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Abiola Ajimobi: Mistake Or Mystique? || By Festus Adedayo

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“Like every leader, Ajimobi has his own character flaws. Strong are however these flaws that they dwarf a myriad of good traits in him. No matter his flaws, Ajimobi has greatly transformed Oyo State. He however left myriad other areas that need tackling. Whoever is announced as governor today will need to take Oyo a notch higher than Ajimobi will be leaving it in May”.

The last two weeks must have been very challenging for the governor of Oyo State, Abiola Ajimobi. Assailed on all fronts due to the loss of his bid for the Oyo South senatorial district in the February election, the electoral loss became an opportunity for Ajimobi to be pummeled on all fronts by those who had nursed boundless grouses against him, especially in the last eight years of his administration of the State. The social media became the most fertile ground for his pummeling; real and concocted permutations of his political fate were traded on the go like they do at the security exchange market. Extrapolations were made from this to arrive at a worse fate which they projected could befall his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the gubernatorial election held yesterday. Those who claimed to be in the know narrated details of an alleged order from leader of the party, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, banning him from afflicting the party with his alleged bad luck and recent maladministration of the state. Having been opportune to work with Ajimobi, I should be able to offer a dispassionate assessment of the character of the man they call Constituted Authority, a man whom I worked closely with for about six years – about two years before his ascendancy into power and four years of his being the governor of Oyo State. I feel that my conscience will not acquit me if I don’t lend my voice to the debate on who exactly Ajimobi is.

By the way, I apologise, dear reader that this piece will basically be ad hominien, dealing strictly with individuals, their character, rather than either issue or policy or even society in general. I am however of the opinion that it can be beneficial to society if we assimilate the general lessons to be learnt by plotting its graph from the specific to the general. By so doing, society can, by that very fact, draw one or two lessons therefrom. Leaders themselves cam tease out basic rules of engagement in administering men from messages the piece passes across.

I met Ajimobi for the first time sometime around 2002. I worked for the Tribune during this time. Highly respected broadcaster and current CEO of Oyo State Broadcasting Corporation, Yanju Adegbite had approached me to interview him in his bid for the Senate. He had just left the National Oil as managing director.

Meeting Ajimobi at his Oluyole Estate, Ibadan home that afternoon, he struck me as a very purposeful character. He demonstrated robust élan and fantastic grasp of issues of leadership. You could not but be swept off your feet at the sight of this handsome man. I penetrated the nooks and crannies of his heart like a purposeful cross-examiner will do; from his father, the late Ganiyu Ajimobi, his time in the oil industry, stint with Mike Adenuga, his vision for the state and his leader, Late Lam Adesina. Like a typical Ibadan man, he was an extrovert and garnished every of his words with the Dauda Epo Akara-kind anecdotes. I left with a very impressionable view of his character. As I made to leave for my office at Imalefalafia, Ajimobi saw me off to the gate of his house. Till today, Adegbite never tires to regale me with the story of a fat gift extended to me that I declined that day. I, perhaps was too swept off my feet to bother about rewards.

Fate was to bring us together again in late 2009. A reader of my column in the defunct National Life newspaper had called the line affixed to the page. I took particular dislike to his calling, rather than texting as demanded by the columnist. Calmly apologising, he wanted me to be part of a strategy team being put together by a gubernatorial candidate of the then Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). I wasn’t hesitant to decline. He entreated and I caved in. It later turned out that the candidate was Ajimobi. This particular Sunday afternoon, I was again at Ajimobi’s house, after about seven years. He hadn’t changed much, still youthful in carriage. We sat in a place that served as his car port which was also a thoroughfare into the house and analysed Nigeria and Oyo politics. He struck me as cerebral. Conversely, Ajimobi was apparently fascinated by my grasp of issues, especially my reportorial instinct. From then, our paths were wedged together, until 2015.

For four years in his cabinet, Ajimobi demonstrated uncommon leadership. His first cabinet was an array of dedicated professionals who loved him to the core. Less than ten per cent of them are there now. Those were people who could look him in the face and tell him hurting truth. Those were men of grit and valour. Don’t get me wrong: During same period, Ajimobi exhibited some attitudes that would make you want to snigger at him.

I really do not want to discredit those who saw/see Ajimobi’s persona in the negative. They are entitled to their dislike of him. I am also not saying he doesn’t possess those traits. Like every other human being, Ajimobi has scores of foibles. I am only by this piece saying that he is like the dual face of the proverbial Yoruba gangan drum where what you perceive of it is restrictive to your perception. For instance, Ajimobi possesses stubbornness for whatever he believes in and cares less whatever the rest of the world thinks about. After the media strategising for his 2011 election, a welter of antagonism stood against my appointment into his cabinet. My antagonists all found comfortable anchor in the former governor of Oyo State, Alhaji Lam Adesina who, rightly so too, couldn’t stand my person. I was a major thorn in his government’s flesh. One day, the Great Lam summoned the newly elected governor to his Felele, Ibadan home and asked him who would head his media. When Ajimobi mentioned my name, Great Lam, as our Yoruba people say, literally spurted saliva in the air and said this was impossible. Stubbornly, Ajimobi stood his ground.

For four years in his cabinet, Ajimobi demonstrated uncommon leadership. His first cabinet was an array of dedicated professionals who loved him to the core. Less than ten per cent of them are there now. Those were people who could look him in the face and tell him hurting truth. Those were men of grit and valour. Don’t get me wrong: During same period, Ajimobi exhibited some attitudes that would make you want to snigger at him. I can speak boldly for the four years I was a member of his cabinet. He was dedicated to the course of Oyo State. I nearly bailed out of his administration in the first one year as the rigour was breathtaking. He left office most times about 1 a.m., worked till about 4 a.m. at home and we literally had to go drag him off bed by 9 a.m., preparatory to, most times 10 a.m. schedules. As his media adviser, he gave me unqualified access and never staffed my office. He also gave me free hand. Many of the press releases I issued, he read them just like every other person the second day upon becoming public knowledge. I could walk up to his bedroom and I made bold to say, I was never part of the fawners who told him what he needed to hear. I will give just two examples.

A Tribune reporter had just been assaulted by an Operation Burst team of soldiers and my phone was buzzing with calls from all over the world. I walked up the governor’s office but his ADC said I couldn’t see him as he was in a meeting. “Let him say he doesn’t want to see me,” I blurted out as I approached his door. Ajimobi opened it instantly. He was surrounded by – I forget now – who had come to meet him.

“What’s the problem? I know you come here only when there is a problem,” Ajimobi had said. I replied in the affirmative and told him the problem. I had hardly relayed the issue at stake to him when the fawners around him said there was no big deal that soldiers beat up a journalist. I diffidently told them that there was a big deal. Ajimobi then told me to go and do the needful but not to hurt the soldiers who were helping us to restore peace in the state.

The second was when Ajimobi was persuaded by some government appointees to rise against two media houses in Ibadan. At meetings, in private, I told the governor that we would be roasted if we did that. Grovelers who apparently pushed him to this cliff insisted that he needed to show his brawns. One day, I arranged for the governor to visit one of the media houses. The accolades he received from the staff and its almost-century-old proprietor – now late – was so huge that when we later arrived the governor’s Oluyole Estate home, he hopped out of his car and came straight to me. “I must thank you for standing out. While everyone else said we should fight these people, you insisted we shouldn’t and today, we are reaping the dividends. Thank you so much,” Ajimobi had said. My head swelled by a centimetre, I must confess. So why would you as an aide not want to bite the bullets for such a boss who goes off the handle periodically but returns each time he finds the truth, to apologise to a small aide like me?

“I suspect that the bane of Ajimobi’s persona, especially during his second term, is that he reads too much of and seeks to practice the tenets of Robert Greene’s forty-eight laws of power. Greene’s, you will recall, is purely Machiavellian, moulding rulers who have few pints of blood running in their veins. Whenever Ajimobi acts according to the precepts of this book, he is a Machiavellian and not Jean Paul Sartre’s humanist that I saw in him while serving under him”.

After about three years of not seeing him, I met my ex-boss last August. He was pleased to see me. As usual, I told him where he hit his leg against the stone in our relationship and where he had been an excellent boss. He apologised to me for his wrongs and I did too for my infractions towards him. If you ask me, I will say that I suspect that the bane of Ajimobi’s persona, especially during his second term, is that he reads too much of and seeks to practice the tenets of Robert Greene’s forty-eight laws of power. Greene’s, you will recall, is purely Machiavellian, moulding rulers who have few pints of blood running in their veins. Whenever Ajimobi acts according to the precepts of this book, he is a Machiavellian and not Jean Paul Sartre’s humanist that I saw in him while serving under him. He benefitted thousands of people in his eight years in office but unfortunately, a major character flaw in him turns this array of beneficiaries against him as soon as he acquires them.

In Ajimobi is a brilliant, perceptive and articulate leader, the type that any society needs. No one, not even his most bitter critic, would doubt Ajimobi’s patriotism and commitment to the development of Oyo State. He has done more roads than any government in the recent history of that state. More importantly, he enthroned and sustained peace in the state infamously described as a garrison at the height of its security infamy.

Like every leader, Ajimobi has his own character flaws. Strong are however these flaws that they dwarf a myriad of good traits in him. No matter his flaws, Ajimobi has greatly transformed Oyo State. He however left myriad other areas that need tackling. Whoever is announced as governor today will need to take Oyo a notch higher than Ajimobi will be leaving it in May.

This piece will be the first in a series of the intrigues and intricate web of the Ajimobi government.

My Friend, the Professor of Political Science

“Our teachers – Adigun Agbaje, Eghosa Osaghae, Rotimi Suberu and the like saw academy in Aiyede right from the start. He was profound and deep in his analyses of issues. I remember an Osaghae class where he taught us Feminist Epistemology. While I sought to delete the course because of the difficulty it posed, Aiyede was atop the class”.

The Council of the University of Ibadan, during the week, announced as professor, Emmanuel Remi Aiyede. Professor Aiyede is of the Department of Political Science of the university. He and I were classmates in the master’s class of the department, graduating in 1995. In our class, he was decidedly the best, demonstrating a mastery and grasp of the course that baffled all.

Some of us who had our first degrees in Philosophy were very proud of him, as those whose first degree was in Political Science marveled at how, in the one year of the Master’s programme, Aiyede colonised the whole class with an amazing finish. His first degree in philosophy was from same University of Ibadan. With our mutual friend and classmate, Wale Adebanwi, who is also a professor at the Oxford University, United Kingdom with a PhD in Political Science from Ibadan and another in Anthropology from Cambridge, we constituted a tripod. He and Adebanwi were however more academics-inclined. Aiyede scored 68 per cent in the final computation of our results and later began his PhD immediately, which he finished in record time.

Our teachers – Adigun Agbaje, Eghosa Osaghae, Rotimi Suberu and the like saw academy in Aiyede right from the start. He was profound and deep in his analyses of issues. I remember an Osaghae class where he taught us Feminist Epistemology. While I sought to delete the course because of the difficulty it posed, Aiyede was atop the class. In the last 20 years or so of his completing his doctorate degree, he has given academy an undiluted dedication which makes this academic laurel not surprising. Like me, aside his Philosophy background, he also had a stint in a newspaper house in Edo State which further cemented our bond. Aiyede has over the years been a delight to his friends. His areas of research are Political Institutions, Governance and Public Administration, while his major works have focused on Federalism and Intergovernmental Relations, Representation and Electoral Systems and State Politics and Policy. His current project is Social Protection and State Formation in Africa.

He and Adebanwi have turned out to be world-class scholars whom I am proud to be their friend. Here is wishing yet another of my professor friends big congratulations.

 

 

Dr. Festus Adedayo is a renowned journalist

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Opinion

Seven Factors That Keep Sharafadeen Alli Ahead in 2027 Oyo Governorship Race

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File photo of Sen. Sarafadeen Alli

 

Fact 1: Homegrown Leader with Unmatched Grassroots Experience

Senator Alli’s political journey began at the grassroots level in Ibadan, where he made history in 1991 as the first democratically elected Executive Chairman of Ibadan North Local Government. This early leadership role demonstrates a deep, foundational understanding of local governance and the needs of the people, a critical asset for a state governor.

Fact 2: Rare Combination of Top-Tier Academic and Professional Credentials

Senator Alli is not just a politician but also a distinguished legal practitioner with a Ph.D. in Legislative and Strategic Studies. His extensive education, including degrees from the University of Ibadan, combined with his fellowships from prestigious professional institutes, provides him with the analytical, legal and strategic acumen required to manage the complex affairs of Oyo State.

Fact 3: Proven Executive Administrative Competence at the Highest State Level

His tenures as Secretary to the Oyo State Government (SSG) and later as Chief of Staff (CoS) to the Governor showcase his direct experience in the engine room of state administration.

 

He has been intimately involved in policy formulation, committee leadership and the day-to-day running of the state, making him uniquely prepared to assume the governorship and hit the ground running from day one.

Fact 4: Demonstrated Executive Business Leadership with Regional Impact

As Chairman, Board of Directors of Odu’a Investment Company Limited, Senator Alli was not just an administrator but a visionary economic leader. He spearheaded landmark investments such as the Cocoa Mall and Heritage Mall in Ibadan, which transformed the economic landscape of Oyo State. This proven ability to attract and drive large-scale economic development is directly transferable to governing Oyo State.

Fact 5: Battle-Tested and Consistent Political Figure

Senator Alli’s political career spans more than three decades, weathering the annulment of his 1996 Senate election and consistently remaining a relevant and influential force. He has contested for Deputy Governor and Governor in the past, giving him a comprehensive understanding of statewide campaigns and the diverse political landscape of Oyo State. His journey demonstrates resilience, deep political networks and unwavering commitment.

Fact 6: Current, Performing Senator and Influential Figure

As the sitting Senator for Oyo South, he is actively delivering quality representation, impactful constituency projects and people-oriented legislation. He has sponsored five Bills and raised six Motions to promote development. Senator Alli has also facilitated employment for 100 constituents across Federal Government agencies.

His role as Chairman of the Senate Committee on Agricultural Colleges and Research Institutions, as well as his membership in the ECOWAS Parliament, demonstrate that he is not only focused on local issues but is also equipped with a broader perspective on governance, trade and regional integration.

Fact 7: Unifying and Respected Traditional Title Holder

Senator Alli’s position as the Ekaarun Balogun of Ibadanland, one of the highest-ranking chieftaincy titles in the ancient city, signifies his deep-rooted connection to tradition and his standing as a respected community leader.

His reputation as a calm, wise, simple, relatable and inclusive bridge-builder who unites people across political, religious and ethnic divides positions him as a leader capable of fostering peace, stability and consensus across the entire state.

 

Oladele is the Director of Media & Publicity, Senator Sharafadeen Alli Campaign Organization.

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Oloye Lekan Alabi: Memories Ere Death Beckoned Both Caller and Called |By Wole Adejumo  

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The young lady who usually delivers packaged moinmoin for members of staff who want it for lunch came in as she usually did, and after the exchange of pleasantries, I asked if she knew the difference between Ọọlẹ and Moinmoin. My colleagues looked at me strangely when I disagreed with her response that both were the same. I promised to tell her the difference later. I, however, told my colleagues the difference as explained to me by Oloye Lekan Alabi. Though a suave, urbane and sophisticated Ibadan chief,  he took time to explain the similarities and differences as we prepared for the annual Oke ‘Badan Festival some years back.  

He had retired from the service of Odua Investment Company Limited, where he demonstrated competence  and character then, but that did not in any way diminish his encyclopaedic knowledge of history. He sat beside the Aboke, Chief Ifamapowa and some other stakeholders at the press conference heralding the ceremony that year.

My first real contact with him happened after I had written a short piece, ‘The Man Who Would Be King’, about him. Oloye, who bore the titles of Jagun Olubadan and  Akogun of Lalupon agreed to have an interview. My Bureau Chief, Bola Davies (now of blessed memory) directed me to go and when I got to his office in Cocoa House, he thanked me for wishing him well. He thereafter took time to explain the Olubadan ascension system. The interview was published in one of the earliest editions of City People Quarterly back then. That interview and some other things I wrote about him eventually earned me a mention in one of his books.

Oloye Alabi was no doubt an aficionado when history, music and culture are up for discussion. Of course, with his rich cultural heritage, he stood out anywhere and everywhere. Little wonder His Imperial Majesty, the Ooni of Ife hosted his investiture when he was appointed as the first Cultural Ambassador of the National Museum, Ile Ife. His immense breadth of knowledge will give him a place in history just as it did to the likes of Chiefs John Adeyemi Ayorinde, Theophilus Akinyele and Alaafin Lamidi Adeyemi III. His love for good music too was more than obvious. Like a true connoisseur, he did everything with class and style. He wrote countless articles about Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey, King Sunny Ade, Chief Eddy Okonta and many more. His love for Yusuf Olatunji’s Sakara music defied competent description. It was so great that he named his youngest son after the Sakara legend.

In one of his many philosophical volumes, ‘Baba L’Egba’ as Olatunji was fondly called, sang that “o ye ka ni ‘fura taa ba nsin ale eni lo” (one should be watchful when seeing off a concubine) and the only person I felt I could ask what was on Baba L’Egba’s mind then was Oloye ‘Lekan Alabi. Sadly, the auspicious time to ask never came.

A reception was once hosted in his honour by Ambassador Ibironke Adefope at Bodija and it was regal! Everyone who mattered came to honour Oloye ‘Lekan Alabi. Reporting the event for City People then, one of the most unusual sights was Otunba Adebayo Alao-Akala, the then Deputy Governor of Oyo State. His simplicity was indescribable. Aside driving his convertible BMW, he came in a yellow sweatshirt and jeans.

And when he turned 60, it was like everyone else joined the Ibadan establishment to celebrate Oloye ‘Lekan Alabi. Aare Arisekola Also spoke about the celebrant in glowing terms as he emphasized that Oloye Alabi was indeed a man destined for greatness. The party afforded me the opportunity of seeing Alhaja Batile Alake live on stage. Her sonorous voice actually brought great childhood memories of when songs of Batile Alake, Olubowale Ajasco, Alalaye Ilorin and others were regular on the television.

Apart from his respectable dress sense and indepth knowledge of issues, other admirable traits of the late Abese Olubadan were his timeliness and punctuality. He once told me the story of how he had suggested that card be presented to the then military President, General Ibrahim Babangida on the birth of his baby girl back then. It turned out that the picture of where he handed the card  over was published in dailies the following day. Apart from personal discipline, working with four Governors of Oyo State obviously rubbed off on him, he never attended an event late. There was a day we had to apologize as we started an event behind schedule at the Premier Hotel, Ibadan. He was about the first guest  and after accepting our apologies, he didn’t become vexatious, rather, with a smile he told us that he would be in his room upstairs. He said all we needed to do was put  call through to him when we were ready to start the programme.

I stood close by him at certain event and heard Chief Lateef Oyelade praying for Oloye Alabi who had just greeted him in Yoruba, he said “Olubadan o kan o” (may it be your turn to become the Olubadan). Like many of his mentees,  I looked forward to seeing him on the exalted Olubadan throne, it was however not to be.

​Reflecting on those golden days of celebrity journalism; the Bodija reception, the grand 60th birthday, the laughter of legends now silent; one is reminded that time eventually beckons both the caller and the called. Bola Davies, His Excellency, Otunba Alao-Akala, Aare Arisekola Alao, Chief Lateef Oyelade, Ambassador Adefope and now Oloye himself have all answered that ultimate call. Though the exalted Olubadan throne eluded him, Oloye ’Lekan Alabi leaves behind a legacy as towering as Cocoa House itself. Like his noble forebears – Oyetunde Olundegun, ‘Erin o P’ojo Logun’, and Ekerin Suberu Ajengbe, he came, he saw, he lived with unmatched panache, and he left an indelible mark on the sands of time.

 

Adejumo sent this piece from Ogbomoso 

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Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration

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The popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.

For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.

Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.

Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.

What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.

Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.

Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.

Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.

The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.

One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.

As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.

Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.

At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.

At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.

The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.

Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.

Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.

As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.

History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.

 

Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator

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