Opinion
Dowen College, cults and the beast in our children’s hearts
Published
5 years agoon
In the last one week in the American and Nigerian cities of Michigan and Lagos, 1983 Nobel Literature winner and British author, William Golding, was literally woken up from the dead. Golding, novelist, playwright and poet, wrote the highly celebrated novel, Lord of the Flies.
If you underestimate the holy writ’s admonition that foolishness resides (is bound up) in the heart of a child, then you need to read this Golding’s 1954 debut novel. Woven round myriad thematic concerns, chief of which was the innate bestiality in man, Lord of the Flies, as a name, derived its etymology from the word, which in Latin means Prince of Devils and in Hebrews, a Philistine god, the Beelzebub.
It is the story of a group of British schoolboys, while Britain was entrapped in a raging war, who had the plane evacuating them shot down and were lucky to survive in a deserted tropical island. Stranded on this desolate and uninhabited island, the boys then resolved on the need, which eventually turned disastrous, to govern themselves. This led them to the process of formation of rules and a system of administration of their island. However, lacking the civilizing impulse of an adult, they eventually relapsed into their Hobbesian state of nature, exhibiting feral, warlike behavior, violence, brute force and cannibalism, with Golding teasing out the theme of man’s fundamentally savage human nature from the novel.
Last Tuesday, three students were killed in a shooting which occurred at Oxford High School, Oxford, Michigan in the United States. The Oakland County Sheriff’s Office identified the victims as Tate Myre (16), Hana St. Juliana (14), and Madisyn Baldwin, (17). Eight other victims were shot but sustained various degrees of injuries, including a teacher in the school. Of the lot, three’s cases were dire, including a 15-year-old boy who got shot in the head, a 14-year-old girl who was hit by bullets in the chest and is on a ventilator, as well as a 17-year-old girl, who was also shot in the chest.
The students were shot by their fellow student, Ethan Crumbley, a 15-year-old sophomore, in whose custody a semiautomatic handgun was found as at the time of his arrest. Police’s preliminary investigation revealed that the instrument of violence, the gun, was purchased by Ethan’s father on November 26, with three 15-round clips. Police also said that the suspect had recently posted photos on social media of himself shooting at imaginary targets and from investigations, the weapon of crime appeared similar to the gun Ethan practiced with. Immediately, James and Jennifer Crumbley, parents of the teenager, who has since been charged in the shooting, were arrested and charged with four counts each of involuntary manslaughter.
In Lagos, Nigeria, one of the raging subjects of the people’s anger today is the death of Sylvester Oromoni (Junior), a 12-year-old pupil of elite Dowen College, in the Lekki area of Lagos State. Two diametrically opposed allegations have been made about circumstances surrounding his death. While the family claimed that the lad sustained fatal injuries from wounds sustained from his colleagues’ attempt to forcefully initiate him into a school cult, hinging their claims on the disclosures made by the now deceased boy, the school claimed that Oromoni died from injuries he sustained from a football game.
The above two cases are one of the many incidents of adolescent asocial behavior that the world is grappling with today. Not strictly a new phenomenon, antisocial behavior operates as a cluster of related behaviours which range from aggression, violence, temper tantrums, lying, burglary, stealing, substance abuse, early sexual behavior, among others, rampant among adolescents. Though psychologists say the behavior is normative and is one of the features of certain ages of child development, these malevolent manifestations among children act as strong predictors of potential criminal behavior in adulthood.
Many of the adults who eventually grew into responsible parents and citizens today were at some point in their developmental growths notorious antisocial elements who gave their parents and society headaches. However, the reality is that, a huge chunk of these adults, weaned from the ashes of these antisocial behaviours, never recovered from the blows of the effects of their antisocial behavior. By the time they attempt to take up their destinies in their hands, it is almost always too late, thereby consigning them to the heaps and dustbins of life.
So many reasons have been adduced as reasons why children, many of whom hail from responsible homes, dither into reprehensible antisocial behavior. While peer group pressure and pollution by playmates who themselves are products of fractured homes, are factors that loom large in reasons why children go off the handle in their adolescence, parental influence is another major factor. Studies have revealed that antisocial parents, in their display of these behavioural patterns at home, rub off hugely on their wards who internalize these behaviours, unbeknown to them. Thus, psychologists have established that possessing an antisocial parent is a major force in the prediction of violent or serious delinquency found in adolescent and young children.
Lord of the Flies and the holy writ earlier cited above tell us that within the child is resident innate bestiality that parents and society must pertinently and painstakingly tame in a child. The problem is that parents have very wrong conception of the period of childhood and adolescence. They misinterpret the period as a time when the child is naïve and incapable of taking on delinquent behaviours. This is why parenting is a big job, something in the mould of the structural platform of a house construction which bespeaks the kind of super-structural objects that may be placed on the foundation. In the Michigan shooting event, unknown to James and Jennifer Crumbley, the couple was the ethos that Ethan learnt by rote. When they thought he was inattentive or absent from occurrences in his surroundings, he was fascinated by the piece of metal that his father had just purchased and perhaps secretly wished that someday, he would get to that same level of accomplishment of wielding a weapon that conferred on him power over the unknown other. The fatal shooting at Oxford High School, Michigan, for Ethan, was the culmination of that dream, the power to subjugate the other under his awesome powers.
The holy writ earlier cited was not oblivious of the constitutive innate bestial nature of the child. It recommended that “the rod of correction shall drive it (the Beelzebub) far from him.” Traditional African society also learnt early enough that the heart of the child is stony and only chastisement could soften it. Unfortunately, the technological modern age has purged punishment from the list of objects that can be used to rid the heart of the child of the Lord of the Flies. In some western societies, it is even criminal, a violation of the child’s rights, for parents to administer cudgel on their children. This has made the Beelzebub in the children to acquire multiple notorieties like the biblical Madman of Gadarene and the inability of society to dimension its bestial inclinations. Technology has further worsened the lot of the children, literally ensuring that a community of maggots meanders out of the bodies of our children. They have access to occurrences in practically all parts of the world within a twinkle of an eye and, rather than being a blessing, this exposure has further aggravated the rot in their hearts.
The world is witnessing a complex metastasis of violence, in nodes that are unprecedented. Weapons are acquiring frightening sophistication and small arms are as widespread as mushroom on the farm. Our children, whose brains are admittedly more sophisticated than ours, their parents, are moving with the tide of a sophisticated world. Deploying technology and the wizardry of their brains, they get involved in antisocial behaviors and crimes which, in our wildest imaginations, we cannot grapple with or anticipate in them.
While not prejudging what the outcome of investigations into the Dowen College death from alleged cult initiation will be, our society is just crying where we should exhibit admittance of our errs. The incidence of secret cultism in our schools has become a matter of concern to those who know how this negative growth is becoming a crisis. By 1999, more than 56 secret cults were said to have existed in Nigeria’s 133 higher institutions of learning and had penetrated secondary and even primary schools. Right now, the figure must have quadrupled because, the more civilization we receive, the more we sink into complex notorieties.
I have spoken in earlier pieces about the power of the dreaded ancient secret cult, Ogboni fraternity in Yoruba traditional African society. Membership of it is borne out of search for power, protection and fame/wealth. Cultism is one of the carryovers of traditional African society that has survived to this age of modernism. It arose from the need to protect and sustain some basic interests among a group of people, whose details are shrouded from being exposed to outsiders. Cult membership is usually a restricted affair and members are known to swear themselves to oaths of allegiance. This is how secret cults/societies have festered in centuries.
There are a plethora of metaphysical powers that initiates of blood, especially in fraternities and cults like Ogboni cult, wield and which entrap those in search of such authorities. Believing in the potent power of the Earth as a binding force, Ogboni use the edan (a twin object of a man and woman pegged on a cylindrical brass spare) in their lledi (shrine house) and sprinkles of blood to subtly encode obedience to rules and secrets. Not only does Ogboni ensure secrecy of affairs among its initiates, an espirit de corps is prized out of the initiates by blood oaths, thus suborning potential squealers off revelations of Ogboni secrets and dark acts of the initiates.
Peter Morton-Williams, former pro-vice chancellor of Ulster University and an eminent anthropologist, who worked for many years in Nigeria and Ghana, researching West African social anthropology, a leading authority on the history and culture of the Yoruba people, did an anthropological study of the Ogboni, entitled The Yoruba Ogboni cult in Oyo and An Outline of the Cosmology and Cult Organization of the Oyo Yoruba (1964). In them, Morton-Williams outlines the potency of blood in sacrifices and oath, explaining the interface with and how the public sphere is being recently inundated with hackneyed recounts of the cultic oath mess of our children. This work is a study in what probably drives interests in secret societies and why the elite take unqualified voyage into it, in spite of rapacious embrace of Christianity and Islam, and why the Ogboni still has controlling importance in Yoruba religious organization, centuries after it was established.
If it was found out that indeed, the pupils of Dowen College were attempting to recreate what their fathers and forefathers practiced for centuries, with same ferocity and manifest wickedness, how does our society want to blame the messenger and refrain from blaming the message? Golding’s Lord of the Flies, represented in boy characters like Ralph, Simon and Piggy (with his perceived metaphysical eyeglasses) not only built a central paranoia among the boys, it elasticized the concept of struggle and contestations in a metaphysical felon that must be battled. This, the novelist represented in the boys’ belief that a supposed monster called the “beast” existed on the island. The “beast” which at one point was felt to be the pilot who ejected from a crashed plane and whose carcass hung on the tree, soon became a fetish around which the whole of the children began contestations. The Dowen College students, while not likely to have totally apprehended what a cult was, perhaps also had the paranoia of power contestation that the boys in Golding’s had. Flexing of muscles, mixed up with violence and toughness, are fed into this game of wanting to behave like their fathers at home.
While we wail and cry over the calamity that befell the Oromonis and the victims of the Crumbley murders in Michigan – if it is found to be true – can we also press charges against the parents of the allegedly offending pupils at Dowen, especially if they are found to be accessories after the fact of the violent behavior of their wards, as the police did with the Crumbleys?
The greater worry for us should be that antisocial behaviors of all kinds have wormed themselves into the hearts of many of our children. It behooves parents and guardians to create time for the proper moral and psychological nurturing of their children, especially in this age where everyone is busy in the rat race for existentialist desires. Now is the time to mould their future, rather than heap on teachers the responsibility of keeping our wards on the straight and narrow, forgetting that the teachers also have their own demons that they daily contend with.
Celebrated columnist, Dr. Festus Adedayo writes from Ibadan
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Opinion
Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration
Published
2 weeks agoon
July 9, 2026By
Mega IconThe popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.
For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.
Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.
Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.
What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.
Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.
Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.
Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.
The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.
One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.
As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.
Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.
At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.
At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.
The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.
Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.
Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.
As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.
History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
Opinion
An Open Letter to Northern Leaders: Arewa Is Bleeding. Who Will Answer the Call?
Published
2 weeks agoon
July 7, 2026By
Mega IconI write this letter with a heavy heart to the sons and daughters of Arewa, particularly those entrusted with leadership and influence, concerning the painful reality confronting our region today. Once united in purpose and driven by a shared vision, Arewa now appears to be living in the shadow of its glorious past.
Our forefathers built this great region with one voice, setting aside differences of ethnicity and religion. They understood that unity was our greatest strength and that our diversity was not a weakness but a blessing. Their legacy was one of peace, mutual respect, visionary leadership, and collective progress.
Today, it is heartbreaking to witness how far we have drifted from those ideals. This letter is a sincere call for reflection, reconciliation, and a renewed commitment to rebuilding the unity, security, and prosperity that once defined our beloved Arewa.
Arewa Under Siege
Northern Nigeria has become widely known as a hotspot for multiple forms of insecurity. From the Boko Haram insurgency to widespread kidnapping, armed banditry, and violent attacks, fear has become part of everyday life. People no longer feel safe in their homes, workplaces, on their farms, or while travelling on the highways. Every journey is undertaken with uncertainty, with no guarantee of arriving safely.
Even more troubling is the perception that these security challenges have become normalised. Reports of abductions, killings, and attacks have become so frequent that they often receive far less attention than they deserve. This perceived indifference from those in positions of authority has contributed to a growing public belief that criminal groups now operate with confidence and relative impunity.
Consequently, many residents feel abandoned, while public trust in the government’s ability to protect lives and property continues to erode.
Addressing this crisis requires a coordinated and sustained response through stronger security operations, improved intelligence gathering, greater support for affected communities, and genuine accountability. Without decisive action, the cycle of violence and fear will continue to undermine the region’s stability, economic development, and the well-being of its people.
Beyond Insecurity: A Crisis of Leadership
The North’s challenges are not accidental. Poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment are the cumulative consequences of long-standing structural failures, weak governance, and policy choices that have compounded over decades.
Responsibility is shared across different segments of society—including the political elite, the educated class, and the business community—many of whom have possessed both the influence and the opportunity to intervene more decisively than they have.
Rather than being the result of a single coordinated agenda, what is evident is a persistent pattern of neglect, weak accountability, and recurring governance failures that have allowed social and economic conditions to deteriorate. These failures have contributed to rising unemployment, declining educational outcomes, inadequate healthcare, and the expansion of insecurity across much of the region.
Breaking this cycle requires more than assigning blame. It demands institutional reform, accountable leadership, strategic investment in human capital, and a renewed sense of public responsibility.
Where Are the Northern Elite?
This brings us to the most difficult question: Where are the Northern elite? Where are the governors, ministers, lawmakers, business leaders, scholars, and other influential voices? Many command enormous influence, considerable private wealth, and extensive international networks, yet too often appear unable—or unwilling—to meaningfully confront the conditions that continue to leave large parts of the region insecure, impoverished, and politically weakened.
Why does this gap persist?
Part of the answer lies in proximity to power. In political environments shaped by patronage, speaking boldly may threaten access, while silence preserves influence. Over time, self-preservation begins to resemble strategy.
Unfortunately, the cost is borne not by those in positions of privilege but by ordinary communities far removed from the rooms where decisions are made.
Reviving the North’s Industrial Legacy
Northern Nigeria was once the industrial powerhouse of the country. Cities such as Kano and Kaduna were thriving centres of manufacturing, commerce, and employment. Today, much of that industrial strength has faded.
This is, therefore, a respectful appeal to two of Nigeria’s most accomplished industrialists—Aliko Dangote and Abdul Samad Rabiu. Many people continue to ask why there is limited visible large-scale industrial reinvestment in Kano, your home state, and across Northern Nigeria.
As a Kano indigene, and to the best of my knowledge, neither Aliko Dangote nor Abdul Samad Rabiu currently operates major manufacturing facilities actively producing in Kano. Several facilities associated with their businesses are widely reported to have become inactive or to function primarily as warehouses rather than active industrial plants. For example, along Tafawa Balewa Road, two BUA facilities that previously operated flour and vegetable oil mills are reported to have ceased production. Likewise, several Dangote industrial sites stretching from Mai Malari Road to the Sharada Industrial Area are also widely reported to be inactive or operating far below capacity.
Kano and Kaduna, once renowned for their vibrant manufacturing sectors, have experienced decades of industrial decline, resulting in widespread unemployment and underutilised infrastructure. At the same time, a significant share of new private-sector industrial investment appears to have been concentrated in other parts of the country, particularly the South-West. This naturally raises important questions about balanced national development.
Philanthropy remains valuable and deeply appreciated. Scholarships, donations, and humanitarian support undoubtedly improve lives. However, charity cannot replace sustainable industrial development.
What the North urgently needs is long-term investment that revives manufacturing, creates employment, strengthens local supply chains, develops skills, and rebuilds industrial ecosystems across Kano, Kaduna, and neighbouring states. Strong factories build strong communities, while sustainable industries create lasting prosperity. The expectation, therefore, is not charity but a renewed commitment to the economic transformation of the region where many of Nigeria’s greatest industrial success stories first began.
The Responsibility of Business Leaders
The Northern business elite have watched insecurity, poverty, and displacement deepen while economic activity has increasingly concentrated elsewhere.
Insurgency, banditry, and weakened rural governance have disrupted agriculture, trade routes, and local markets. Investment naturally gravitates towards safer and more predictable environments. Yet public advocacy from many influential business leaders has often remained muted, constrained by commercial interests, political relationships, and regulatory considerations.
The region risks becoming divided into two realities: one integrated into national wealth and opportunity, and the other left to bear the consequences of persistent insecurity, economic stagnation, and neglect.
Business leadership extends beyond generating profits. It also entails helping to create an environment where enterprise can flourish, jobs can be created, and communities can prosper. Sustainable economic growth depends not only on private investment but also on the willingness of influential stakeholders to advocate policies and initiatives that promote stability, security, and inclusive development.
The North’s business community has historically played a significant role in shaping the region’s economic fortunes. That tradition of leadership remains essential today. While governments bear primary responsibility for governance and security, the private sector also possesses the capacity to influence development through strategic investments, partnerships, innovation, and constructive engagement with public institutions.
Rebuilding confidence in Northern Nigeria requires collaboration among government, businesses, civil society, and local communities. A more secure and prosperous region ultimately benefits everyone, creating new opportunities for investment, employment, and long-term economic growth.
A Message to Political Leaders
To the political leadership of Northern Nigeria: the contradiction has become increasingly difficult to ignore. The region remains one of the country’s most significant in terms of population and political influence, yet it continues to lag behind on key development indicators such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, employment, and security.
When communities are attacked, farmers are displaced, and schools are forced to close, silence from those entrusted with leadership is seldom interpreted as restraint. More often, it is perceived as detachment. Leadership is measured not only by electoral success or political influence but also by the willingness to confront difficult realities with courage, empathy, and decisive action.
The expectations of citizens go beyond promises. They seek visible commitment, practical solutions, and sustained engagement with the challenges affecting their daily lives. Rebuilding public confidence requires leadership that is accountable, responsive, and focused on the long-term development of the region.
A Message to the Educated and Professional Class
To our academics, professionals, and intellectuals: the evidence is neither hidden nor difficult to find. Reports, research, and lived experiences consistently reveal widening gaps in human development, education, healthcare, and security.
Yet, too often, expertise remains confined within institutions and professional circles that discourage open engagement with entrenched power. Knowledge should not merely describe problems; it should help solve them. Research should inform policy, enrich public debate, and contribute meaningfully to sustainable solutions.
Every society depends on courageous thinkers who are willing to engage constructively, challenge complacency, and place the public interest above personal convenience. The North possesses no shortage of intellectual talent. What is needed is a stronger connection between knowledge and action.
A Message to Cultural Influencers
To our musicians, artists, writers, actors, and other public figures: throughout history, art has served as a powerful instrument of truth, reflection, and social transformation. Cultural voices have inspired movements, preserved history, and given hope to communities during difficult times.
Yet, when economic survival becomes closely tied to political or commercial interests, critical voices often become subdued. Society benefits when its cultural figures speak with honesty, empathy, and a sense of responsibility. Their influence extends beyond entertainment; it helps shape public values, inspire civic engagement, and amplify the concerns of ordinary people.
A Shared Responsibility
Ultimately, this is not solely a Northern Nigerian problem. It reflects a broader question confronting societies everywhere: what happens when elite interests become disconnected from the well-being of ordinary people?
When access becomes more valuable than accountability, and proximity to power outweighs responsibility to the public, silence is rarely accidental—it becomes institutionalised.
The result is a widening emotional and political distance between leadership and the people. Unless that distance is narrowed through meaningful investment, principled advocacy, and courageous leadership, the same questions will continue to resonate:
Who speaks? Who benefits? Who bears the cost?
History will judge every generation by how it responds to the challenges of its time. Northern Nigeria possesses enormous human potential, entrepreneurial talent, agricultural resources, and a rich cultural heritage.
What it requires now is leadership marked by vision, courage, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the common good.
This letter is not intended to condemn but to encourage honest reflection and meaningful action. The future of Arewa depends not only on government but also on every leader, businessperson, scholar, professional, artist, and citizen willing to place the region’s long-term prosperity above personal or political interests.
May we find the wisdom to rebuild what has been weakened, the courage to confront uncomfortable truths, and the determination to restore Northern Nigeria to its rightful place as a region of peace, opportunity, and shared prosperity.
Abba Dukawa writes from Kano and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com.
Opinion
2027: Why Oyo APC Should Close Ranks Behind Sarafadeen Alli | By Adeniyi Olowofela
Published
3 weeks agoon
July 4, 2026By
Mega IconSince the emergence of Senator Sarafadeen Alli as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2027 election in Oyo State, I have listened to and read numerous reactions from party members and stakeholders. While some of his co-contestants have expressed disappointment, such feelings are understandable in every keenly contested democratic process.
Interestingly, many people have attempted to draw Senator Teslim Folarin into the controversy surrounding the party’s choice. However, he has remained silent. In my view, that silence is deliberate. I believe Senator Folarin understands the direction taken by the party’s national leadership regarding the choice of candidate.
Anyone who believes Senator Folarin was unaware of Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s governorship ambition does not fully appreciate his political experience. Senator Folarin is a strategic politician. In the 2023 governorship election, he pursued victory with determination and commitment. Personally, I had hoped he would emerge victorious, and I remain convinced that he gave his all in that contest.
Former Minister of Power, Chief Bayo Adelabu, also contested the 2023 governorship election on the platform of the Accord Party. Although I disagreed with that political decision, democracy guarantees every citizen the freedom of association and political choice.
Following the election, he was appointed into the Federal Executive Council, a development many interpreted differently based on their political perspectives.
Today, Chief Adelabu commands a substantial political following built over several election cycles. His support base remains significant, and if APC is to present a formidable front in 2027, Senator Sarafadeen Alli will undoubtedly benefit from the goodwill and backing of Adelabu and his loyalists.
Similarly, former Minister of Communications, Barrister Adebayo Shittu, has consistently demonstrated interest in Oyo State’s governorship over the years, even though he did not purchase the APC nomination form this time. His political experience and network remain valuable assets that should not be ignored.
My sympathy also goes to those aspirants who invested as much as ₦50 million each to purchase the APC governorship nomination form. That is no small sacrifice. Nonetheless, politics demands sacrifice in the collective interest. The pendulum could easily have swung in favour of any of them. Had that happened, the rest of us would equally have appealed to others to rally behind the eventual flag bearer.
I recall an incident during the 2022/2023 party activities when an official from Abuja, sent to supervise APC affairs in Oyo State, passionately appealed to stakeholders to embrace consensus. His message remains instructive. He warned that continued division within the party would only prolong its stay outside power and ultimately hurt everyone.
That warning remains relevant today.
For seven years, the APC has remained outside government in Oyo State. Can the party afford another four years in opposition? I do not think so.
This is why the task before us goes beyond the personal ambition of Senator Sarafadeen Alli. It is a collective struggle for every APC member, especially the foot soldiers who have remained loyal through difficult times. The Federal Government alone cannot provide opportunities for everyone. Regaining power in Oyo State is essential if the party hopes to broaden opportunities for its members at both the state and federal levels.
The challenge before us, therefore, is to build a larger political platform that accommodates everyone.
Senator Sarafadeen Alli is no political novice. Over the years, he has built relationships across virtually every ward in Oyo State. His political structure and grassroots appeal are undeniable. If party members unite behind him, APC stands a strong chance of returning to Government House.
Realistically, the 2027 governorship contest in Oyo State is shaping up to feature three major political forces. First is Senator Sarafadeen Alli of the APC, representing arguably the state’s most established political platform. Second is Hon. Bimbo Adekanbi, who many believe enjoys the backing of Governor Seyi Makinde and is expected to fly the flag of the APM. Third is Alhaji Hazmat Oriyomi of the Accord Party, whose growing popularity among many grassroots supporters cannot be dismissed.
The eventual winner is likely to emerge from one of these three political blocs. That reality alone should remind APC members that victory is far from guaranteed.
The surest path to success is unity.
This election should not be seen as Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s personal battle. It is the collective responsibility of every APC member who desires the party’s return to power in Oyo State.
The time has come to bury personal grievances, close ranks and work together. Only through unity can APC reclaim Oyo State in 2027.
Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, former Chairman of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Oyo State, former Chairman of Ido Local Government, former Commissioner for Education, Science and Technology in Oyo State, and former Federal Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.
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