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Emefiele’s terrorism mess

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If you read God’s Bankers: A History of Money and Power at the Vatican, you would have a whiff of understanding of the battle that assails and the nature of the assailants of Godwin Emefiele, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor. God’s Bankers, written by Gerald Posner, is an expose on the Papacy and the Holy See, known to be the world’s biggest and the most impregnable religious institution ever. Posner, reputed to be a “master chronicler of legal and financial misconduct,” conducted a deep-seated investigation which lasted nine years, into how financial octopuses of the Vatican, known as God’s Bankers, waddled through the ocean of wealth, intrigues, corruption and plotted the graph of political intrigues that these bankers face in the Catholic Church.

With a fine toothcomb which he pierces into the darkest secrets of the Vatican, Posner was able to meticulously locate and prise open cracks in the Holy See, revealing legendary and long-lost secrecies that have acted as the underbelly of the Vatican. Like David Yallop’s In God’s Name, Posner was able to expose how the church accumulated wealth and the byzantine, cobweb-like weaves of its financial malfeasances scattered all over the world. From the narratives of cardinals, prelates, bishops and Popes who were in charge of the Vatican in the previous 200 years, Posner uncovered the lead of eyebrow-lifting narratives of how power and money were shuffled, as they do in card games, inside one of the world’s most dreaded but influential religious empires. In God’s Bankers, you are confronted with a cache of revelations of how business moguls were poisoned; how prosecutors disappeared and some were found with holes in their heads; how obvious murders were swapped as suicides and the tension of power in the inner court of power at the Vatican. These all got a trace from the author who plotted the graph of how the Vatican mutated from its initial conception as a bastion of faith to a convoluted empire of immense wealth, power and systemic corruption.

In Nigeria where the grotesque, and the absurd are everyday commonplaces, Nigerians should rank as possessing one of the most vibrant shock-absorbing mechanisms in the world. Yet, last week, Nigerians were shocked beyond comprehension. News suddenly hit the airwave that Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor, Godwin Emefiele, was embroiled in terrorism financing allegations. The first thought that coursed through Nigerians’ minds was that the allegation was a broth straight from the pot of yellow journalism concoction. On a more careful perusal, the news shed its veil of social media gossip. So it unfolded, the Department of State Services (DSS) had secretly filed a suit to have Emefiele arrested over terrorism charges. The ex-parte suit, filed at the Federal High Court Abuja, before John Tsoho, was however dismissed by the court, in what it called a subterranean ploy and an illegal operation; indeed, a “plot to deceive the court into granting a frivolous order to help them arrest and deprive an innocent man of his liberty.”

Innocent man?

In the suit No FHC/ABJ/CS/2255/2022 and its affidavit depositions, DSS had averred that its preliminary investigation revealed various acts of terrorism financing, fraudulent activities perpetrated by Emefiele and his involvement in economic crimes of national security dimension. Prefacing its prayers on Section 66 of the Terrorism Prevention and Prohibition Act 2022, the plaintiff asked the court to grant an order for the arrest and detention of the CBN governor for 60 days. By the wording of that Act, if that ex-parte application was granted and Emefiele clamped into 60 days detention, the order could be renewed for another 60 days or until an investigation into the alleged misdemeanour is concluded. Such a person would be held incommunicado during the pendency of the investigation. The judge however ruled that DSS provided no concrete evidence to back up its very grievous allegations.

Peeled of its legalese, Nigerians are scared stiff of the implications of these allegations. Yes, Emefiele has behaved like a rogue CBN governor, the most roguish in the history of that office ever, while he got enmeshed, early this year, in a scandalous but subterranean angling for the Nigerian presidency. In the process of that obtuse ambition, billions of what would appear to be Nigerian money were incinerated in this amorphous bid which, according to feelers from political sidewalks, also got him allegedly milked by the don of media-cum-political wheeling-dealing, Nduka Obaigbena. This notwithstanding, news of Emefiele’s alleged involvement in terrorism financing is not a barroom gossip that should be flung off with a beer fly whisk.

Having sufficiently mastered the geography of propaganda and image-burnishing techniques that are the turf of Nigerian politics, Emefiele immediately began to play the politics of re-contextualizing the grievous allegations with which he was tar-brushed. One after the other, lackeys and political beneficiaries appeared in the media trying to voice their dissent to the Emefiele terrorism allegation. All of these dissenting voices to the DSS allegation, if the Nigerian propaganda mechanism is to be factored in, must have been actioned by Emefiele himself or induced by politicians who stand to make political currency from where they stand.

First to march out in protest was a group calling itself Coalition of Civil Society Organisations, (CSOs) a body said to comprise Lawyers in Defence of Economic Rights and Justice, a Forum of Chairmen of Political Parties, Ethnic Youth Leaders of Nigeria, Buhari Legacy Defenders, African Centre for Justice and Human Rights, Arewa Consultative Youths Movement, and Ohanaeze Youths Movement.

The group marched to the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation and submitted a petition against the DSS boss, Yusuf Bichi. It also submitted a similar letter to the office of the President, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and Inspector General of Police and addressed a press conference where its convener, Tochukwu Ohazuruike, outlined their grouses. They queried why the DSS, headed by an appointee of the president, “brazenly undermined” his authority and “carried out actions that could so destabilize the government and the economy of the country.” It asked how Emefiele could be accused of being a terrorist and yet be allowed to travel with the president, thus having unrestricted access to the President. The last straw was their claim that the goal of what they called the witch-hunt of Emefiele was both political and financial.

“It must be stated clearly that the entire purpose of this dastardly plot was for political and financial benefit. The people in the plot are very strong people and indeed the high and mighty in the government and our country,” it said.

Individuals and groups have also latched on to the alleged politics in the terrorism allegation. One such was the Conference Of Nigeria Political Parties (CNPP) which tasked the federal government to investigate the allegation it labelled a plot to frame Emefiele. CNPP raised a further allegation that the DSS was derailing from its statutory role and becoming a tool in the hands of desperate politicians.

“Those who want to receive and spend money without any traces are those who have been kicking against the cashless policy of the CBN. If you have legitimate money, why are you afraid to wire the money through bank transfers? Why are you afraid of cash withdrawal limits? There is no limit to the amount you can transfer through the bank but because they are having stolen money, they don’t want to make traceable transactions and that is a sin of Emefiele. That’s why they want him out of the way before the election so that someone who can do their bidding is appointed to reverse the cashless policy implementation,” CNPP said.

A group called itself Center for Financial Surveillance and Illicit Transaction Tracking Group (CSITT) also jumped into the fray. In a release issued by its director, John Dimu, CSITT raised a poignant alarm of looming consequences that could follow what it called an “unprovoked attack” on the CBN governor. The attack, it said, was borne out of the disavowal of the new cash withdrawal policy of the apex bank. Egmont Group, a 164-countries forum with the core responsibility of providing financial units with a platform to securely exchange expertise and financial intelligence, to combat money laundering and terrorist financing, said CSITT, could sanction Nigeria for the “witch-hunt” of Emefiele.

A chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, in a statement, also condemned the DSS charge, advising Nigerian security agencies to refrain from being manipulated by politicians as the 2023 polls draw near. “With all the due respect that I have for the DSS, as a very professional security agency, I still found it very difficult to understand what led to the charges, why concrete evidence that will enable the court to take a good decision was not provided and why the Department gave room for suspicion and speculations as the case file has gaping holes as noted by the Judge, John Tsoho,” he said.

Speaking in the same vein last Wednesday, Lord Hannan, the Baron of Kingsclere, a member of the Board of Trade and Conservative peer, queried the DSS charge of terrorism on Emefiele at the House of Lords. He said: “The rule of law, due process and the independence of public officials: these values matter. They bind us together as Commonwealth nations… That is why I have raised the issue of the attempt to detain the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Godwin Emefiele, in Parliament. And that is why I hope that democrats on all sides will join Nigeria in supporting the independence of its institutions in the run-up to the 2023 election – including, of course, the central bank.”

What should agitate Nigerians more is that, thus far, neither the Nigerian government, President Buhari nor the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) has spoken about the bothersome matter. Yet, the Emefiele terrorism charge is held as a strong symbol of the kind of government Buhari has run in the last seven and half years or so.

Notorious for his aloofness, embarrassing taciturnity, and smallish drawl in taking decisions on dire, critical matters of state, these unstatesmanlike qualities have dragged Nigeria backwards under Buhari. The loopholes of this laidback leadership style have been bored even deeper by individuals with an eye on taking advantage of the presidential decision hiatus. The actions of these proxies have led Nigeria and the system to grave consequences. Some have even said that Buhari’s 2015 prefacing of his government as “I belong to everybody and I belong to nobody.” was a clear summary of the drudgery in the office which he eventually manifested

For instance, when Buhari, ensconced in his snailish shell, pre-All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential primary, dilly-dallied on his preferred choice of a successor, a group of people in the presidency, allegedly chaperoned by the famous cabal head, Mamman Daura, using Obaigbena as their front office media mopping-stick, gave an Emefiele presidency a larger-than-life image. In the process, these mopping-stick triumvirates succeeded in squeezing liquid cash said to be in billions of Naira, from Nigeria’s Number One Banker’s Banker and inflicting danger of Hiroshima proportions on the a-political office of the CBN governor.

At the end of the presidential primary, not only did Emefiele hurt some top guns in the presidential race, his integrity as Nigeria’s financial umpire suffered a serious setback. It was said that he would never remain the same. After that fox-like angling for Aso Rock, which Emefiele shrouded with infantile and deceptive denials, the image of the Buhari government got dented in no small measure. A clear-sighted, unambivalent and purposeful government would have shown Emefiele the gate of the CBN afterwards, but not Buhari. The tragedy of it all is however that, if today, he is asked about the whole Emefiele-for-president furore, we may be shocked that Buhari’s response would be that he never knew that Emefiele ever took that shameful step. Buhari doesn’t know anything and the proxies who act for him enjoy that veil on the president’s face. It is the veil under which the cabal re-angles presidential policies to suit their interests, cavalierly call the shots and take atrocious steps that have taken Nigeria to where it is today.

After superintending over the most unprecedented somersault of national currency in Nigeria’s history within the period of the Buhari presidency, the currency re-designation policy of Emefiele has been held to be one of his most redemptive moves ever. Its advantages for the polity are myriads. First is that it will stem the Nigerian currency’s journey to Zimbabwe which it embarked upon under Buhari. Second, it will take the wind off the sail of Nigerian politicians’ vote-buying strategy as they have reportedly warehoused billions of Naira in personal vaults for the 2023 election. Third, it will bring sanity to the worthless binge that the Nigerian Naira is enveloped in.

Methinks the gravest allegation that those who are ranged against Emefiele hold aloft against him is that he is being used by those selfsame proxies of Buhari to emasculate them financially while conferring financial advantage on their opponent. Thus, having allegedly had the EFCC, DSS and strategic agencies under their armpit, it was time for Emefiele’s adversaries, the political vultures of Nigeria, to unleash these agencies on Emefiele, When you add this to the vultures’ disgust at Emefiele’s audacity in contesting the primary election against them, configuring trumped up charges of terrorism against him may just be their last card in this 2023 race to achieve their life ambition.

The audacity of the DSS in levelling terrorism charges against a top officer of the state, the CBN governor, without noticeable recourse to the president, is a manifestation of awareness in top circles that Buhari is a boringly weak leader. Emefiele was also said to have stayed back abroad, rather than come to Nigeria with the president, with whom he had earlier travelled. This has provoked analysts’ claim that this is a confirmation that Emefiele knows that the bloodsucking paws of the vultures gathered against him can reach him faster than the protective shield of the Buhari presidency. To understand the weakness of the president and his inability to bring sanity into this messy scenario, one can just imagine what would have happened to the conjurers of this grisly terrorism charge if they had dared do the same under Olusegun Obasanjo.

One is tempted to pity Emefiele who, like Posner revealed in God’s Bankers, is strapped in a vault of dangerous, vaulting ambitions that clash like cymbals. To continue to occupy his position as Nigeria’s No 1 Banker’s Banker, Emefiele dined with the devils of power who dragged him into the raw sewage of political power. The devil is asking for propitiation now. Its demand is a bowl of human flesh. Will Emefiele offer himself as a sacrifice?

 


Dr Festus Adedayo, a lawyer, journalist and columnist writes from Ibadan, Oyo State.

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Almajiri: Why Northern Leaders Must Look Themselves in the Mirror

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Two incidents happened during the 1994/95 NYSC service year, which I was part of in Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State, and they gave me profound culture shocks that I still remember till today. I would equally say that those incidents probably justified the Federal Government’s decision to float the scheme.

 

We were told that part of the reasons General Yakubu Gowon floated the NYSC was to ensure national integration, cohesion and exposure of young Nigerians to cultures of other parts of the country other than where they were born.

First was the shock of seeing a director that I was attached to in the then Government House, who had just taken a new wife, and sat among drivers, gate men and other junior staff to dine. I saw them seated round a huge iron pot of Koko, a local delicacy, exchanging one big spoon made of calabash, as each took turns to use the spoon to eat the delicacy. It was as if I was witnessing a scene where children of a big family were struggling to catch a portion of food or where people were eating Saara, as they say it in Yorubaland.

As I walked past the noisy crowd, I was transfixed seeing the newly-wedded director among the lot. He saw me standing still, as I couldn’t comprehend what he was doing there, and he got the message. ‘Taiyo, (as he used to call me) you won’t understand,’ he said as he waved to me to keep going. When we later saw, he explained that what he just did was a way of assuring the commoners that ‘we are all one,’ as they felicitated him on the new bride. But I could not fathom how the occupant of a ‘huge office’ as that of a director in a Government House , would sit among “commoners” on a tattered mat to share a single spoon and eat in public.
The other incident was quite pathetic. My friend, Tunde Omobuwa, was posted to a school in Yauri, in the southern part of the state, for his primary assignment. But he found the place boring on weekends. So, he arranged to always be with me on weekends.

One such weekend, we decided to take a stroll round the streets near the Government House. We took off from the place of my primary assignment, the Federal Information Centre; bought corn beside the office, and started ‘blowing’ the ‘mouth organ’ as we strolled. We were too engrossed in our gist and the sweetness of the corn to note that some young boys were trailing us, praying that some leftovers of the corn would drop for them to scavenge. Somehow, the two of us dropped the corn cob almost simultaneously. We were more than taken aback by a commotion that erupted at our back. Four eight or nine year-olds had descended on the supposed leftovers and broken the corn cobs into pieces. I was again transfixed as if one was hit by an electric shock. Remember that feeling when you play with electric fish?

I was moved to tears as I had never ever seen a group of children scavenging on nothing as it were. I beckoned to the kids and offered them N20, which was the highest denomination at the time, and with some smattering Hausa words told them to go buy their own corn from the same place we got ours. As they left, heading to the corn seller, I couldn’t erase that ugly sight from my mind. Was it really possible that some people scavenge on nothing this way? I was later to see incidents of children swarming around restaurants and pouncing on near empty plates.

These incidents told me clearly that the North was a different place and that the life of the boy child is not only risky and endangered but sold to stagnation and deprivation, unless you are one of the lucky few.

Having benefited from the free education policy of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) between 1979 and 1983, when the Second Republic was terminated, I knew that there is a lot the government can do in educating the children. In my secondary school days, I was the Library Prefect at one point, and so I saw an excess of books supplied by the government to our school. So, I was an example of the feasibility of free education. It was the same way the Action Group government had handled education in the years preceding Nigeria’s independence and the First Republic.

So why can’t the state governments in the North declare free and compulsory education for the young ones out there? Why should children be made to scavenge on empty corn cobs just to see if they can find pieces of seeds left over?

And why was my director giving drivers and gate men in the Government House false hope that they were all the same, instead of him to challenge them to seek to lift themselves up the social ladder?
I think there was no excuse for the North not to have adopted a free education policy, just as Chief Obafemi Awolowo did in the South-West. And if we say the North needs to look itself in the mirror, you again remember the efforts by President Goodluck Jonathan to educate the multitude of Northern children through the Almajiri Schools. That government built more than 400 of such schools, which were abandoned because it could upset the oligarchy. The oligarchs forgot the truism that the children of the poor they refuse to train today won’t let their children sleep peacefully.

But the governor of Borno State, Prof Babagana Zulum, appears to have got the message. Last week, I was thrilled to see him organise a summit to reform the Almajiri system.

The Almajiri education system is a traditional Islamic method of learning widely obtained across states in northern Nigeria. Through that system, which is tied to Islamic teaching, youths, especially boys are kept out of the formal western education system. I don’t know why the teachings by Islamic scholars cannot go alongside that of Western education as it obtains in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq and other Islamic countries that are doing well economically and in the world of science, technology.
While addressing the summit, Zulum had mentioned the need to address the root causes of insecurity through the provision of education for citizens of Borno, adding that improper teaching of Islamic studies has contributed to the emergence of Boko Haram insurgents in the state.

According to him, to curtail whatever is the adverse effect of Almajiri education; the Borno State Government has established the Arabic and Sangaya Education Board to introduce a unified curriculum for Sangaya and Islamic schools. He said that the reform would include establishing Higher Islamic Colleges to cater for Almajiri children and blending the religious teachings with the secular curricula as well as skills.
He said: “The Sangaya Reform is a great development. It will give Almajiri a better chance in life, particularly the introduction of integrating western education, vocational, numeracy, and literacy skills into the centres, which are also described as Almajiri and Islamic schools.

“Distinguished guests and esteemed educationists, government’s intention was to streamline the informal and formal education systems to quality integrated Sangaya School for admission into colleges and universities.”

One would have thought that governors with radical postures like Nasir el-Rufai and others before him would have proposed this type of reform, but it is better late than never. Zulum should be supported to get something out of this.

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Nigeria: Dancing On The Edge Of Destiny

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Nigeria stands as a paradox, endowed with immense natural wealth yet grappling with staggering poverty levels among its populace. The country is blessed with an abundance of resources, including diverse agricultural products, vast oil reserves, and a burgeoning tourism and entertainment industry, all of which hold immense potential for national prosperity. Despite this richness, many Nigerians endure dire economic conditions, raising questions about the effective management and equitable distribution of wealth generated from these resources.

The agricultural sector in Nigeria is a significant contributor to both the economy and food security. With favourable climatic conditions and arable land, Nigeria has the potential to become an important player in global agriculture. However, inefficiencies in farming techniques, lack of access to modern equipment, inadequate infrastructure, and insecurity impede growth, leaving many farmers in subsistence conditions. By addressing these challenges, Nigeria could harness its agricultural wealth to reduce poverty and strengthen its economy.

Similarly, oil and gas remain at the forefront of Nigeria’s natural resources, providing a substantial share of government revenue. Unfortunately, the oil riches have also been a source of conflict and corruption, leading to environmental degradation and social unrest in oil-producing regions. Although the sector can foster economic growth, the mismanagement of resources has prevented the country from fully benefiting from its wealth. Furthermore, the fluctuating oil prices on the global market create vulnerability, emphasizing the need for economic diversification.

The entertainment industry, particularly Nollywood, represents another facet of Nigeria’s wealth. This sector showcases rich cultural heritage, offers employment opportunities, and generates income. Despite its success, it has not yet been leveraged to bring about far-reaching economic change across the country. Without addressing existing systemic challenges, Nigeria’s abundant resources might continue to dance precariously on the edge of opportunity, further complicating the narrative of its natural wealth.

Leadership Challenges and Political Corruption

Significant leadership issues and pervasive political corruption have plagued Nigeria’s history. Since gaining independence in 1960, the nation has witnessed a succession of leaders, many of whom have failed to prioritize the welfare of their citizens. Ineffective governance has not only hampered Nigeria’s growth but has also led to a persistent cycle of political instability. This crisis of leadership has contributed significantly to the erosion of public trust in governmental institutions, weakening the social fabric of the country.

The impact of political corruption is deeply entrenched in Nigeria’s socio-economic landscape. Corruption permeates various layers of governance, leading to the misallocation of resources intended for public welfare. Essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure development suffer as funds are diverted for personal gain. The consequences of such malfeasance are evident in the rise of poverty rates, inadequate healthcare systems, and a significant lack of access to quality education. Consequently, these socio-economic challenges create a vicious cycle that further exacerbates the leadership crisis.

Historically, Nigeria has experienced a range of leadership styles, from military rule to civilian governments, yet the recurring theme remains the same: a failure to eradicate corrupt practices. Each new leadership regime often promises reform and better governance, but these assurances rarely translate into meaningful change. The lessons from past experiences underscore the importance of accountability and transparency in rebuilding trust between the government and the populace. As the nation grapples with its leadership crisis, the intersection of governance and corruption demands critical attention to chart a new course towards sustainable development and empowerment.

The Hardships Under the Current Administration

The current administration of Nigeria, under President Bola Tinubu, has ushered in an array of policies that have sparked significant public discourse due to their profound impact on the lives of ordinary Nigerians. Notably, the removal of fuel subsidies has been a pivotal move that has reverberated through the economy, leading to steep increases in fuel prices. This sudden change has not only made transportation costs soar but has also led to a ripple effect, dramatically affecting the prices of basic goods and services. Citizens are now grappling with the daily realities of inflated living costs, often on already strained budgets.

Furthermore, the naira floating, aimed at addressing exchange rate discrepancies, has instead resulted in further devaluation. The naira’s instability has posed challenges for local businesses and individual consumers, making it increasingly difficult to afford essential products. This monetary policy highlights the delicate balancing act required in governance, reflecting the complexity of addressing economic issues while ensuring the welfare of the populace. Many Nigerians report feelings of uncertainty and anxiety regarding their financial futures, emphasizing a general sentiment of disillusionment with the direction of government policy under the Tinubu administration.

A Path Forward: Hope or Despair?

Nigeria’s current circumstances present a dichotomy of hope and despair. Despite the numerous challenges confronting the country, including political instability, economic hardships, and social unrest, there is a glimmer of hope that reform is possible through concerted efforts by the populace and leadership. As the country reaches a crossroads, systemic reforms have the potential to catalyze change. These reforms must prioritize institutional strengthening, increase transparency, and promote inclusive and sustainable economic growth.

Public participation is critical in this endeavour. Citizens must reclaim their agency by actively participating in democratic processes, advocating for accountability from their leaders, and demanding that their voices be heard. Civic education should be promoted to ensure that the electorate is informed and empowered to make decisions that affect their future. Furthermore, civil society organizations can play a pivotal role in mobilizing resources and providing platforms for dialogue, where citizens can articulate their needs and aspirations.

Accountability from leadership is another cornerstone for progress in Nigeria. As the people seek a path forward, leaders must prioritize the needs of their constituents over personal interests. Regular assessments of governmental performance, transparency in budgeting and spending, and anti-corruption measures can help to restore public trust. Leaders who demonstrate commitment to these principles may inspire hope and foster collective action aimed at the common good.

Ultimately, the question remains: Who holds the key to Nigeria’s promised future? The answer lies within the collaboration between the government and its citizens, whereby both parties work towards common objectives. The road to prosperity for Nigeria is not easy, but through systemic reforms, public engagement, and accountability, there exists an opportunity to transform hope into reality, steering the nation towards a brighter tomorrow.

 

 

Mimiola, an Award-Winning journalist, sent in this piece.

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NNPCL vs. Dangote: Why Tinubu Can’t Play Pontius Pilate

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The Presidency addressed several issues last Wednesday as the Special Adviser to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Information and Strategy, Mr. Bayo Onanuga picked the microphone to give perspectives to certain developments. One of the issues he addressed was the lingering feud between the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) and Dangote Refineries Limited.

Onanuga said that President Tinubu would not intervene in the feud because the two entities “operate independently in a deregulated market.”

According to Onanuga, the Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) field has been deregulated, just as Dangote is a private company. The NNPCL is a limited liability company, he said. In the loaded statement, the presidential adviser was hinting Nigerians why the President cannot dabble into the huge but confusing feud between Dangote Refineries and NNPCL, over the pricing of petroleum products in the country.

The presidential adviser and Nigerians are not oblivious to the implications of his statement. First, a lot of hope had been invested in the Dangote Refineries by Nigerians, who had concluded that its coming on stream would yield them cheaper fuel and help end the perennial fuel scarcity that kept the pumps at the filling stations dry for most of the months. But as the refinery was about to fag off its full operations, officials of the refinery, the NNPC and its subsidiaries started singing some music with disparaging tunes. Accusations upon accusations were rampaging in the air, while some name calling and tagging were being spread openly and under the table. It became obvious that elements in the administration of President Tinubu were opposed to the operation of the local refinery. Such insinuations must have prompted the President of Dangote Group, Alhaji Aliko Dangote to speak out in some tones not easily attributable to him hitherto. He alleged that officials of the NNPC were running a blending plant in Malta, where fuel is imported into Nigeria. He equally offered to hand off the Lagos-based refinery if the government would buy him out.

As tension rose, between Dangote and NNPCL, the corporation was having the last laugh, as it chose the same time to unleash some violent strokes of koboko whips on the back of the Nigerian citizen. It galloped fuel prices at will and at the same time locked the products away from their reach. Queues got unwinding at filling stations and the agony was unending. The hunger and thirst for Dangote fuel grew, but the NNPC chose to remain the stumbling block. I guess that the cries of Nigerian citizens at one point got across the Aso Rock Villa, in Abuja and the presidency had to order a temporary ceasefire. NNPCL was directed to create avenues for the supply of crude oil to Dangote in Naira while the refinery too was to agree to a pricing model to be fashioned by the Federal Executive Council. Even at that, the two combatants have continued to throw jabs at each other, especially over what should constitute the exact price of Dangote petrol. While Dangote had claimed that fuel from its refineries would be far cheaper than imported ones, the NNPC had given a conflicting indication. The NNPC/Dangote tango has been a ding-dong and a topsy-turvy affair.

That was the situation as the October 1 date fixed for the start of crude supply to Dangote draws close. And Mr. Onanuga was speaking against that backdrop. If that stands, it would amount to classifying Tinubu in the mould of the biblical Pontius Pilate, as seen in the book of John 18:37-49 and 19:1-19. In that biblical encounter, leading to the final crucifixion of Jesus Christ, the Jews had brought Jesus to Pilate’s court for an indictment that would enable them to crucify him. Pilate asked questions of Jesus and even though Jesus answered in the spirit, the judge was still able to conclude that he found no fault in Jesus. And that was despite the mounting pressure from the multitude of Jews, seeking to crucify Jesus.

As we read in John 19:6; “When the chief priests therefore and officers saw him, they cried out, saying, Crucify him, Crucify him. Pilate saith unto them, Take ye him, and crucify him: for I find no fault in him.”

I believe that President Tinubu should not throw Nigerians at the NNPC, like sheep to wolves. If the declaration of his office is allowed to stand, he would be doing otherwise. To play the Pilate in this needless NNPCL and Dangote feud, he would have endorsed all the punishment his compatriots are suffering at the hands of the NNPCL. He would have said, even though I found no merit in the push to whip the population, I leave you to crucify them’ That would tell us that the President is not only shirking his responsibility as the Minister of Petroleum but also his overriding power as the President and Commander-in-chief.

Much as the officials of the NNPCL and other subsidiaries owned by the Nigerian people want to play the master by believing that they are independent limited liability companies, we will be hiding behind one finger if we believe any inch of that claim. And besides, which limited liability company would not be accountable to its shareholders or the chairman of its board?

If we don’t want to use agidi to light a gas cylinder, we have to agree that the matter of fuel supply in Nigeria is a basic unmistakable assignment President Tinubu must handle for his employers-the Nigerian people. He must be in a position to find answers to the puzzles. Why is fuel supply such a pain in the neck under his administration so far? Why is the locally imported fuel threatening to get more expensive under the watch of the NNPC he supervises? And why is the same NNPC seeking to suffer headaches for another person? When will NNPC’s refineries come alive after the several deadlines?

President Tinubu needs to intervene decisively too, by helping his employers find solutions to the endless hike in fuel prices, and why citizens of other oil-producing countries derive benefits from oil while the Nigerian situation is perpetually in the negative. The Daily Trust on September 23, published a report by Global Petrol Prices, a platform that tracks petrol prices across various countries, which claimed that four countries in Africa sell fuel cheaper than Nigeria. They include Libya which sells at $0.032 (approximately N52/litre), Egypt ($0.279), Algeria($0.342) and Angola, another oil-producing country, at $0.351 per litre.

 

Besides the above, Tribune columnist and renowned writer, Professor Farook Kperogi quoted data by some oil industry experts who claimed that the landing cost of imported petrol in Nigeria should stand at N1,107 per litre and that several cost components are not inclusive of locally imported fuel.

According to him, when such cost components are removed, Dangote’s fuel should not sell higher than N518.35 per litre. Indeed, investigations have revealed that Dangote fuel costs far cheaper than the amount quoted by him and the NNPC. You could see the fire in the eyes of the spokesperson of Dangote when he refuted the claim that NNPC got fuel at N890 per litre from the refinery.

President Tinubu should not play the ostrich, he cannot afford to play the Pontius Pilate in this case, if he wants a reversal of the oil curse in his tenure.

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