Opinion
Abiola Ajimobi: Mistake Or Mystique? || By Festus Adedayo
Published
7 years agoon
By
Mega Icon“Like every leader, Ajimobi has his own character flaws. Strong are however these flaws that they dwarf a myriad of good traits in him. No matter his flaws, Ajimobi has greatly transformed Oyo State. He however left myriad other areas that need tackling. Whoever is announced as governor today will need to take Oyo a notch higher than Ajimobi will be leaving it in May”.
The last two weeks must have been very challenging for the governor of Oyo State, Abiola Ajimobi. Assailed on all fronts due to the loss of his bid for the Oyo South senatorial district in the February election, the electoral loss became an opportunity for Ajimobi to be pummeled on all fronts by those who had nursed boundless grouses against him, especially in the last eight years of his administration of the State. The social media became the most fertile ground for his pummeling; real and concocted permutations of his political fate were traded on the go like they do at the security exchange market. Extrapolations were made from this to arrive at a worse fate which they projected could befall his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the gubernatorial election held yesterday. Those who claimed to be in the know narrated details of an alleged order from leader of the party, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, banning him from afflicting the party with his alleged bad luck and recent maladministration of the state. Having been opportune to work with Ajimobi, I should be able to offer a dispassionate assessment of the character of the man they call Constituted Authority, a man whom I worked closely with for about six years – about two years before his ascendancy into power and four years of his being the governor of Oyo State. I feel that my conscience will not acquit me if I don’t lend my voice to the debate on who exactly Ajimobi is.
By the way, I apologise, dear reader that this piece will basically be ad hominien, dealing strictly with individuals, their character, rather than either issue or policy or even society in general. I am however of the opinion that it can be beneficial to society if we assimilate the general lessons to be learnt by plotting its graph from the specific to the general. By so doing, society can, by that very fact, draw one or two lessons therefrom. Leaders themselves cam tease out basic rules of engagement in administering men from messages the piece passes across.
I met Ajimobi for the first time sometime around 2002. I worked for the Tribune during this time. Highly respected broadcaster and current CEO of Oyo State Broadcasting Corporation, Yanju Adegbite had approached me to interview him in his bid for the Senate. He had just left the National Oil as managing director.
Meeting Ajimobi at his Oluyole Estate, Ibadan home that afternoon, he struck me as a very purposeful character. He demonstrated robust élan and fantastic grasp of issues of leadership. You could not but be swept off your feet at the sight of this handsome man. I penetrated the nooks and crannies of his heart like a purposeful cross-examiner will do; from his father, the late Ganiyu Ajimobi, his time in the oil industry, stint with Mike Adenuga, his vision for the state and his leader, Late Lam Adesina. Like a typical Ibadan man, he was an extrovert and garnished every of his words with the Dauda Epo Akara-kind anecdotes. I left with a very impressionable view of his character. As I made to leave for my office at Imalefalafia, Ajimobi saw me off to the gate of his house. Till today, Adegbite never tires to regale me with the story of a fat gift extended to me that I declined that day. I, perhaps was too swept off my feet to bother about rewards.
Fate was to bring us together again in late 2009. A reader of my column in the defunct National Life newspaper had called the line affixed to the page. I took particular dislike to his calling, rather than texting as demanded by the columnist. Calmly apologising, he wanted me to be part of a strategy team being put together by a gubernatorial candidate of the then Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). I wasn’t hesitant to decline. He entreated and I caved in. It later turned out that the candidate was Ajimobi. This particular Sunday afternoon, I was again at Ajimobi’s house, after about seven years. He hadn’t changed much, still youthful in carriage. We sat in a place that served as his car port which was also a thoroughfare into the house and analysed Nigeria and Oyo politics. He struck me as cerebral. Conversely, Ajimobi was apparently fascinated by my grasp of issues, especially my reportorial instinct. From then, our paths were wedged together, until 2015.
For four years in his cabinet, Ajimobi demonstrated uncommon leadership. His first cabinet was an array of dedicated professionals who loved him to the core. Less than ten per cent of them are there now. Those were people who could look him in the face and tell him hurting truth. Those were men of grit and valour. Don’t get me wrong: During same period, Ajimobi exhibited some attitudes that would make you want to snigger at him.
I really do not want to discredit those who saw/see Ajimobi’s persona in the negative. They are entitled to their dislike of him. I am also not saying he doesn’t possess those traits. Like every other human being, Ajimobi has scores of foibles. I am only by this piece saying that he is like the dual face of the proverbial Yoruba gangan drum where what you perceive of it is restrictive to your perception. For instance, Ajimobi possesses stubbornness for whatever he believes in and cares less whatever the rest of the world thinks about. After the media strategising for his 2011 election, a welter of antagonism stood against my appointment into his cabinet. My antagonists all found comfortable anchor in the former governor of Oyo State, Alhaji Lam Adesina who, rightly so too, couldn’t stand my person. I was a major thorn in his government’s flesh. One day, the Great Lam summoned the newly elected governor to his Felele, Ibadan home and asked him who would head his media. When Ajimobi mentioned my name, Great Lam, as our Yoruba people say, literally spurted saliva in the air and said this was impossible. Stubbornly, Ajimobi stood his ground.
For four years in his cabinet, Ajimobi demonstrated uncommon leadership. His first cabinet was an array of dedicated professionals who loved him to the core. Less than ten per cent of them are there now. Those were people who could look him in the face and tell him hurting truth. Those were men of grit and valour. Don’t get me wrong: During same period, Ajimobi exhibited some attitudes that would make you want to snigger at him. I can speak boldly for the four years I was a member of his cabinet. He was dedicated to the course of Oyo State. I nearly bailed out of his administration in the first one year as the rigour was breathtaking. He left office most times about 1 a.m., worked till about 4 a.m. at home and we literally had to go drag him off bed by 9 a.m., preparatory to, most times 10 a.m. schedules. As his media adviser, he gave me unqualified access and never staffed my office. He also gave me free hand. Many of the press releases I issued, he read them just like every other person the second day upon becoming public knowledge. I could walk up to his bedroom and I made bold to say, I was never part of the fawners who told him what he needed to hear. I will give just two examples.
A Tribune reporter had just been assaulted by an Operation Burst team of soldiers and my phone was buzzing with calls from all over the world. I walked up the governor’s office but his ADC said I couldn’t see him as he was in a meeting. “Let him say he doesn’t want to see me,” I blurted out as I approached his door. Ajimobi opened it instantly. He was surrounded by – I forget now – who had come to meet him.
“What’s the problem? I know you come here only when there is a problem,” Ajimobi had said. I replied in the affirmative and told him the problem. I had hardly relayed the issue at stake to him when the fawners around him said there was no big deal that soldiers beat up a journalist. I diffidently told them that there was a big deal. Ajimobi then told me to go and do the needful but not to hurt the soldiers who were helping us to restore peace in the state.
The second was when Ajimobi was persuaded by some government appointees to rise against two media houses in Ibadan. At meetings, in private, I told the governor that we would be roasted if we did that. Grovelers who apparently pushed him to this cliff insisted that he needed to show his brawns. One day, I arranged for the governor to visit one of the media houses. The accolades he received from the staff and its almost-century-old proprietor – now late – was so huge that when we later arrived the governor’s Oluyole Estate home, he hopped out of his car and came straight to me. “I must thank you for standing out. While everyone else said we should fight these people, you insisted we shouldn’t and today, we are reaping the dividends. Thank you so much,” Ajimobi had said. My head swelled by a centimetre, I must confess. So why would you as an aide not want to bite the bullets for such a boss who goes off the handle periodically but returns each time he finds the truth, to apologise to a small aide like me?
“I suspect that the bane of Ajimobi’s persona, especially during his second term, is that he reads too much of and seeks to practice the tenets of Robert Greene’s forty-eight laws of power. Greene’s, you will recall, is purely Machiavellian, moulding rulers who have few pints of blood running in their veins. Whenever Ajimobi acts according to the precepts of this book, he is a Machiavellian and not Jean Paul Sartre’s humanist that I saw in him while serving under him”.
After about three years of not seeing him, I met my ex-boss last August. He was pleased to see me. As usual, I told him where he hit his leg against the stone in our relationship and where he had been an excellent boss. He apologised to me for his wrongs and I did too for my infractions towards him. If you ask me, I will say that I suspect that the bane of Ajimobi’s persona, especially during his second term, is that he reads too much of and seeks to practice the tenets of Robert Greene’s forty-eight laws of power. Greene’s, you will recall, is purely Machiavellian, moulding rulers who have few pints of blood running in their veins. Whenever Ajimobi acts according to the precepts of this book, he is a Machiavellian and not Jean Paul Sartre’s humanist that I saw in him while serving under him. He benefitted thousands of people in his eight years in office but unfortunately, a major character flaw in him turns this array of beneficiaries against him as soon as he acquires them.
In Ajimobi is a brilliant, perceptive and articulate leader, the type that any society needs. No one, not even his most bitter critic, would doubt Ajimobi’s patriotism and commitment to the development of Oyo State. He has done more roads than any government in the recent history of that state. More importantly, he enthroned and sustained peace in the state infamously described as a garrison at the height of its security infamy.
Like every leader, Ajimobi has his own character flaws. Strong are however these flaws that they dwarf a myriad of good traits in him. No matter his flaws, Ajimobi has greatly transformed Oyo State. He however left myriad other areas that need tackling. Whoever is announced as governor today will need to take Oyo a notch higher than Ajimobi will be leaving it in May.
This piece will be the first in a series of the intrigues and intricate web of the Ajimobi government.
My Friend, the Professor of Political Science
“Our teachers – Adigun Agbaje, Eghosa Osaghae, Rotimi Suberu and the like saw academy in Aiyede right from the start. He was profound and deep in his analyses of issues. I remember an Osaghae class where he taught us Feminist Epistemology. While I sought to delete the course because of the difficulty it posed, Aiyede was atop the class”.
The Council of the University of Ibadan, during the week, announced as professor, Emmanuel Remi Aiyede. Professor Aiyede is of the Department of Political Science of the university. He and I were classmates in the master’s class of the department, graduating in 1995. In our class, he was decidedly the best, demonstrating a mastery and grasp of the course that baffled all.
Some of us who had our first degrees in Philosophy were very proud of him, as those whose first degree was in Political Science marveled at how, in the one year of the Master’s programme, Aiyede colonised the whole class with an amazing finish. His first degree in philosophy was from same University of Ibadan. With our mutual friend and classmate, Wale Adebanwi, who is also a professor at the Oxford University, United Kingdom with a PhD in Political Science from Ibadan and another in Anthropology from Cambridge, we constituted a tripod. He and Adebanwi were however more academics-inclined. Aiyede scored 68 per cent in the final computation of our results and later began his PhD immediately, which he finished in record time.
Our teachers – Adigun Agbaje, Eghosa Osaghae, Rotimi Suberu and the like saw academy in Aiyede right from the start. He was profound and deep in his analyses of issues. I remember an Osaghae class where he taught us Feminist Epistemology. While I sought to delete the course because of the difficulty it posed, Aiyede was atop the class. In the last 20 years or so of his completing his doctorate degree, he has given academy an undiluted dedication which makes this academic laurel not surprising. Like me, aside his Philosophy background, he also had a stint in a newspaper house in Edo State which further cemented our bond. Aiyede has over the years been a delight to his friends. His areas of research are Political Institutions, Governance and Public Administration, while his major works have focused on Federalism and Intergovernmental Relations, Representation and Electoral Systems and State Politics and Policy. His current project is Social Protection and State Formation in Africa.
He and Adebanwi have turned out to be world-class scholars whom I am proud to be their friend. Here is wishing yet another of my professor friends big congratulations.
Dr. Festus Adedayo is a renowned journalist
Opinion
Beyond Deportations: What South Africa’s Immigration Crisis Reveals About Nationhood and Economic Frustration
Published
6 days agoon
July 9, 2026By
Mega IconThe popular saying that “one good turn deserves another” appears increasingly absent from present-day South Africa’s national consciousness. It is difficult not to ask whether many South Africans have forgotten the history of their country’s liberation and the immense sacrifices made by Nigeria and other African nations in the long struggle against apartheid.
For days, I have been deeply troubled by reports of South Africa’s worsening immigration crisis and the forceful, vigilante-style eviction of African migrants, particularly Nigerians. Beyond the headlines are broken families, shattered dreams and livelihoods painstakingly built over many years. It is a painful development that should concern every African who once believed in the ideals of continental solidarity.
Anti-immigrant sentiments in South Africa are not new. For more than two decades, campaigns against foreign nationals have been fuelled by high unemployment, widespread poverty, rising crime and frustration over inadequate public services. Many South Africans believe undocumented immigrants compete with them for jobs, housing, healthcare and social services, thereby denying citizens access to these basic necessities.
Yet, available evidence tells a more complex story. Research has consistently shown that immigrants alone cannot be blamed for South Africa’s economic and social challenges. Reducing such deep-rooted problems to the presence of foreign nationals oversimplifies a crisis that has been decades in the making.
What is often overlooked is the country’s structural economic reality. A significant skills mismatch, coupled with weaknesses in the quality of education, has left many job seekers ill-equipped for the demands of an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and specialised skills. This challenge is not peculiar to South Africa. Across much of sub-Saharan Africa, thousands of graduates enter the labour market every year without the technical, vocational and digital competencies employers now demand.
Beyond this, crime, insecurity, systemic corruption and poor governance continue to weigh heavily on South Africa’s economy. The country has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world. Persistent violent crime discourages investment, while corruption and the mismanagement of public resources have weakened service delivery, slowed infrastructure development and eroded investor confidence.
Equally significant is the enduring legacy of apartheid. More than three decades after democracy, inequalities in education, housing, infrastructure and economic opportunities remain deeply entrenched. Many Black communities still live with the consequences of decades of institutional discrimination and economic exclusion.
Against this backdrop, blaming undocumented immigrants for South Africa’s economic difficulties amounts to little more than scapegoating. It is a convenient narrative that diverts attention from the country’s more fundamental governance and developmental challenges.
The recurring xenophobic attacks against Nigerians and other African nationals make the situation even more painful. The recent killing of Emeka Iroegbu and Musa Yunana Joe on June 28, 2026, amid rising anti-migrant tensions, is a tragic reminder of how dangerous such sentiments can become.
One cannot help but ask: Is this the same South Africa for which Nigeria and many other African countries stood firmly during the anti-apartheid struggle?
I vividly remember growing up in the 1980s, listening to songs such as Free Mandela and Stop Apartheid in South Africa by iconic Nigerian musicians, including Majek Fashek, Onyeka Onwenu and Sonny Okosun. Those songs dominated the airwaves on NTA and became powerful symbols of African solidarity.
As a child, I even believed Nelson Mandela was Nigerian because Nigerians embraced his cause with such passion.
Mandela was released from prison in 1990 and became South Africa’s first Black President in 1994, bringing an end to decades of institutionalised racial segregation and apartheid. Today, just over three decades later, many Africans who once stood shoulder to shoulder with South Africans in their darkest hour are treated as unwelcome strangers.
History can be painfully ironic.
Perhaps, then, the saying that one good turn deserves another does not always reflect reality. Human beings are capable of repaying kindness with hostility. It is an uncomfortable truth, but one that life repeatedly teaches.
At a personal level, this reminds us to live with fewer expectations and strive for greater self-reliance. A heart that expects little, even after giving much, is less likely to be broken.
At the national level, however, the lesson is far more profound. Nigeria must build a country where its citizens can thrive without feeling compelled to seek survival elsewhere. Studies have shown that the overwhelming motivation behind the Japa phenomenon is the search for better opportunities and improved living conditions. If those opportunities existed at home, many Nigerians would gladly remain and contribute to national development.
The experience in South Africa—and, indeed, recent developments in the United States—demonstrates that immigration policies are shaped by changing political realities. No foreign country offers permanent guarantees.
Although the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled against President Donald Trump’s executive order seeking to abolish birthright citizenship on constitutional grounds, the episode illustrates that even long-established policies can become subjects of political contestation. A constitutional principle that has existed since 1868 could still become a matter of national debate. That alone should remind us that every nation ultimately prioritises its own interests.
The enduring lesson is simple: no country can offer Nigerians greater long-term security than a well-governed Nigeria.
Nigeria’s greatest asset remains its people. Sustainable national prosperity can only be built through visionary leadership, accountable institutions, respect for the rule of law and responsible citizenship. When government creates an enabling environment and citizens embrace innovation, productivity and accountability, Nigeria can become a destination for investment rather than a source of economic migration.
As dozens of Nigerians return home following their repatriation from South Africa, government must move beyond sympathy and symbolic gestures. Some have returned with nothing more than the clothes they wore and a single travelling bag, leaving behind businesses, investments and years of hard work. Their return is not merely a journey home; for many, it is the painful collapse of dreams painstakingly built over decades. They deserve meaningful support to rebuild their lives and contribute productively to the nation’s economy once again.
History teaches that nations are strengthened not by chasing away strangers but by creating opportunities for their own citizens. Nigeria must therefore draw the right lessons from South Africa’s painful experience. Rather than exporting its brightest minds in search of survival, it should become a country where talent is rewarded, enterprise is encouraged and hope no longer requires a passport. Only then will Nigeria become not merely the giant of Africa by population, but by the quality of life it offers its people.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
Opinion
An Open Letter to Northern Leaders: Arewa Is Bleeding. Who Will Answer the Call?
Published
1 week agoon
July 7, 2026By
Mega IconI write this letter with a heavy heart to the sons and daughters of Arewa, particularly those entrusted with leadership and influence, concerning the painful reality confronting our region today. Once united in purpose and driven by a shared vision, Arewa now appears to be living in the shadow of its glorious past.
Our forefathers built this great region with one voice, setting aside differences of ethnicity and religion. They understood that unity was our greatest strength and that our diversity was not a weakness but a blessing. Their legacy was one of peace, mutual respect, visionary leadership, and collective progress.
Today, it is heartbreaking to witness how far we have drifted from those ideals. This letter is a sincere call for reflection, reconciliation, and a renewed commitment to rebuilding the unity, security, and prosperity that once defined our beloved Arewa.
Arewa Under Siege
Northern Nigeria has become widely known as a hotspot for multiple forms of insecurity. From the Boko Haram insurgency to widespread kidnapping, armed banditry, and violent attacks, fear has become part of everyday life. People no longer feel safe in their homes, workplaces, on their farms, or while travelling on the highways. Every journey is undertaken with uncertainty, with no guarantee of arriving safely.
Even more troubling is the perception that these security challenges have become normalised. Reports of abductions, killings, and attacks have become so frequent that they often receive far less attention than they deserve. This perceived indifference from those in positions of authority has contributed to a growing public belief that criminal groups now operate with confidence and relative impunity.
Consequently, many residents feel abandoned, while public trust in the government’s ability to protect lives and property continues to erode.
Addressing this crisis requires a coordinated and sustained response through stronger security operations, improved intelligence gathering, greater support for affected communities, and genuine accountability. Without decisive action, the cycle of violence and fear will continue to undermine the region’s stability, economic development, and the well-being of its people.
Beyond Insecurity: A Crisis of Leadership
The North’s challenges are not accidental. Poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment are the cumulative consequences of long-standing structural failures, weak governance, and policy choices that have compounded over decades.
Responsibility is shared across different segments of society—including the political elite, the educated class, and the business community—many of whom have possessed both the influence and the opportunity to intervene more decisively than they have.
Rather than being the result of a single coordinated agenda, what is evident is a persistent pattern of neglect, weak accountability, and recurring governance failures that have allowed social and economic conditions to deteriorate. These failures have contributed to rising unemployment, declining educational outcomes, inadequate healthcare, and the expansion of insecurity across much of the region.
Breaking this cycle requires more than assigning blame. It demands institutional reform, accountable leadership, strategic investment in human capital, and a renewed sense of public responsibility.
Where Are the Northern Elite?
This brings us to the most difficult question: Where are the Northern elite? Where are the governors, ministers, lawmakers, business leaders, scholars, and other influential voices? Many command enormous influence, considerable private wealth, and extensive international networks, yet too often appear unable—or unwilling—to meaningfully confront the conditions that continue to leave large parts of the region insecure, impoverished, and politically weakened.
Why does this gap persist?
Part of the answer lies in proximity to power. In political environments shaped by patronage, speaking boldly may threaten access, while silence preserves influence. Over time, self-preservation begins to resemble strategy.
Unfortunately, the cost is borne not by those in positions of privilege but by ordinary communities far removed from the rooms where decisions are made.
Reviving the North’s Industrial Legacy
Northern Nigeria was once the industrial powerhouse of the country. Cities such as Kano and Kaduna were thriving centres of manufacturing, commerce, and employment. Today, much of that industrial strength has faded.
This is, therefore, a respectful appeal to two of Nigeria’s most accomplished industrialists—Aliko Dangote and Abdul Samad Rabiu. Many people continue to ask why there is limited visible large-scale industrial reinvestment in Kano, your home state, and across Northern Nigeria.
As a Kano indigene, and to the best of my knowledge, neither Aliko Dangote nor Abdul Samad Rabiu currently operates major manufacturing facilities actively producing in Kano. Several facilities associated with their businesses are widely reported to have become inactive or to function primarily as warehouses rather than active industrial plants. For example, along Tafawa Balewa Road, two BUA facilities that previously operated flour and vegetable oil mills are reported to have ceased production. Likewise, several Dangote industrial sites stretching from Mai Malari Road to the Sharada Industrial Area are also widely reported to be inactive or operating far below capacity.
Kano and Kaduna, once renowned for their vibrant manufacturing sectors, have experienced decades of industrial decline, resulting in widespread unemployment and underutilised infrastructure. At the same time, a significant share of new private-sector industrial investment appears to have been concentrated in other parts of the country, particularly the South-West. This naturally raises important questions about balanced national development.
Philanthropy remains valuable and deeply appreciated. Scholarships, donations, and humanitarian support undoubtedly improve lives. However, charity cannot replace sustainable industrial development.
What the North urgently needs is long-term investment that revives manufacturing, creates employment, strengthens local supply chains, develops skills, and rebuilds industrial ecosystems across Kano, Kaduna, and neighbouring states. Strong factories build strong communities, while sustainable industries create lasting prosperity. The expectation, therefore, is not charity but a renewed commitment to the economic transformation of the region where many of Nigeria’s greatest industrial success stories first began.
The Responsibility of Business Leaders
The Northern business elite have watched insecurity, poverty, and displacement deepen while economic activity has increasingly concentrated elsewhere.
Insurgency, banditry, and weakened rural governance have disrupted agriculture, trade routes, and local markets. Investment naturally gravitates towards safer and more predictable environments. Yet public advocacy from many influential business leaders has often remained muted, constrained by commercial interests, political relationships, and regulatory considerations.
The region risks becoming divided into two realities: one integrated into national wealth and opportunity, and the other left to bear the consequences of persistent insecurity, economic stagnation, and neglect.
Business leadership extends beyond generating profits. It also entails helping to create an environment where enterprise can flourish, jobs can be created, and communities can prosper. Sustainable economic growth depends not only on private investment but also on the willingness of influential stakeholders to advocate policies and initiatives that promote stability, security, and inclusive development.
The North’s business community has historically played a significant role in shaping the region’s economic fortunes. That tradition of leadership remains essential today. While governments bear primary responsibility for governance and security, the private sector also possesses the capacity to influence development through strategic investments, partnerships, innovation, and constructive engagement with public institutions.
Rebuilding confidence in Northern Nigeria requires collaboration among government, businesses, civil society, and local communities. A more secure and prosperous region ultimately benefits everyone, creating new opportunities for investment, employment, and long-term economic growth.
A Message to Political Leaders
To the political leadership of Northern Nigeria: the contradiction has become increasingly difficult to ignore. The region remains one of the country’s most significant in terms of population and political influence, yet it continues to lag behind on key development indicators such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, employment, and security.
When communities are attacked, farmers are displaced, and schools are forced to close, silence from those entrusted with leadership is seldom interpreted as restraint. More often, it is perceived as detachment. Leadership is measured not only by electoral success or political influence but also by the willingness to confront difficult realities with courage, empathy, and decisive action.
The expectations of citizens go beyond promises. They seek visible commitment, practical solutions, and sustained engagement with the challenges affecting their daily lives. Rebuilding public confidence requires leadership that is accountable, responsive, and focused on the long-term development of the region.
A Message to the Educated and Professional Class
To our academics, professionals, and intellectuals: the evidence is neither hidden nor difficult to find. Reports, research, and lived experiences consistently reveal widening gaps in human development, education, healthcare, and security.
Yet, too often, expertise remains confined within institutions and professional circles that discourage open engagement with entrenched power. Knowledge should not merely describe problems; it should help solve them. Research should inform policy, enrich public debate, and contribute meaningfully to sustainable solutions.
Every society depends on courageous thinkers who are willing to engage constructively, challenge complacency, and place the public interest above personal convenience. The North possesses no shortage of intellectual talent. What is needed is a stronger connection between knowledge and action.
A Message to Cultural Influencers
To our musicians, artists, writers, actors, and other public figures: throughout history, art has served as a powerful instrument of truth, reflection, and social transformation. Cultural voices have inspired movements, preserved history, and given hope to communities during difficult times.
Yet, when economic survival becomes closely tied to political or commercial interests, critical voices often become subdued. Society benefits when its cultural figures speak with honesty, empathy, and a sense of responsibility. Their influence extends beyond entertainment; it helps shape public values, inspire civic engagement, and amplify the concerns of ordinary people.
A Shared Responsibility
Ultimately, this is not solely a Northern Nigerian problem. It reflects a broader question confronting societies everywhere: what happens when elite interests become disconnected from the well-being of ordinary people?
When access becomes more valuable than accountability, and proximity to power outweighs responsibility to the public, silence is rarely accidental—it becomes institutionalised.
The result is a widening emotional and political distance between leadership and the people. Unless that distance is narrowed through meaningful investment, principled advocacy, and courageous leadership, the same questions will continue to resonate:
Who speaks? Who benefits? Who bears the cost?
History will judge every generation by how it responds to the challenges of its time. Northern Nigeria possesses enormous human potential, entrepreneurial talent, agricultural resources, and a rich cultural heritage.
What it requires now is leadership marked by vision, courage, integrity, and an unwavering commitment to the common good.
This letter is not intended to condemn but to encourage honest reflection and meaningful action. The future of Arewa depends not only on government but also on every leader, businessperson, scholar, professional, artist, and citizen willing to place the region’s long-term prosperity above personal or political interests.
May we find the wisdom to rebuild what has been weakened, the courage to confront uncomfortable truths, and the determination to restore Northern Nigeria to its rightful place as a region of peace, opportunity, and shared prosperity.
Abba Dukawa writes from Kano and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com.
Opinion
2027: Why Oyo APC Should Close Ranks Behind Sarafadeen Alli | By Adeniyi Olowofela
Published
2 weeks agoon
July 4, 2026By
Mega IconSince the emergence of Senator Sarafadeen Alli as the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2027 election in Oyo State, I have listened to and read numerous reactions from party members and stakeholders. While some of his co-contestants have expressed disappointment, such feelings are understandable in every keenly contested democratic process.
Interestingly, many people have attempted to draw Senator Teslim Folarin into the controversy surrounding the party’s choice. However, he has remained silent. In my view, that silence is deliberate. I believe Senator Folarin understands the direction taken by the party’s national leadership regarding the choice of candidate.
Anyone who believes Senator Folarin was unaware of Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s governorship ambition does not fully appreciate his political experience. Senator Folarin is a strategic politician. In the 2023 governorship election, he pursued victory with determination and commitment. Personally, I had hoped he would emerge victorious, and I remain convinced that he gave his all in that contest.
Former Minister of Power, Chief Bayo Adelabu, also contested the 2023 governorship election on the platform of the Accord Party. Although I disagreed with that political decision, democracy guarantees every citizen the freedom of association and political choice.
Following the election, he was appointed into the Federal Executive Council, a development many interpreted differently based on their political perspectives.
Today, Chief Adelabu commands a substantial political following built over several election cycles. His support base remains significant, and if APC is to present a formidable front in 2027, Senator Sarafadeen Alli will undoubtedly benefit from the goodwill and backing of Adelabu and his loyalists.
Similarly, former Minister of Communications, Barrister Adebayo Shittu, has consistently demonstrated interest in Oyo State’s governorship over the years, even though he did not purchase the APC nomination form this time. His political experience and network remain valuable assets that should not be ignored.
My sympathy also goes to those aspirants who invested as much as ₦50 million each to purchase the APC governorship nomination form. That is no small sacrifice. Nonetheless, politics demands sacrifice in the collective interest. The pendulum could easily have swung in favour of any of them. Had that happened, the rest of us would equally have appealed to others to rally behind the eventual flag bearer.
I recall an incident during the 2022/2023 party activities when an official from Abuja, sent to supervise APC affairs in Oyo State, passionately appealed to stakeholders to embrace consensus. His message remains instructive. He warned that continued division within the party would only prolong its stay outside power and ultimately hurt everyone.
That warning remains relevant today.
For seven years, the APC has remained outside government in Oyo State. Can the party afford another four years in opposition? I do not think so.
This is why the task before us goes beyond the personal ambition of Senator Sarafadeen Alli. It is a collective struggle for every APC member, especially the foot soldiers who have remained loyal through difficult times. The Federal Government alone cannot provide opportunities for everyone. Regaining power in Oyo State is essential if the party hopes to broaden opportunities for its members at both the state and federal levels.
The challenge before us, therefore, is to build a larger political platform that accommodates everyone.
Senator Sarafadeen Alli is no political novice. Over the years, he has built relationships across virtually every ward in Oyo State. His political structure and grassroots appeal are undeniable. If party members unite behind him, APC stands a strong chance of returning to Government House.
Realistically, the 2027 governorship contest in Oyo State is shaping up to feature three major political forces. First is Senator Sarafadeen Alli of the APC, representing arguably the state’s most established political platform. Second is Hon. Bimbo Adekanbi, who many believe enjoys the backing of Governor Seyi Makinde and is expected to fly the flag of the APM. Third is Alhaji Hazmat Oriyomi of the Accord Party, whose growing popularity among many grassroots supporters cannot be dismissed.
The eventual winner is likely to emerge from one of these three political blocs. That reality alone should remind APC members that victory is far from guaranteed.
The surest path to success is unity.
This election should not be seen as Senator Sarafadeen Alli’s personal battle. It is the collective responsibility of every APC member who desires the party’s return to power in Oyo State.
The time has come to bury personal grievances, close ranks and work together. Only through unity can APC reclaim Oyo State in 2027.
Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, former Chairman of the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in Oyo State, former Chairman of Ido Local Government, former Commissioner for Education, Science and Technology in Oyo State, and former Federal Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), writes from Abuja.
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