitate Nigerians more is that, thus far, neither the Nigerian government, President Buhari nor the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) has spoken about the bothersome matter. Yet, the Emefiele terrorism charge is held as a strong symbol of the kind of government Buhari has run in the last seven and half years or so.
Notorious for his aloofness, embarrassing taciturnity, and smallish drawl in taking decisions on dire, critical matters of state, these unstatesmanlike qualities have dragged Nigeria backwards under Buhari. The loopholes of this laidback leadership style have been bored even deeper by individuals with an eye on taking advantage of the presidential decision hiatus. The actions of these proxies have led Nigeria and the system to grave consequences. Some have even said that Buhari’s 2015 prefacing of his government as “I belong to everybody and I belong to nobody.” was a clear summary of the drudgery in the office which he eventually manifested
For instance, when Buhari, ensconced in his snailish shell, pre-All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential primary, dilly-dallied on his preferred choice of a successor, a group of people in the presidency, allegedly chaperoned by the famous cabal head, Mamman Daura, using Obaigbena as their front office media mopping-stick, gave an Emefiele presidency a larger-than-life image. In the process, these mopping-stick triumvirates succeeded in squeezing liquid cash said to be in billions of Naira, from Nigeria’s Number One Banker’s Banker and inflicting danger of Hiroshima proportions on the a-political office of the CBN governor.
At the end of the presidential primary, not only did Emefiele hurt some top guns in the presidential race, his integrity as Nigeria’s financial umpire suffered a serious setback. It was said that he would never remain the same. After that fox-like angling for Aso Rock, which Emefiele shrouded with infantile and deceptive denials, the image of the Buhari government got dented in no small measure. A clear-sighted, unambivalent and purposeful government would have shown Emefiele the gate of the CBN afterwards, but not Buhari. The tragedy of it all is however that, if today, he is asked about the whole Emefiele-for-president furore, we may be shocked that Buhari’s response would be that he never knew that Emefiele ever took that shameful step. Buhari doesn’t know anything and the proxies who act for him enjoy that veil on the president’s face. It is the veil under which the cabal re-angles presidential policies to suit their interests, cavalierly call the shots and take atrocious steps that have taken Nigeria to where it is today.
After superintending over the most unprecedented somersault of national currency in Nigeria’s history within the period of the Buhari presidency, the currency re-designation policy of Emefiele has been held to be one of his most redemptive moves ever. Its advantages for the polity are myriads. First is that it will stem the Nigerian currency’s journey to Zimbabwe which it embarked upon under Buhari. Second, it will take the wind off the sail of Nigerian politicians’ vote-buying strategy as they have reportedly warehoused billions of Naira in personal vaults for the 2023 election. Third, it will bring sanity to the worthless binge that the Nigerian Naira is enveloped in.
Methinks the gravest allegation that those who are ranged against Emefiele hold aloft against him is that he is being used by those selfsame proxies of Buhari to emasculate them financially while conferring financial advantage on their opponent. Thus, having allegedly had the EFCC, DSS and strategic agencies under their armpit, it was time for Emefiele’s adversaries, the political vultures of Nigeria, to unleash these agencies on Emefiele, When you add this to the vultures’ disgust at Emefiele’s audacity in contesting the primary election against them, configuring trumped up charges of terrorism against him may just be their last card in this 2023 race to achieve their life ambition.
The audacity of the DSS in levelling terrorism charges against a top officer of the state, the CBN governor, without noticeable recourse to the president, is a manifestation of awareness in top circles that Buhari is a boringly weak leader. Emefiele was also said to have stayed back abroad, rather than come to Nigeria with the president, with whom he had earlier travelled. This has provoked analysts’ claim that this is a confirmation that Emefiele knows that the bloodsucking paws of the vultures gathered against him can reach him faster than the protective shield of the Buhari presidency. To understand the weakness of the president and his inability to bring sanity into this messy scenario, one can just imagine what would have happened to the conjurers of this grisly terrorism charge if they had dared do the same under Olusegun Obasanjo.
One is tempted to pity Emefiele who, like Posner revealed in God’s Bankers, is strapped in a vault of dangerous, vaulting ambitions that clash like cymbals. To continue to occupy his position as Nigeria’s No 1 Banker’s Banker, Emefiele dined with the devils of power who dragged him into the raw sewage of political power. The devil is asking for propitiation now. Its demand is a bowl of human flesh. Will Emefiele offer himself as a sacrifice?
Dr Festus Adedayo, a lawyer, journalist and columnist writes from Ibadan, Oyo State.
In a world that is increasingly dependent on sound financial expertise and innovative management practices, illuminating figures are crucial for the academic and professional growth of a nation. One such figure is Dr. Akinde Mukail Aremu, the esteemed Rector of the Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro in Ogun State. With an impressive academic background and a commitment to excellence in education, Dr. Akinde is not just shaping the minds of future financial leaders; he is also positioning the institution at the forefront of Nigeria’s educational landscape.
A Legacy of Academic Excellence
Dr. Akinde’s academic journey is nothing short of remarkable. With multiple degrees—a Bachelor’s and Master’s in Economics, a Master’s in Finance, and a PhD in Finance—his expertise spans across vital fields like Financial Management, Business Finance, and Financial Accounting. His position as the Chief Lecturer in the School of Management Studies at the Federal Polytechnic is a testament to his commitment and passion for education. Dr. Akinde’s rich academic fabric is woven with numerous publications in reputable journals, exploring key issues from stock market performance to the complexities of financial reporting standards in Nigeria.
His research interests primarily lie in finance and financial analyses, where he tirelessly seeks to address pertinent economic questions, providing insights that resonate deeply within the Nigerian financial landscape. His studies not only contribute to academic discourse but also guide policy-making in the financial realm, fostering a better understanding of economic development in Nigeria.
Championing Innovative Pedagogy
As a dedicated educator, Dr. Akinde has consistently advocated for modern pedagogical methods that inspire creativity and critical thinking among students. His teaching areas encompass crucial subjects that equip students with the financial acumen needed in today’s dynamic economic environment. By incorporating practical examples and real-life scenarios into his curriculum, he ensures that students are not just passive recipients of knowledge but active participants in their learning journey. His hands-on approach is fostering a generation of finance professionals ready to tackle the challenges of the industry head-on.
Elevating the Institution to New Heights
Under Dr. Akinde’s leadership, the Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro, is experiencing a renaissance. His vision for the institution is clear: to provide quality education that meets the benchmark of global standards. His strategic initiatives have led to the establishment of innovative programs that align with market needs, ensuring that graduates are not only employable but also ready to lead. His emphasis on human capital investment and sustainable economic strategies positions the institution as a beacon of hope for Nigeria’s future.
Furthermore, Dr. Akinde’s efforts extend beyond the classroom. His participation in international conferences and collaboration with academic institutions worldwide has spotlighted the Federal Polytechnic on a global stage. By fostering partnerships and exchanging knowledge with global thought leaders, he is silencing the cynics and proving that Nigerian institutions can compete on an international level.
A Voice for Change and Development
Beyond academia, Dr. Akinde is a vocal advocate for fiscal responsibility and policy reform in Nigeria. His extensive research publications reflect a commitment to dissecting the intricacies of Nigeria’s financial landscape, addressing critical issues ranging from foreign direct investment to the implications of tourism development on economic growth. His work sheds light on the pivotal role that education and informed fiscal practices play in Nigeria’s quest for economic revival.
Dr. Akinde understands that his role transcends academia; he is a mentor, an innovator, and a change-maker. His unwavering dedication to equipping the next generation of leaders with the skills and knowledge they need to thrive in an increasingly complex world is evident in every initiative he undertakes.
In conclusion, Dr. Akinde Mukail Aremu’s leadership at the Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro is redefining the educational landscape of Nigeria. His commitment to academic excellence, innovative pedagogy, and social responsibility serves as an inspiration for students and educators alike. As he continues to shape the future of financial education in Nigeria, there is little doubt that Dr. Akinde is not just preparing students for jobs—he is preparing them to become the architects of the nation’s economic future. In a rapidly evolving global economy, his vision and leadership will undoubtedly leave an indelible mark on the educational sector and beyond.
Former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, is a restless and courageous politician. However, he ought to have learned political patience from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who spent years building a viable political alternative to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) when its stalwarts boasted that they would rule Nigeria for 64 years.
Cleverly, Tinubu abandoned the Alliance for Democracy (AD) to establish another political platform, the Action Congress (AC), which later metamorphosed into the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN).
In collaboration with other political groups—including the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and some elements of the PDP—the All Progressives Congress (APC) was born, with El-Rufai as one of its foundation members. Ultimately, the APC wrestled power from the PDP, truncating its 64-year dominance plan.
For El-Rufai to abandon the APC now is nothing short of political suicide, as Tinubu is strategically positioned to secure a second term with an array of both seen and unseen political foot soldiers.
The Social Democratic Party (SDP), as a political entity, effectively died with the late Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola. Any attempt to resurrect it is an exercise in futility.
For the sake of argument, let’s consider a hypothetical scenario: Suppose another southern politician is fielded in 2027 and wins the election. Even if he signs an agreement to serve only one term, political realities could shift, and he may seek another four years.
If anyone doubts this, they should ask former Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan. The simple implication of this is that President Tinubu remains the best candidate for northern politicians seeking a power shift back to the North in 2031—at which point El-Rufai could have been one of the credible northern contenders for the presidency.
When Ebenezer Babatope (Ebino Topsy), a staunch Awoist, chose to serve in General Sani Abacha’s regime, he later reflected on his decision, saying: “I have eaten the forbidden fruit, and it will haunt me till the end of my life.”
By abandoning the APC for another political party, El-Rufai has also eaten the forbidden fruit. Only time will tell if it will haunt him or not.
However, for some of the political leaders already contacted from the South West, supporting any party against President Tinubu would be akin to Judas Iscariot’s betrayal—a reputation no serious South West politician would want to bear.
El-Rufai’s departure from the APC to SDP is nothing short of a suicidal political move, reminiscent of Harakiri.
Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, a former Oyo State Commissioner for Education, Science, and Technology and the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), sent this piece from Abuja, the nation’s capital.
For most of last week, Senate President Godswill Akpabio was in the eye of the storm as his traducer, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, who represents Kogi Central, was relentless in getting her voice hear loud and clear.
Though the matter eventually culminated in the suspension of the Kogi senator for six months on Thursday, it is clear that the drama has not ended yet. The whole saga, as we have seen in the last few weeks, smacks many wrongs and few rights. The Senate scored some rights and some wrongs, the same for the Kogi senator. But in apportioning the rights and the wrongs, we have to distinguish between emotions and the rules.
Recall that in July of 2024, Senator Akpabio had compared the conduct of Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan to that of someone in a nightclub. That statement incensed the Kogi Central senator, the womenfolk, and a number of other senators. Days later, Akpabio, having sensed the mood of the Senate, spoke from his chair and said: “I will not intentionally denigrate any woman and always pray the God will uplift women, Distinguished Senator Natasha, I want to apologise to you.” That was expected of him and by that statement, Akpabio brought some calm into the relationship between him and the Kogi senator, but as we are to discover in the last two weeks, still waters do run fast under the surface.
The latest scene of the drama started with what looked like an innocuous development on the Senate floor. The Senate president, in exercise of the power conferred on him by the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and the Senate Rule book, made adjustments to the seats in the minority wing of the chamber and relocated Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan. The excuse was that following the defection of some senators from the minority side, seat adjustments had to be effected. That was within Akpabio’s power. Remember that the Senate Rule book does not only empower the Senate president to allocate seats, but he can also change the seats occasionally. So, Akpabio was right with that action. But perhaps Akpoti-Uduaghan, based on family relationships with the Akpabios, expected that she would have been alerted of the impending seat change. And on getting to the floor of the Senate to discover the seat switch, she got alarmed. Was she right to flare up? No, that is the answer. Apart from the powers of the Senate president to change seats allocated to senators, the rule book also says that every senator must speak from the seat allocated. The implication is that anything a senator says outside the allocated seat will not go into the Senate records. The Senate, or any parliament for that matter, is a regulated environment. The Hansards take records of every word and action made on the floor of the chamber. And so, it is incumbent on every senator to follow the rules.
So, on Thursday, February 20, when Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan raised hell over her seat relocation and engaged Senator Akpabio in a shouting match, she was on the wrong side of the Senate Rule book. No Senator is expected to be unruly. In fact, unruly conduct can be summarily punished by the presiding officer. It is important to note that the rules of the Senate treat the occupier of the chair of Senate President like a golden egg. The President of the Senate is the number three citizen in the country, even though he was elected to represent a constituency like his colleagues. He is first among equals, but the numero uno position comes with a lot of difference.
A legislative expert once told me that the Chair of the President of the Senate must be revered at all times and that infractions to the rules are heavily punished unless the offender shows penitence. The rule says the President of the Senate must be heard in silence; Senators must avoid naming (being called out for unruly conduct); and that any situation that compels the President of the Senate to rise up to hit the gavel in trying to restore order could earn the culprit (any named senator) summary dismissal. Those are the powers of the President of the Senate, which Madam Natasha was trying for size. I think it is important that Senators are taken through inductions on the rules and regulations, whether they got in mid-term or at the beginning of the session.
Rules are very key to operations in a big club like the Senate or the House of Representatives. But as we will later discover on this page, the number of years spent on the floor does not necessarily guarantee a clear understanding of the rules.
Well, as we saw it, Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan raised hell by protesting the decision of the Senate to relocate her seat. She was out of order, and her colleagues noted the same. With another presiding officer, she could have been suspended right there. But Akpabio didn’t do that. Then, the Kogi Central senator opened another flank, this time, outside of the Senate chamber. She granted an interview to Arise television, claiming that she had been sexually harassed by Akpabio. Here, too, Senator Natasha was on the wrong side of the Senate rules. Yes, she has a right of freedom of speech, but if the right must be meaningfully exercised, she must do so in compliance with the rules of the club she belongs-the Senate. This is expressly so because she is covered by Order 10 of the Senate Rule Book, which permits her to raise issues of privilege without previously notifying the President of the Senate or the presiding officer. The elders and the holy books also say that when you remove the log from the eyes, you show it to the eyes. As a club, the senate detests the washing of its dirty linen in the public. Such conduct led to the suspension of the late Senators Arthur Nzeribe and Joseph Waku, as well as Senator Ovie Omo-Agege, Senator Ali Ndume and even Senator Abdul Ningi in recent past.
Rather than go to the court of public opinion to accuse Akpabio of sexual harassment, Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan should have quietly assumed the seat allocated to her, raise her complaints through Order 10 and at the same time tender details of her sexual harassment allegation against Akpabio and seek Senate’s intervention. If she had done that, she would have been on the right side of Senate Rules and had Akpabio by the balls. As much as the Senate rules forbid a senator from submitting a petition he or she personally signed, the Senate does not forbid any lawmaker from raising allegations that affect either their rights or privileges on the floor. Several newspaper editors have been summoned before the Ethics Committee to answer questions of alleged breach of the privilege of senators. I recall that as correspondents in the chamber, senators were always unhappy each time we scooped a story or blow open a report they were about to submit. Such senators didn’t need to write a petition. They would only come to the floor and raise points of order on privilege. Senator Akpoti- Uduaghan failed to do that.
But the conduct of the Senate President and some of the principal officers on Wednesday, March 5, left so much to be desired of the Senate. I was shocked to see Senator Akpabio rule Senator Natasha in order; he also ruled Senator Mohammed Monguno in order as well as Senator Opeyemi Bamidele. How do you have three right rulings on one issue? First, he allowed Senator Natasha to lay a defective petition on the Senate table. That’s expressly out of order. In the days of Senate Presidents David Mark, Bukola Saraki, and Ahmad Lawan, we saw how such scenes were handled. A David Mark would simply ask the senator, ‘Distinguished Senator, please open to Order 40(4) and read’. By the time the senator finished reading the order and seeing the order had negatived his or her motion, he would only be begging to withdraw that motion. That was not the case with Akpabio. And to make matters worse, the clerks at the table were also looking lost. They could not guide the presiding officer in any way. That tells a bit about human resource capacity in the assembly. But then the Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele and the Chief Whip, Mohammed Monguno, who have spent quite a long time in the National Assembly, should know better. Their interventions did more damage to Akpabio’s Senate. Once the President of the Senate had ruled Senator Natasha in order to submit a petition she personally signed, (against the rules of the Senate which forbids such), and the Kogi Central senator had approached the chair and laid the petition on the table, the matter in a way becomes sub judice, to borrow the language of the law. The Senate Rule Book classifies such an action as “Matters Not open to Debate.” So at that point, the matter was no longer open to debate. Since the gavel has been hit and the action has been taken, no senator has the right to reopen the case. It was wrong of Senator Bamidele and Monguno to immediately start to revisit a closed matter, and that’s illegal. It is wrong for Akpabio to allow it.
I recall an incident in the 6th Senate when President Umaru Yar’Adua was bedridden in Saudi Arabia. Some senators moved a motion, seeking the Senate to constitute a panel to visit Saudi and ascertain the health status of the president. Somehow, when the motion was finally passed on a day, Senator Ike Ekweremadu presided, it turned out that the motion only mandated the Federal Executive Council to do the assignment. The original proponents of the motion were enraged, but they were not allowed to reopen the matter. They had to go into lobbying and eventually secured signatures of two-thirds of the Senate to re-table the matter and that paved the way for the adoption of the famous “Doctrine of Necessity.” That’s how serious the matter should be handled, but it was trivialized by Akpabio, the Senate Leader and Senate Whip. That’s on the wrong side of the rule.
Now that Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan has been suspended, many would say she was being silenced. That is far from the truth. Her suspension was on the basis of what the senate perceived as unruly behavior on the floor. We are yet to hear the details of her sexual harassment allegations, and I believe that she has avenues to ventilate that. Nigerians earnestly await these details, which should be salacious enough to help us cool off some heat.
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