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BOLA TINUBU:Jolapamo, Ladojas’ Credentials, Struggle, Success

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Barely a few months after the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential elections, there were several meetings of leaders of the resistance against military rule. Most such meetings did not take place in the open but in the confines of the homes of the core leaders of the struggle. One such place would be the home of Chief Abraham Adesanya on Douala Road in Apapa, Lagos. The rare opportunity I had was due to the involvement of Chief Isaac Jolapamo, who on many occasions would allow me to accompany him to Chief Adesanya’s house, even though I never participated in any of their deliberations. The house was a walking distance from Chief Jolapamao’s Morlap Shipping Office in Apapa. It was also a short walk from Chief Rashidi Ladoja’s shipping company. There would be many combinations of personalities on such occasions – academicians, politicians, economists, and analysts as they tried to chart the ways forward in hush tones. To date, I found the combination of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Chief Isaac Jolapamo, and Chief Rashidi Ladoja.

Of this trio, Bola Tinubu was the youngest, while Chief Rashidi Ladoja was the oldest. In Yoruba land, you could tell the age disparity from the mode of greetings and how people address one another in a conversation. Chief Isaac Jolapamo would be the first to stretch his hand (In Yoruba land, the senior must stretch his hands first), and Bola Tinubu would approach the hand with a bow. Tinubu would refer to Chief Isaac Jolapamo as “Egbon” or “Egbon mi” – one hundred percent of the time. Chief Rashidi Ladoja would refer to Bola Tinubu as simply “Bola” just as he would refer to Chief Jolapamo simply as “Isaac.” Not just among the three, Bola Tinubu was relatively younger than most of the people whom I would see among these leaders in those early days of what was later known as the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). But you could tell he had the respect of others. His delivery was always clear, although he was not loquacious. You could tell that Bola Tinubu was made mostly of brain matter. At a point, I summoned the courage to ask Chief Jolapamo how he knew Bola Tinubu. His response was simply, “Aburo wa daadaa ni, ni Mobil” (“He was our good younger brother in Mobil.”). That is why I laugh when some people refer to Tinubu, for political reasons, as an old man and assign him ages based on whims, caprices, and unfounded speculations. How could he now be older than Chief Isaac Jolapamo (74) or Chief Rashidi Ladoja (78), when he was far younger than them in 1994? Funny enough, Chief Pious Akinyelure who hired Bola Tinubu at Mobil is Chief Jolapamo’s very close friend and age mate, as they grew up together working for Mobil. I know Chief Akinyelure, and I find it funny that no one ever said Bola Tinubu is older than Chief Pious Akinyelure. I guess Tinubu’s age issue is part of Politico Nigerians!

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Bola Tinubu, Isaac Jolapamo, and Chief Rashidi Ladoja are first-class graduates of reputable Universities. Chief Rashidi Ladoja graduated First Class in Chemical Engineering from the University of Liege in Belgium. Chief Isaac Jolapamo graduated First Class in Mechanical Engineering from Jesus College, Cambridge University. Bola Tinubu graduated Magna Cum Laude (Equivalent of First Class) from Chicago State University in Accounting and Business Administration. All three worked with Mobil at high levels. Bola Tinubu resigned as a Treasurer. Isaac Jolapamo was a Ship Engineer, while Rashidi Ladoja was a Chemical Engineer with Mobil Oil, respectively. He held managerial positions before resigning to venture into Shipping, where he and Jolapamo became household names as leaders in the African Shipping industry.”

Asiwaju Bola Tinubu was one of the most prominent faces of the pro-democracy struggle. He had his face and voice in establishing newspapers and magazines with the sole purpose of fighting the military government. Chief Rashidi Ladoja and Chief Isaac Jolapamo, on the other hand, were heavy funders of the NADECO both at home and abroad. The fact remains that, in 1994, only a few Nigerians were as genuinely and stupendously wealthy as Chief Rashidi Ladoja or Chief Isaac Jolapamo. They both had vessels that sailed African waters and ocean vessels, with offices in many parts of the world. They employed hundreds of people, in their shipping and other business lines. All the money you have, for which people refer to you as their ATM will likely not buy an anchor on one of Rashidi Ladoja’s vessels in 1994. I salute the courage of these two because their business of shipping is in the firm grasp of the Federal Government they were fighting, yet they put the interest of the nation ahead of theirs. Now, that is real courage!

Bola Tinubu, Isaac Jolapamo, and Rashidi Ladoja were all hounded into exile at the same time. Chief Jolapamo and Chief Rashidi Ladoja weren’t too prominent in overt confrontations with the military junta of Abacha, like Tinubu. They worked behind the curtains, simply donating their money, properties, and their first-class brains to the struggle. Everything was fine, or so we thought until Chief Rashidi Ladoja delivered a devastating speech (I believe during his birthday celebration in 1994), lambasted the military government of Abacha by giving the Supreme Military Council, SMC the ultimatum to return leadership to the people or face the consequences. This is someone the military wanted to roast, now he just rubbed oil on his body and played around with an active fire. The outburst was broadcast all over the media outlets as it was being delivered. Even if the military wasn’t sure of his position on the NADECO struggle, he just gave them a clue. They went for him immediately after he was done delivering his speech. But he escaped, under circumstances that could only be described as a miracle. Those of us under Chief Jolapamo only knew they were looking for Chief Jolapamo as well, when on the day after Chief Ladoja’s speech, heavily armed military men surrounded Morlap Shipping, barged into the office shouting, “Where is your Oga patapata!” They repeated this for a few more days in a row; luckily, Chief Jolapamo was nowhere to be found. We knew what happened to Kudirat Abiola, Pa Alfred Rewane, and others under Abacha. You could therefore imagine our fears. We heaved a sigh of relief only after Mr. Matthew Oyebode, Morlap Shipping Administrative Director called everyone some days later and said, “Won o le ri Oga. Baba ati Chief Ladoja ti wa ni exile. Gbogbo yin, e lo man gbadura ki won o de layo. Ekun o ran nkankan. E je a maa dupe.” Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Chief Jolapamo, and Chief Rashidi Ladoja did not return to Nigeria from exile until General Sanni Abacha died in 1998.

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In 1999, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu became the Governor of Lagos. Among the first obstacles was the litigation against him and the Lagos State House of Assembly, when Festus Keyamo, now the State Minister of Labour sued to disqualify Tinubu from being sworn in as Governor. Femi Falana and Fred Agbaje were the key attorneys. I worked with Mr. Fred Agbaje and I can boastfully say I did an overwhelming part of the brief under Mr. Fred Agbaje on behalf of the Lagos State House of Assembly. On occasions, Chief Jolapamo would sneak into the Ikeja High Court despite his hectic schedule. On many occasions, he would ask me to update him about the proceedings. After I updated him, he would simply tell me how he followed everything to validate my update to be accurate. He would end our conversation with a stern warning, “So fun Oga re, won o good yo Tinubu o.”

Fast-forward four years after, Chief Ladoja became the Governor of Oyo State. His key huddle was President Obasanjo and the late Chief Lamidi Adedibu. When he was unconstitutionally removed from office, he had succored from Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, who himself was at the same time contending with that same President Olusegun Obasanjo. Both survived President Obasanjo’s onslaught. The exception is Chief Isaac Jolapamo, who would not touch politics with a mile-long pole. His only involvement would be when I became involved in active politics, and he had to solicit support for me with everything he has gotten, despite the challenges of age and his otherwise no so rosy perspective about Nigerian politics.

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When Bola Tinubu was elected Nigerian President on February 25, 2023. I feel the trio of Chief Isaac Jolapamo, Chief Rashidi Ladoja, and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu have all come to a full cycle in their struggle. As one of the beneficiaries of Chief Jolapamo, I had flashbacks of those days of their struggle and exile, when no one could have predicted they would be blessed to see one of them being sworn in as President of Nigeria a few hours from now. The first person I called to congratulate was Chief Jolapamo and by extension Chief Ladoja. The trio of Tinubu, Jolapamo, and Ladoja will always be valiant heroes to me. Now can breathe a sense of relief, seeing sunshine after those days of darkness in the tunnel. I count them as extremely lucky.

 

 

Barr. Wakil Oyeleru Oyedemi writes from the United States of America 

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Opinion

OYO101: ADELABU— When will this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant stop?| By Muftau Gbadegesin

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The Minister of Power, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, has apologized for lashing out at Nigerians over poor energy management.

I hope Nigerians, especially our people from Oyo state, forgive and overlook his Freudian slip. Given that apology, I believe the minister has realized his mistakes and will subsequently act accordingly. In days that followed the minister’s vituperation, many otherwise cool-headed and easy-going observers quickly joined the band of critics and cynics. By the way, what BAND do you think those critics belonged to?

Plus, how best do you describe kicking someone who is down already? The flurry of condemnation that followed Oloye Adelabu’s ‘AC-Freezer’ sermon must have surprised and shocked him. Instead of sticking to his prepared speech, he decided to dash off by telling Nigerians some home truth. Quite amusingly, the truth, it turns out, is not the truth Nigerians want to hear. And as they say, ‘There is your truth, my truth, and the Truth.’ The fact is that Nigerians are angry at many things, the sudden hike in electricity tariff being one.

Perhaps the Minister’s press conference, an avenue to calm fraying nerves and address critical issues, quickly congealed into an arena for an intellectual dogfight – if you watch the video, you will hear the murmur that rented the air the moment that terse statement was uttered. While some influencers tried to downplay the minister’s jibe, they were instead flogged in their whitewashing game. Frankly, I am not interested in the minister and the energy management brouhaha. What I am indeed interested in is what the ministry and minister are doing to restore light in a country where darkness has permeated much of its landscape – don’t mind the confusion the minister and the ministry have created to disrupt the conversation around that vital sector of the economy.

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‘Up NEPA’, Lol

Trust Nigerians. When the defunct National Electric Power Authority failed to end the perennial and persistent darkness in the country, it was ironically dubbed ‘Never Expect Power Always.’ And when the company morphed into PHCN, Nigerians berated the name change, saying the company would hold more power than it would release. True to that assumption, PHCN indeed held more power than it gave to the people.

Then, in 2013, Nigerians woke up to the news of DISCOs, GENCOS, GASCOs, and so on. DISCOs for distribution companies, GENCOs for generating companies, and Gascos for gas suppliers. Of all these critical value chains, only DISCOs were handed down to private enterprises. Think of IBEDC, AEDC, IEDC, BEDC, etc. Unfortunately, the privatization of the distribution chain hasn’t transformed the sector’s fortune for good. More interested in the money but less motivated to do the dirty work of revamping the infrastructure.

Like a typical Nigerian in a ‘band E’ environment, I grew up chanting the ‘Up NEPA’ mantra whenever power is restored at home – and I am not alone in this mass choir. As a rural boy, the ‘Up NEPA’ chant is etched into our skulls from time immemorial. Sometimes, you can’t even tell when you start to join the chorus; you only know that you say it automatically and auto-magisterially. Many years down the lane, the persistent power cuts, blackouts, and grid collapses have worsened. And under Minister Adelabu, power supply, based on my little experience, has never reached this depressing point in history.

As a content creator, I can tell you Oloye Adelabu may likely go down in history as the most inconsequential minister of power unless something drastic is done to restore people’s confidence and bring about a steady, stable, frequent, and regular power supply. You may have seen on social media how most Nigerians who migrated abroad often find it difficult to shed that ‘Up NEPA’ chant from themselves once a power cut is fixed in those countries. Like the rest of their countrymen, they have internalized that mantra. Only after they’ve acclimatized to their new environment would they become healed of that verbal virus ultimately.

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‘Adelabu, end this chant’

This is a challenge. In my column welcoming Oloye Adelabu into the critical ministry of power, I asked a rhetorical question: Can Adelabu end the penkelemesi in the power sector? In Nigeria, is there any other economic sector troubled by multidimensional and multifaceted peculiar messes than the power sector? Adelabu’s grandfather, Adegoke Adelabu, was nicknamed Penkelemesi. History has it that the colonial masters, tired of that Ibadan politician, decided to describe him in the punchiest way possible: a peculiar mess. Quickly, a peculiar mess spread across like wildfire: the white men have described Adegoke as a peculiar mess. Translated to Yoruba, we have Penkelemesi. In retrospect, the minister must have realized the situation he met on the ground is better than what is obtainable now. He needs to own up, chin up, and take full responsibility for this total blackout.

‘Minister Fashola’

Babatunde Fashola, SAN is a clever man. For four years as minister of power, he avoided cutting controversy. But long before he was appointed, he had stirred quite an expectation around fixing the rot in the sector. He had jokingly said his party, the APC, would resolve the crisis of perennial blackout in one fell swoop. He categorically gave a timeline of when Nigerians in the cities and villages will start to enjoy regular power supply: six months. After four years of setbacks, Minister Fashola was forced to eat his vomit: the power crisis in Nigeria is deep-seated and chaotic. Oloye Adelabu has made more enemies than friends in less than a year. The minister may survey his performance among Nigerians to test this hypothesis. The truth is the truth. The mismatch between the minister’s area of competence and his assigned portfolio hasn’t helped matters as well. And this is a cavity many of his critics and traducers are banking on.

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For the first time in decades, Adelabu stands on the threshold of history: will he end this generational ‘UP NEPA’ chant once and for all? Time will tell.

OYO101 is Muftau Gbadegesin’s opinion about issues affecting the Oyo state. He can be reached via @muftaugbade on X, muftaugbadegesin@gmail.com, and 09065176850.

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Yahaya Bello: Do we need to prosecute ex-govs?

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I followed the drama of unimaginable scenes that unfolded in Abuja last week, as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) moved to arrest and arraign the immediate past governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, in respect of alleged mismanagement of funds. I called it a drama of unimaginable scenes because the EFCC had laid siege to the house since very early in the day, knowing that its target, the “White Lion of Kogi State” was holed up somewhere in the compound.

But before the very eyes of the EFCC operatives, the man they had waited all day to catch, just slipped off their hands effortlessly. They claimed that he was rescued by his cousin, the incumbent governor of the state, Usman Ododo, who is protected by constitutional immunity. But EFCC lawyers would claim that Section 12 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) empowers the body to break into houses to effect arrest.

Maybe that’s a story for another day. But it was surprising they didn’t think of that option. Bello was said to have stayed put in the Government House Lokoja since indication emerged that the EFCC was on his trail. So the easiest thing for the Kogi governor to do was to drive into the troubled house and then fish out a troubled cousin.

The Yahaya Bello saga is just the latest drama between the EFCC and former governors. Some time ago, we witnessed the Ayo Fayose drama. The former Ekiti State governor, whom EFCC was unable to arrest while in office put up some drama when he arrived at EFCC’s office wearing a branded ‘T’ shirt with the inscription: “EFCC I’m here.” Some of his loyalists helped him with things he needed to use in the EFCC detention.

Aside from that, we have also witnessed the Willie Obiano saga. The former governor of Anambra State was accused of misappropriating the state’s funds and has since been taken to court. Immediately after handing over the reins of power in Awka, the man had planned to jet out of the country but had to be stopped as EFCC operatives grabbed him at that exit point. We were also witnesses to the back and forth between the former Governor Abdulaziz Yari of Zamfara State and the EFCC. The commission had accused Yari of mismanaging billions of Naira and moved to arraign him.

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There were accusations and counter-accusations until Yari landed in the Senate, and things became quiet. The drama between the ex-Imo State governor, Rochas Okorocha, was interesting while it lasted. The commission had laid siege to the residence and eventually entered through the roof. We saw a terrified Okorocha and his household, praying fervently for God’s intervention as operatives jumped in to grab their suspect.

The list I have above is by no means exhaustive of the dramatic exchanges between the EFCC and some former governors accused of one financial misdeed or the other in recent years. One thing is, however, common to all the cases, after the the initial bubbles, the whole thing dies down as the retreating waves. Next to nothing is heard of the cases as the neck-breaking snail-speed of the nation’s judicial system takes over. Year after year, it is about one injunction or the other. Many of the accused had gone ahead to seek elective posts and won, many others have taken appointments and the law cannot stop them from utilising the benefits of the allegedly looted resources to gain an advantage since our laws presume individuals innocent until proven guilty.

The books of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPCC) are full of such individuals who have allegations of hundreds of billions of Naira hanging on their necks. Many of them are busy swinging the official chairs in government offices as we speak. God forbid, one of such should, gain control of the nation’s presidency one day!

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Well, to forestall such a scary development, I think we need an antidote to these endless anti-corruption trials. The endless trial is not just a drain on the energy of the lady justice. It drills a gaping hole in the state’s resources as well. Imagine the legal charges the state incurs in taking several cases through the layers of courts. It is also possible some of the accused, who are innocent of the accusation could die in the process of trials and thus carry an unnecessary burden of guilt (at least in the eyes of the public) into their graves. The late governor of Oyo State, Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala was able to win his case against the EFCC after 13 years, he died not long after the ‘not guilty’ verdict was pronounced. Former President of the Senate, Adolphus Wabara was also on the bribe-for-budget case preferred against him for more than ten years. Luckily, he was alive to receive his ‘not guilty’ verdict as well. Some may not be that lucky.

To stem this tide of seemingly endless trials of politically exposed persons, I want to suggest amendments to the EFCC and ICPC Acts to lay much premium on thorough and discreet probes of financial crimes rather than dump the results of the investigations in the court, the suspects should be called in and shown the traces of the illegally taken funds and their destinations. If the suspect is ready to refund at least two-thirds of the stolen funds to the coffers of the government, the agency involved, under the supervision of a competent court, could sign an irrevocable non-disclosure agreement and collect the funds into a special basket created for that purpose and which will be used for infrastructural development.

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Such an agreement should also take care of any possible penchant for grandstanding by any politician who could mount the podium one day and claim never to have been indicted of financial crimes. As much as the government would not waste time and resources prosecuting him or her, he should also be barred from active politics and playing godfather roles. If we do this, we will not only save time and resources, but we will get back a sizeable amount of the looted funds into government coffers for developmental purposes.

By Taiwo Adisa

This piece was first Published By Sunday Tribune, April 21, 2024.

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Tinubu’s Naira Miracle: Abracadabra or Economic Wizardry? | By Adeniyi Olowofela

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Prior to assuming the presidency of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu garnered the confidence of the majority of Nigerians with the promise of rescuing the country’s economy from the impending disaster it faced.

For the past 43 years, the Naira has been steadily depreciating against the Dollar, as illustrated in Figure One.

The graphs below unequivocally depict the exponential rise of the Naira against the Dollar from 1979 to 2022. This sustained upward trend would have theoretically resulted in the Naira reaching 2,500 Naira to one Dollar by now.

 

 

This situation led some individuals to hoard dollars in anticipation of profiting from further devaluation of the Naira.

However, under President Bola Tinubu’s leadership, the Nigerian federal government successfully halted the expected decline of the Naira.

The Naira has appreciated to 1,200 Naira to a Dollar (Figure 2), contrary to the projected 2,500 Naira to one Dollar, based on the exponential pattern observed in Figure One.

This achievement demonstrates unprecedented economic prowess. If this trajectory continues, the Naira may appreciate to 500 Naira against 1 Dollar before the conclusion of President Bola Tinubu’s first term in 2027.

While the purchasing power of the average Nigerian remains relatively low, there is a palpable sense of hope on the rise.

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It is hoped that the Economic Team advising the President will continue their efforts to stabilize the economy and prevent its collapse until Nigeria achieves economic prosperity.

The government’s ability to reverse the Naira’s free fall within a year can be likened to a remarkable feat, reminiscent of a lizard falling from the top of an Iroko tree unscathed, then nodding its head in self-applause.

Mr. President, we applaud your efforts.

 

Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.

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