Opinion
APC’s Long Night | By Lasisi Olagunju
Published
4 years agoon
I saw two bearded, bitter members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) on Channels TV late last week lamenting. They said ex-PDP leaders were taking over the house they built. They fretted and lamented what was about to happen to their tendency at the party’s national convention. I pitied them. It is not everyone who builds that lives in the house they built. They’ve probably not heard it said before that “fools build houses, and wise men live in them.” It is in Alan Benjamin Cheales’ Proverbial Folk-Lore (1875). W.F. Butler, in his 1911 autobiography, injects a benign variant of that saying: “Fools build houses for other men to live in.” I also saw it somewhere that the men who built the big house of Empire for England “usually get the attic for their own lodgment.” J. Ray in his ‘English Proverbs’ (1670) has an even more ghastly slant: “Fools build houses, and wise men buy them.” Yet, there is at least one more person, J. Kelly who asserts in his ‘Scottish Proverbs’ (1721) that he knew a gentleman who bought land, built a house upon it, and then sold “both house and land to pay the expenses of his building.” All these are contained and explained in the Oxford Dictionary of Proverbs. Visit them.
So, which of the above sayings would you say fits the unhappy creators of the APC and the party’s new chief occupants? The founding members are unhappy because Abdullahi Adamu is the national chairman and Iyiola Omisore is the national secretary. They have a reason to be sad. They are in the rains; the people they thought they defeated are in their victory house, warm and well. The enemy even holds the yam and the knife now. Adamu was PDP governor of Nasarawa (1999 to 2007), secretary of PDP’s highest organ, the Board of Trustees and was elected PDP Senator in 2011. He left the party in 2014. Omisore was PDP Senator (Osun East) from 2003 to 2011 and an influential member of that party until he left it in 2018. Isaac Kekemeke, the party’s new National Vice Chairman was Secretary to the Ondo State Government under PDP’s Segun Agagu’s governorship. The list is longer than this. These three and more will run the affairs of Nigeria’s ruling party until such a time those who put them on the throne say enough!
Presidential democracy is about two or more cats chasing one mouse. It is also about two or more dogs setting at one bone. The strongest and smartest goes home with satiated belly. It is interesting that ex-PDP men have taken very firm control of the ruling party. Some defanged interests are sulking; they are not happy – but they are quiet – weighing options. Politics has a synonym in the word ‘conundrum’, something my Yoruba people would say means ‘adiitu’ (untieable knot). Why would Muhammadu Buhari strike down his old comrades-at-arms and enthrone Adamu, an old foe? They say it is politics, raw. Politicians would not mind to eat their enemy’s food if it contains the nutrients needed to sprint to power. Morality and talks of integrity have no place in power politics and in the politics of power. That is what happened on Saturday with the APC. The party has enlarged its coast with the strength (and stench) of the enemy so that its cat could catch more mice; and so its dogs could have smoother access to the bones of Nigeria. APC’s rival, the PDP, recently did something almost like that too. PDP’s new national chairman, Iyorchia Ayu, was a foundation member of APC’s main content, the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN); he is also forever a bosom friend of APC’s mafia don, Senator Bola Tinubu. And both do not hide the cosiness of their joint duvet. Political incest and electoral adultery are in-built in such amoral structures.
Politics is war by other means. Politicians operate across enemy lines; they exploit so much the power of darkness to rule their game. Do soldiers in war ever help the enemy? They do guidedly and to their own peril. But politicians do it if it pays them. Own goals are never matters of shame to them. Anything that works, no matter how despicable, is correct and applauded in our politics. But what can we do? Our husbands are the politicians, and they are pragmatists of the darkest hue. And pragmatism teaches its students that life is lived in peace and in full when you pick your strike force from a pool of friends and from the enemy’s bedroom. Hitler did it with his friends and allies during the Night of the Long Knives. The pragmatist in the Nigerian politician sees nothing wrong in eating across enemy lines – and in feeding friends to enemy crocodiles. We won’t, however, be tired of telling him that it is an ill bird that fouls its own nest. Sometimes the Nigerian politician eats the leftovers of the enemy; sometimes he drops food for the enemy. He does this while the stupid children of the poor die fighting his cause. An APC devotee reportedly died in Abuja on Saturday while trekking to the convention venue. His death was reported without a name attached to him. He had no name and will have no memory. He was simply a tool that dropped into the silted bottom of politics.
I listened throughout APC’s Saturday Night of the Long Knives. I laughed as the recalcitrance of unfavoured aspirants melted. One after the other, they spoke to the microphone renouncing their ambitions and praising ‘democratic’ Buhari whose cold-blooded politics aborted their dreams. The contestants plagiarized one another in a competition of obsequity at the feet of the president: I withdraw from this race because of my love for our father, the president; I drop my ambition in deference to our hardworking president; I am no longer interested in this post because the president calls for consensus. Then came the bearded ex-minister from Oyo State who emerged at two minutes to 2am on Sunday to do what he had vowed never to do: He dropped out of the race for Omisore as the secretary of the party. He said it was for the president. They all elevated the president’s wish to that of their party. The gathering was a pageant of absurdity.
The Eagle Square parade had a parallel in ancient Rome. Historians call it ‘The Roman Triumph,’ a riotous rite of victory started by Rome’s legendary founder, Romulus. It involved the near-deification of the triumphator and an endorsement of his wiles and whims. You heard them on Saturday: the president is divine in everything he does. Everyone who spoke at the event had great things to say about their president. Senate President Ahmed Lawan’s speech was very instructive. He said Buhari’s persona was the fortune they all enjoyed. He said the old man “may not be on the ballot” next year. He paused and readjusted his words: “Let me be explicit, you will not be on the ballot in 2023, but you will remain the leading light and moral compass of APC even after your tenure finishes. And, therefore, Mr. President, I’m sorry, you will have little rest, because we will never allow you to go away.” What exactly did Lawan mean by the APC would not let Buhari rest even after his tenure? He could only mean that the party would forever need the incumbent president’s stone celts to strike at enemies and retain his luck to win unthinking votes. But that would not be original. Everything that happened on Saturday was taken from PDP’s operations manual. When it was in power, PDP made sure Obasanjo did no wrong just as today’s APC Buhari. That time, PDP said Obasanjo was their father and mentor forever; even the founders of the APC, including this same Buhari, went to the former president in Abeokuta in 2014 and begged him to come and be their “moral compass” – the exact words which Lawan used for Buhari at the Eagle Square. Try and view again the footage of weekend’s festival of flattery. What can you see there? What is Buhari’s reaction to those rains of blandishments? The cameramen did a very good job focusing on the General with an unsmiling mien. There he is: the president sits straight, looks straight; his deputy, beside him sits, looks not away, but down; his fingers fiddling endlessly with his iPad. The president is probably wiser than his palace bards.
The APC looks increasingly a personal monument to Buhari – for as long as he reigns. Exactly a month ago, I wrote about what I called “APC’s Kabiyesi Politics.” I have had to go back and read the piece all over again. In it, I said Kabiyesi means ‘we dare not question him.’ I added that, indeed, kabiyesiism isn’t strictly an APC doctrinal monopoly. I argued that the philosophy has been the guardian angel of all Nigerian presidents since 1999. I said the president is big and powerful and he is beyond query. I noted that whatever he does or whatever he does not do is very right and very good. I warned that you walk on the edge of his sword at your peril and to your sorrow. Everything played out last week climaxing with Saturday’s crowning of the president’s choices as the minders of the ruling party. The president’s word was the only law that guided the convention.
What does it mean to be the only consequential star in the firmament? There is this evocative genre of Yoruba oral literature called Oriki. Karin Barber, ex-professor of African Cultural Anthropology at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom, describes Oriki as “a master discourse” which she further says are enigmatic formulations that “commemorate personalities, events and actions.” My mother’s ancestral roots are in the intrepid palace of the Ijesa of Western Nigeria. There is a line in the Ijesa prince/princess’ Oriki which fits the narrative here: omo oni’bo kan, Ibo kan t’o ju oni’bo merindinlogun (child of the owner of one lone vote that is more than 16 votes of others). I donate this line to the children of Nigeria’s Caesar; their father’s vote was the only vote that mattered yesterday; it is the only one that will matter when APC’s presidential primary holds in two months’ time – and, maybe, at our presidential election. If you’ve been visiting palaces and shrines in search of APC ticket for the coming elections, please, stop and do a redirection of your compass. The only prayer that will be answered is the one offered to the real leader of the party, the president. That is the only lesson from weekend’s national convention of the APC and its outcomes.
But that cannot be the democracy people died for. The English say a dry cough is the trumpeter of death. Whatever is poisonous cannot give life. The line of sanity between APC and PDP – and others – is blurred forever by the reigning amorality of anything goes that works. Warwick Chipman, in his ‘Pragmatism and Politics’ (1911) argues that “a democracy forgetting freedom and a philosophy careless of principles…go hand in hand together.” And they are a couple of evil. Chipman deplores the crude practicality of a democracy that threatens to entrammel men; he told “lovers of liberty” that they “must see that a philosophy without a standard, a wisdom that will not criticise, a doctrine that will not lead, is the greatest foe of all that they have to fight.” Everything he describes in that quote is in what we call democracy here. Nigeria’s battle for freedom has not started.
Lasisi Olagunju, celebrated columnist writes
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Opinion
Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration
Published
2 weeks agoon
July 9, 2026By
Mega IconThe popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.
For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.
Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.
Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.
What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.
Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.
Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.
Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.
The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.
One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.
As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.
Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.
At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.
At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.
The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.
Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.
Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.
As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.
History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
Opinion
An Open Letter to Northern Leaders: Arewa Is Bleeding. Who Will Answer the Call?
Published
2 weeks agoon
July 7, 2026By
Mega IconI write this letter with a heavy heart to the sons and daughters of Arewa, particularly those entrusted with leadership and influence, concerning the painful reality confronting our region today. Once united in purpose and driven by a shared vision, Arewa now appears to be living in the shadow of its glorious past.
Our forefathers built this great region with one voice, setting aside differences of ethnicity and religion. They understood that unity was our greatest strength and that our diversity was not a weakness but a blessing. Their legacy was one of peace, mutual respect, visionary leadership, and collective progress.
Today, it is heartbreaking to witness how far we have drifted from those ideals. This letter is a sincere call for reflection, reconciliation, and a renewed commitment to rebuilding the unity, security, and prosperity that once defined our beloved Arewa.
Arewa Under Siege
Northern Nigeria has become widely known as a hotspot for multiple forms of insecurity. From the Boko Haram insurgency to widespread kidnapping, armed banditry, and violent attacks, fear has become part of everyday life. People no longer feel safe in their homes, workplaces, on their farms, or while travelling on the highways. Every journey is undertaken with uncertainty, with no guarantee of arriving safely.
Even more troubling is the perception that these security challenges have become normalised. Reports of abductions, killings, and attacks have become so frequent that they often receive far less attention than they deserve. This perceived indifference from those in positions of authority has contributed to a growing public belief that criminal groups now operate with confidence and relative impunity.
Consequently, many residents feel abandoned, while public trust in the government’s ability to protect lives and property continues to erode.
Addressing this crisis requires a coordinated and sustained response through stronger security operations, improved intelligence gathering, greater support for affected communities, and genuine accountability. Without decisive action, the cycle of violence and fear will continue to undermine the region’s stability, economic development, and the well-being of its people.
Beyond Insecurity: A Crisis of Leadership
The North’s challenges are not accidental. Poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment are the cumulative consequences of long-standing structural failures, weak governance, and policy choices that have compounded over decades.
Responsibility is shared across different segments of society—including the political elite, the educated class, and the business community—many of whom have possessed both the influence and the opportunity to intervene more decisively than they have.
Rather than being the result of a single coordinated agenda, what is evident is a persistent pattern of neglect, weak accountability, and recurring governance failures that have allowed social and economic conditions to deteriorate. These failures have contributed to rising unemployment, declining educational outcomes, inadequate healthcare, and the expansion of insecurity across much of the region.
Breaking this cycle requires more than assigning blame. It demands institutional reform, accountable leadership, strategic investment in human capital, and a renewed sense of public responsibility.
Where Are the Northern Elite?
This brings us to the most difficult question: Where are the Northern elite? Where are the governors, ministers, lawmakers, business leaders, scholars, and other influential voices? Many command enormous influence, considerable private wealth, and extensive international networks, yet too often appear unable—or unwilling—to meaningfully confront the conditions that continue to leave large parts of the region insecure, impoverished, and politically weakened.
Why does this gap persist?
Part of the answer lies in proximity to power. In political environments shaped by patronage, speaking boldly may threaten access, while silence preserves influence. Over time, self-preservation begins to resemble strategy.
Unfortunately, the cost is borne not by those in positions of privilege but by ordinary communities far removed from the rooms where decisions are made.
Reviving the North’s Industrial Legacy
Northern Nigeria was once the industrial powerhouse of the country. Cities such as Kano and Kaduna were thriving centres of manufacturing, commerce, and employment. Today, much of that industrial strength has faded.
This is, therefore, a respectful appeal to two of Nigeria’s most accomplished industrialists—Aliko Dangote and Abdul Samad Rabiu. Many people continue to ask why there is limited visible large-scale industrial reinvestment in Kano, your home state, and across Northern Nigeria.
As a Kano indigene, and to the best of my knowledge, neither Aliko Dangote nor Abdul Samad Rabiu currently operates major manufacturing facilities actively producing in Kano. Several facilities associated with their businesses are widely reported to have become inactive or to function primarily as warehouses rather than active industrial plants. For example, along Tafawa Balewa Road, two BUA facilities that previously operated flour and vegetable oil mills are reported to have ceased production. Likewise, several Dangote industrial sites stretching from Mai Malari Road to the Sharada Industrial Area are also widely reported to be inactive or operating far below capacity.
Kano and Kaduna, once renowned for their vibrant manufacturing sectors, have experienced decades of industrial decline, resulting in widespread unemployment and underutilised infrastructure. At the same time, a significant share of new private-sector industrial investment appears to have been concentrated in other parts of the country, particularly the South-West. This naturally raises important questions about balanced national development.
Philanthropy remains valuable and deeply appreciated. Scholarships, donations, and humanitarian support undoubtedly improve lives. However, charity cannot replace sustainable industrial development.
What the North urgently needs is long-term investment that revives manufacturing, creates employment, strengthens local supply chains, develops skills, and rebuilds industrial ecosystems across Kano, Kaduna, and neighbouring states. Strong factories build strong communities, while sustainable industries create lasting prosperity. The expectation, therefore, is not charity but a renewed commitment to the economic transformation of the region where many of Nigeria’s greatest industrial success stories first began.
The Responsibility of Business Leaders
The Northern business elite have watched insecurity, poverty, and displacement deepen while economic activity has increasingly concentrated elsewhere.
Insurgency, banditry, and weakened rural governance have disrupted agriculture, trade routes, and local markets. Investment naturally gravitates towards safer and more predictable environments. Yet public advocacy from many influential business leaders has often remained muted, constrained by commercial interests, political relationships, and regulatory considerations.
The region risks becoming divided into two realities: one integrated into national wealth and opportunity, and the other left to bear the consequences of persistent insecurity, economic stagnation, and neglect.
Business leadership extends beyond generating profits. It also entails helping to create an environment where enterprise can flourish, jobs can be created, and communities can prosper. Sustainable economic growth depends not only on private investment but also on the willingness of influential stakeholders to advocate policies and initiatives that promote stability, security, and inclusive development.
The North’s business community has historically played a significant role in shaping the region’s economic fortunes. That tradition of leadership remains essential today. While governments bear primary responsibility for governance and security, the private sector also possesses the capacity to influence development through strategic investments, partnerships, innovation, and constructive engagement with public institutions.
Rebuilding confidence in Northern Nigeria requires collaboration among government, businesses, civil society, and local communities. A more secure and prosperous region ultimately benefits everyone, creating new opportunities for investment, employment, and long-term economic growth.
A Message to Political Leaders
To the political leadership of Northern Nigeria: the contradiction has become increasingly difficult to ignore. The region remains one of the country’s most significant in terms of population and political influence, yet it continues to lag behind on key development indicators such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, employment, and security.
When communities are attacked, farmers are displaced, and schools are forced to close, silence from those entrusted with leadership is seldom interpreted as restraint. More often, it is perceived as detachment. Leadership is measured not only by electoral success or political influence but also by the willingness to confront difficult realities with courage, empathy, and decisive action.
The expectations of citizens go beyond promises. They seek visible commitment, practical solutions, and sustained engagement with the challenges affecting their daily lives. Rebuilding public confidence requires leadership that is accountable, responsive, and focused on the long-term development of the region.
A Message to the Educated and Professional Class
To our academics, professionals, and intellectuals: the evidence is neither hidden nor difficult to find. Reports, research, and lived experiences consistently reveal widening gaps in human development, education, healthcare, and security.
Yet, too often, expertise remains confined within institutions and professional circles that discourage open engagement with entrenched power. Knowledge should not merely describe problems; it should help solve them. Research should inform policy, enrich public debate, and contribute meaningfully to sustainable solutions.
Every society depends on courageous thinkers who are willing to engage constructively, challenge complacency, and place the public interest above personal convenience. The North possesses no shortage of intellectual talent. What is needed is a stronger connection between knowledge and action.
A Message to Cultural Influencers
To our musicians, artists, writers, actors, and other public figures: throughout history, art has served as a powerful instrument of truth, reflection, and social transformation. Cultural voices have inspired movements, preserved history, and given hope to communities during difficult times.
Yet, when economic survival becomes closely tied to political or commercial interests, critical voices often become subdued. Society benefits when its cultural figures speak with honesty, empathy, and a sense of responsibility. Their influence extends beyond entertainment; it helps shape public values, inspire civic engagement, and amplify the concerns of ordinary people.
A Shared Responsibility
Ultimately, this is not solely a Northern Nigerian problem. It reflects a broader question confronting societies everywhere: what happens when elite interests become disconnected from the well-being of ordinary people?
When access becomes more valuable than accountability, and proximity to power outweighs responsibility to the public, silence is rarely accidental—it becomes institutionalised.
The result is a widening emotional and political distance between leadership and the people. Unless that distance is narrowed through meaningful investment, principled advocacy, and courageous leadership, the same questions will continue to resonate:
Who speaks? Who benefits? Who bears the cost?
History will judge every generation by how it responds to the challenges of its time. Northern Nigeria possesses enormous human potential, entrepreneurial talent, agricultural resources, and a rich cultural heritage.
What it requires now is leadership marked by vision, courage, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the common good.
This letter is not intended to condemn but to encourage honest reflection and meaningful action. The future of Arewa depends not only on government but also on every leader, businessperson, scholar, professional, artist, and citizen willing to place the region’s long-term prosperity above personal or political interests.
May we find the wisdom to rebuild what has been weakened, the courage to confront uncomfortable truths, and the determination to restore Northern Nigeria to its rightful place as a region of peace, opportunity, and shared prosperity.
Abba Dukawa writes from Kano and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com.
Opinion
2027: Why Oyo APC Should Close Ranks Behind Sarafadeen Alli | By Adeniyi Olowofela
Published
3 weeks agoon
July 4, 2026By
Mega IconSince the emergence of Senator Sarafadeen Alli as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2027 election in Oyo State, I have listened to and read numerous reactions from party members and stakeholders. While some of his co-contestants have expressed disappointment, such feelings are understandable in every keenly contested democratic process.
Interestingly, many people have attempted to draw Senator Teslim Folarin into the controversy surrounding the party’s choice. However, he has remained silent. In my view, that silence is deliberate. I believe Senator Folarin understands the direction taken by the party’s national leadership regarding the choice of candidate.
Anyone who believes Senator Folarin was unaware of Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s governorship ambition does not fully appreciate his political experience. Senator Folarin is a strategic politician. In the 2023 governorship election, he pursued victory with determination and commitment. Personally, I had hoped he would emerge victorious, and I remain convinced that he gave his all in that contest.
Former Minister of Power, Chief Bayo Adelabu, also contested the 2023 governorship election on the platform of the Accord Party. Although I disagreed with that political decision, democracy guarantees every citizen the freedom of association and political choice.
Following the election, he was appointed into the Federal Executive Council, a development many interpreted differently based on their political perspectives.
Today, Chief Adelabu commands a substantial political following built over several election cycles. His support base remains significant, and if APC is to present a formidable front in 2027, Senator Sarafadeen Alli will undoubtedly benefit from the goodwill and backing of Adelabu and his loyalists.
Similarly, former Minister of Communications, Barrister Adebayo Shittu, has consistently demonstrated interest in Oyo State’s governorship over the years, even though he did not purchase the APC nomination form this time. His political experience and network remain valuable assets that should not be ignored.
My sympathy also goes to those aspirants who invested as much as ₦50 million each to purchase the APC governorship nomination form. That is no small sacrifice. Nonetheless, politics demands sacrifice in the collective interest. The pendulum could easily have swung in favour of any of them. Had that happened, the rest of us would equally have appealed to others to rally behind the eventual flag bearer.
I recall an incident during the 2022/2023 party activities when an official from Abuja, sent to supervise APC affairs in Oyo State, passionately appealed to stakeholders to embrace consensus. His message remains instructive. He warned that continued division within the party would only prolong its stay outside power and ultimately hurt everyone.
That warning remains relevant today.
For seven years, the APC has remained outside government in Oyo State. Can the party afford another four years in opposition? I do not think so.
This is why the task before us goes beyond the personal ambition of Senator Sarafadeen Alli. It is a collective struggle for every APC member, especially the foot soldiers who have remained loyal through difficult times. The Federal Government alone cannot provide opportunities for everyone. Regaining power in Oyo State is essential if the party hopes to broaden opportunities for its members at both the state and federal levels.
The challenge before us, therefore, is to build a larger political platform that accommodates everyone.
Senator Sarafadeen Alli is no political novice. Over the years, he has built relationships across virtually every ward in Oyo State. His political structure and grassroots appeal are undeniable. If party members unite behind him, APC stands a strong chance of returning to Government House.
Realistically, the 2027 governorship contest in Oyo State is shaping up to feature three major political forces. First is Senator Sarafadeen Alli of the APC, representing arguably the state’s most established political platform. Second is Hon. Bimbo Adekanbi, who many believe enjoys the backing of Governor Seyi Makinde and is expected to fly the flag of the APM. Third is Alhaji Hazmat Oriyomi of the Accord Party, whose growing popularity among many grassroots supporters cannot be dismissed.
The eventual winner is likely to emerge from one of these three political blocs. That reality alone should remind APC members that victory is far from guaranteed.
The surest path to success is unity.
This election should not be seen as Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s personal battle. It is the collective responsibility of every APC member who desires the party’s return to power in Oyo State.
The time has come to bury personal grievances, close ranks and work together. Only through unity can APC reclaim Oyo State in 2027.
Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, former Chairman of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Oyo State, former Chairman of Ido Local Government, former Commissioner for Education, Science and Technology in Oyo State, and former Federal Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.
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