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Murder so cruel

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The murders of Kehinde and Bukola Fatinoye, a few hours after the new year, have made me pensive and downcast since the news broke. That dastardly murder is one event of 2023 that throws me into spasms whenever my mind reflects on it. Unable to reconcile the gravity of this evil with the aesthetic beauty of life as God’s creation, this murder made me dust up my handbooks on the philosophy of evil and wickedness. I wanted a clue as to why this horror happened and why our world’s most fitting alias is wickedness and cruelty.
The Fatinoyes were killed in their home located in Ibara Government Reservation Area, Abeokuta, Ogun State, a few hours after the celebration of the birth of a new year. According to newspaper reports, the duo, who worked at the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta respectively, had just returned from the yearly church ritual of Crossover Service when their assailants struck. Not only did the killers snuff life out of them, but their corpses were also set ablaze, ostensibly to shroud the motive of and railroad investigators from the alibi of the assassination.

As they escaped the scene, the killers dragged with them the Fatinoyes’ 23-year-old son, Oreoluwa, who they abducted. Three days after, the lifeless body of Oreoluwa was found floating in a river along the Adigbe-Obada Road, Abeokuta, his hands tied behind him. Very few murders of that cruel brew have made my heart this brittle, getting me inconsolable and distraught. It was as if I knew this hapless couple while they were alive.

What juts out for all to see in this heartless murder is a literal wiping off of the Fatinoye generation. It is united by the grisly undercoating of the assassination. On its surface, this killing is callous and reeks of inexplicable wickedness that lies at the heart of man.

Globally and almost on a daily basis, heart-wrenching wickedness and evils of frightening proportions and dimensions are unleashed into the public space. Only on Christmas day, Nigerians were aghast to hear of the killing of a Lagos-based lawyer, Bolanle Raheem, gunned down by ASP Drambi Vandi at Ajah in Lagos State.

To be sure, our world is bespattered with evils and wickedness of unimaginable proportions. On December 14, 2012, for instance, a 20-year-old boy, Adam Lanz, at the Sandy Hook Elementary School in the village of Sandy Hook in Newtown, Connecticut, fatally gunned down 20 kids and six other grown-up staff members of the school. It was a mass murder that was considered to rank, as at then, as the second deadliest mass shooting perpetrated by one person in American history. History also recorded it as an American school’s second deadliest mass murder. Adam had gunned down his victims multiple times, shooting many of them at close quarters. You would think you were reading any of the famous crime thriller novels of James Hadley Chase.

What has been considered even the most intriguing and a major issue for consideration for criminologists and psychologists is that Adam was very calm, cool and devoid of emotions as he inflicted mayhem on his victims. If your immediate conclusion was that Adam was suffering the pangs of drug usage, you were wrong. Investigations later revealed that he had none in his system nor even a residue of alcohol or any mind-wrenching substance. Adam shot with his sobriety intact and as philosopher, John Phillip Togado, said, “he was in his right mind doing the most wrong thing… was in his sanest state doing the most insane thing.”

It will thus be wonky analysis to submit that, in the world today, there is a recent implosion of evil and wickedness; or that modernity has made the global atrocity paradigm shoot up. Far be it from the truth. From the creation of the world, even by the account of the holy writ and its narratives of immediate post-creation, man’s wickedness has been of heartrending stature. Like a serpent, man hatches and curates evil every single day. The seeming implosion of the narratives of evils and wickedness only get amplified by the multifarious media outlets available to man in this modern age. Parodying the holy writ, one can say that the heart of man has been desperately wicked, from his creation.

Listening to a track of late Ibadan Awurebe music maestro, Dauda Epo Akara, recently, I was reminded of how criminals concoct alibis for their psychopathic actions. I also got an idea of how musicians and society as a whole covertly lend a hand in the commitment of crimes. Done in the early 1970s, the song, while praise-singing the Oredegbe Society in Mushin, Lagos, Epo Akara sang the panegyrics of members of that Society who he said emerged from refined pedigrees. Omo eyan’re – he said of them. One of these was Lagos socialite and notorious land grabber, Jimoh Ishola, also known as Ejigbadero.

Ishola had arranged a child naming ceremony, attended by the crème-de-la crème of society, to coincide with his murder of Jimoh Oba who he hoped to dispossess of a land. For an alibi, he pasted Naira notes on the face of the invited musician for the ceremony, changed his clothes and drove, through the backdoor of his house, to go kill Oba in the farm, returned to the ceremony and continued with the event. Ejigbadero had virtually all musicians singing his praises. No one was able to bell the cat of where his obnoxious wealth emanated from, including a famous musician who sang that as inscrutable as it is to know how liquid enters a coconut pod, so was the mystery of Ejigbadero’s wealth. By the way, till today, one of my major regrets is that, in one of my off-handed discussions with Late Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, the famous king had told me that the Nigerian state and the military rulers of the time connived in Ejigbadero’s eventual conviction by the court and his subsequent execution in 1979, four years after his murder of Oba. I blame myself on why I suddenly lost my inquisitiveness and didn’t interrogate Alaafin of Oyo further on that submission. Now, the Alaafin, an iconoclast, a walking encyclopedia of ancient and contemporary history, has gone with what may be a valid information in that regard.

The cases of Adam, the murder of the Fatinoyes, point blank shooting of Lagos lawyer on Christmas day by ASP Drambi Vandi and so many others which occurred and are still occurring in the world, have provoked so many unanswered or unanswerable questions. They range from, as posed by Togado, “why do evil people find painful choices neither difficult nor painful?… Must (we) become evil to fight evil?” So, I ask, why do atrocities, evils of frightening dimensions, wickedness in high and low places, outweigh good in this world? Are human beings naturally evil?

Already, due to the multiple evils associated with the Nigerian policemen, the general impression is that the Nigeria Police Force is the natural domicile of the Nigerian Devil, in its imperial and unpretentious wickedness. I shuddered at a Twitter post I stumbled upon last week which seems to sum up the general impression of Nigerians about the Force. The post had read, “If I see a policeman dying by the roadside and needing help, God in heaven knows I will not help. I will jump and pass. I hate you guys. All of you, Nigerian policemen. My experience with you guys have (sic) left me very bitter. Even you, Mr. Ben, I hate you. You guys irritate me.” Even Benjamin Hudenyin, Lagos Police PRO, was seemingly speechless as he tried to spin the good deeds he attributed to the Nigerian police. You can imagine the ounce of wickedness from the police the fellow who wrote this must have encountered.

Philosophers say that evil is actually the parent of actions that are considered by humanity as wicked. Wicked actions are ones considered to be at the same gruesome level with that of animals or beasts. Stanley Benn, a research fellow in Philosophy at the Australian National University, Canberra, said wickedness is one of the extracts of evil.

In distinguishing different varieties of wickedness, Benn dimensioned them into self-centered wickedness, psychopathic wickedness and conscientious wickedness. According to him, self-centered wickedness can be likened to narcissism where the sufferer from this selfish wickedness defines what is good according to what is good for them. The second, psychopathic wickedness or what he labeled “moral imbecility,” happens when the sufferer does not factor the wellbeing of others into their action. The last, conscientious wickedness occurs when its perpetrator sees their action as reasonable and necessary.

While it will seem that evil is latent in the heart of man, irrespective of race, colour or religion, many underdeveloped or developing countries contribute to the pervasiveness of evil in their societies. This they do by their peremptory treatment of humanity. If we universalize humanity and remove compartments of class and other identifiers which we put different humans into, we may be on our way to protecting every man from evil. By doing this, we will be protecting ourselves as well. The ongoing trial in Moscow of Brian Kohberger, the lone suspect in the murder, on November 13, 2022, of four University of Idaho, Moscow students — Madison Mogen, 21; Kaylee Goncalves, 21; Xana Kernodle, 20 and Ethan Chapin, 20 authenticates the above assertion. Typical of students, they had spent the preceding Saturday night out of campus in a revelry and returned home in the early morning hours only to be knifed to death around 4 a.m.

Kohberger, 28, a doctoral student of Criminal Justice at the Washington State University, was fingered as suspect in the killings. His doctoral research’s area of interest is said to be criminology as he studied the mindsets of criminals. One of his classmates told investigators that days before the killing, Kohberger was engaged in discussion with his colleagues on DNAs, forensics and was a teaching assistant in his university. Harvesting a major lead of a knife sheath discovered by investigators beside the stabbed bodies of Ms. Mogen and Ms. Goncalves, the CCTV camera recordings of neighbours of the murdered students, which revealed that the killer rode into the neighbourhood in a white Elantra car around 2am and then the DNA on the knife which was picked up from the Kohberger family trash bin site in Philadelphia, the police traced and arrested Kohberger. One of the surviving roommates of the stabbed victims also reported seeing the masked killer and her description of him fitted Kohberger.

Most murderers are psychopathically wicked and do not factor others into the outcome of their actions. If ASP Drambi Vandi and the murderer(s) of the Fatinoyes had bothered about what becomes of their victims after their actions, other than theirs, they most probably would not have committed those gruesome murders. Did Vandi know, for instance, that by killing Raheem, he was killing three persons at a go? Or, as Police PRO was recorded to have said, he was a victim of the Yoruba edi, traditional African invocation used to railroad a victim into doing what they otherwise would not have wanted to do?

The killing of the Fatinoyes has all the trappings of revenge, cult or drug peddlers’ assassination. Or that of an organized crime by the mafia. This pattern is also found in southern African muti killing. The brutality in the murders was not dissimilar to mafia killing.

Those who have encountered the Nigerian police in action have said that, sans corruption and pristine investigative equipment that they still grapple with, the Force parades brilliant, competent and effective officers whose eagle investigative eyes, with clinical certainty, can spot the pregnancy of a snail, even as it is ensconced inside its shell – apologies to this Yoruba aphorism which references deftness and precision. I have engaged brilliant Lagos ex-Police Commissioner, Fatai Owoseni, countless times on Nigeria police officers’ efficiency and his statistics are believably fascinating.

However, place the Moscow police efficiency in tracking Kohberger, within few weeks of his alleged psychopathic killing of those four students, side by side the possibility that the Fatinoye killers may never be found, and you will shudder. The tendency towards evil and violence of blood-curdling dimensions are seemingly comparatively higher in advanced societies than in developing ones. For instance, the Gun Violence Archives in the United States recorded that in the first 24 hours of 2023, America recorded “59 gun deaths, 150 gun injuries, six mass shootings, two children shot… and six unintentional shootings.” However, the certainty of being caught in America and in advanced societies as a whole is a huge deterrence and disincentive on the road to perpetrating evil. Criminologists say that certainty of arrest and severity of punishment lower man’s natural inclination towards embracing his ape and beast ancestors, thus lowering rates of atrocities and reducing paradigms of evils.

In Nigeria, certainty of arrest and justice are sickeningly low. This is worsened by enveloping darkness of power outages which does not encourage individual or public installation of CCTV cameras. The distinguishing difference between Nigeria and saner climes is in technology and a people who see the police as working for them. In Moscow and Philadelphia where Kohberger lived with his father and where he was apprehended, the people cooperated with the police. In Nigeria, the people have seen too many instances of police wickedness that they don’t believe that the police work for them. Police brutality, pandemic corruption in the force and a Nigeria that is apathetic to modernization of its society are the bane of the possibility of reaching the amazing investigative level that the Idaho killings reached. I have often argued that the moment Nigeria gets the issue of electricity right, she would have solved fifty percent of her existential crises, chief among which is crime investigations. This has encouraged and flourished the pandemic of corruption among police officers who, like the flamingo, are feeding fat on the failure of the system. The flamingo, you will recall, can only eat when its head is upside down. The Nigerian system is upside down and corrupt elements eat from it.

It is why, in the buildup to the presidential election, Nigerians must be interested in the candidate who can break the curse of darkness that hovers over the country like a deathly apparition. If we have electricity, corruption will be trackable and will serve as a disincentive to the crime; economy will be revivified and our society will be run as they do human societies of the world.

By the way, all must be done to track the Fatinoye murderer(s). Not tracking them will incentivize their killers and make such killings grow rotund in Nigeria. Apprehending criminals is not for the sake of their victims, many of whom have come face to face with their gruesome fates, but for the sake of the living.

 

Dr Festus Adedayo writes from Ibadan 

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Opinion

Ibarapa East: Yusuf Ramon’s Quest for Responsive Representation

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Hon. Yusuf Abiodun Ramon

As the road to 2027 gradually unfolds across Oyo State, political conversations are shifting from routine permutations to deeper questions about competence, generational leadership, and measurable impact. In Ibarapa East, that conversation has found a new voice in Yusuf Abiodun Ramon — a Lanlate-born technocrat whose entry into the race for the State House of Assembly is redefining what representation could mean for the constituency.

In a political environment often dominated by familiar faces and conventional calculations, Ramon presents a profile shaped by technical discipline, structured thinking, and solution-driven engagement. His professional background, anchored in analytical precision and systems management, forms the foundation of his public service aspiration.

For him, representation must move beyond ceremonial presence to practical responsiveness — laws that reflect local realities, oversight that protects public resources, and advocacy that translates into visible development.

Ramon argues that the future of Ibarapa East lies in leadership that listens deliberately, plans strategically, and delivers measurably. He speaks of strengthening rural infrastructure, expanding youth-driven economic opportunities, and institutionalising transparency as core pillars of his agenda. In his view, governance must not merely be symbolic; it must be structured, accountable, and people-centred.

Rooted in Ile Odede, Isale Alubata Compound, Ward Seven of Ibarapa East Local Government, and maternally linked to Ile Sobaloju, Isale Ajidun Compound, Eruwa, Ramon’s story is not one of distant ambition but of lived experience. He is, in every sense, a son of the soil — shaped by the same roads, schools, and economic realities that define daily life in Ibarapa East.

“I was born here. I grew up here. I understand our struggles, our strengths, and our untapped potential,” he says. “Representation must go beyond occupying a seat; it must translate into preparation, competence, and genuine commitment to development.”

His academic journey mirrors that philosophy of steady growth. He began at Islamic Primary School, Lanlate (1995–2001), proceeded to Baptist Grammar School, Orita Eruwa (2001–2007), and later earned a National Diploma in Mechanical Engineering Technology from Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro, between 2009 and 2011. Refusing to plateau, he advanced his intellectual horizon and is now completing a Bachelor of Science in Business Administration at the University of Lagos. “Education,” he reflects, “is continuous capacity building. Leadership today requires both technical knowledge and administrative insight.”

That blend of engineering precision and managerial training has defined a professional career spanning more than a decade. Shortly after his diploma, Yusuf joined Mikano International Limited as a generator installer, gaining hands-on experience in industrial power systems — a sector central to Nigeria’s infrastructural backbone. He later transitioned into telecommunications at Safari Telecoms Nigeria Limited, where he received specialized training in Industrial, Scientific, and Medical radio bands, strengthening his expertise in network operations.

In 2013, he became a Field Support Engineer at Netrux Global Concepts Ltd., then a leading ISM service provider in Nigeria. Over four formative years, he immersed himself in telecom infrastructure deployment and maintenance, mastering field coordination, logistics management, and real-time technical problem-solving.

Since July 2017, he has served as a Field Support Engineer with Specific Tools and Techniques Ltd., a power solutions firm providing services to major operators including MTN Nigeria and Airtel Nigeria. In that capacity, he operates at the frontline of ensuring energy reliability and network uptime — responsibilities that demand discipline, accountability, and systems thinking.

For political observers in Ibarapa East, this trajectory matters. It reflects more than résumé credentials; it speaks to a mindset anchored in efficiency, coordination, and measurable outcomes — qualities increasingly demanded in legislative representation.

Beyond the private sector, Ramon’s political exposure is neither sudden nor superficial. A loyal member of the progressive political family in Lagos, he once served as a personal assistant to a former lawmaker, gaining practical insight into legislative procedure and constituency engagement. Within his community, he has quietly extended financial support to small-scale entrepreneurs and students — modest but consistent interventions rooted in personal responsibility.

“My interest is my people,” he states firmly. “Ibarapa East deserves strategic, responsive, and capable leadership at the State Assembly. We must move from rhetoric to results.”

Across the constituency — from Lanlate to Eruwa — development priorities remain clear: youth employment, vocational empowerment, rural road rehabilitation, stable power supply, agricultural value-chain expansion, improved educational standards, and stronger lawmaking that directly reflects community needs.

Political analysts argue that Ramon’s technocratic background positions him uniquely at the intersection of policy formulation and practical implementation. At a time when national discourse increasingly favours competence over grandstanding, his profile resonates with a broader generational shift toward performance-driven governance. His engineering discipline reinforces problem-solving; his business training strengthens administrative understanding; his grassroots roots anchor his empathy.

For Ibarapa East, the 2027 election cycle may represent more than a routine democratic exercise. It may mark a recalibration of expectations — a demand for representation that understands both the soil beneath its feet and the systems that drive modern development. As political alignments gradually crystallize in Oyo State, Yusuf Abiodun Ramon’s declaration signals the arrival of a candidate seeking to translate private-sector structure into public-sector impact.

One thing is clear: the conversation about the future of Ibarapa East has begun — and it is now framed around competence, credibility, and capacity.

 

Oluwasegun Idowu sent in this piece from Eruwa, Ibarapa East LG, Oyo State

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Flying on Trust: How Ibom Air’s Reliability Became Its Winning Strategy

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An Ibom Air aircraft at the airport.

“In a sky where delays are normal, one airline flies with precision and trust. Ibom Air shows that reliability can be a strategy”.

In Nigeria’s skies, where flight delays and cancellations are often taken as routine, Ibom Air has quietly rewritten the rules. From the moment it launched in June 2019, the Akwa Ibom State–owned carrier has treated reliability not as a bonus, but as a core strategy—turning punctuality, discipline, and operational excellence into a competitive edge that passengers can count on.

While most airlines chase rapid expansion or flashy promotions, Ibom Air has chosen consistency. Flights depart on schedule, disruptions are minimal, and communication with passengers is clear and timely. This predictability has quickly earned the airline a loyal following among business travellers, professionals, government officials, and families for whom time is invaluable.

The airline’s approach is methodical. Every flight is treated as a commitment, and operational decisions are guided by structured planning, not improvisation. This discipline underpins everything from scheduling to fleet management, ensuring passengers experience flying without surprises.

Central to this model is Ibom Air’s modern fleet. Its Airbus A220-300 and Bombardier CRJ-900 aircraft are fuel-efficient, comfortable, and rigorously maintained to meet both manufacturers’ specifications and the regulatory standards of the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority and international aviation bodies. Safety here is a culture, not a compliance exercise.

Cabin cleanliness and aircraft health are equally prioritized. Passengers consistently step into neat, hygienic, and professionally maintained cabins, reinforcing confidence and comfort even before take-off. In a sector where small details signal operational quality, Ibom Air’s standards speak volumes.

Technology quietly drives reliability across operations. From booking and check-in to flight coordination and customer service, modern systems enhance efficiency, reduce disruptions, and ensure smooth communication. These tools allow the airline to anticipate challenges rather than merely react.

R–L: Dr. Solomon Oroge, a consultant, and Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, aboard an Ibom Air flight.

Service delivery follows the same disciplined pattern. Pilots, cabin crew, engineers, and ground staff operate under strict professional standards. Courtesy is paired with efficiency, and calm, structured service ensures passengers feel confident throughout their journey.

The Ibom Flyer loyalty programme reflects this structured approach, rewarding consistent passengers and fostering long-term engagement. It turns reliability into a tangible benefit for frequent flyers.

From its hub at Victor Attah International Airport, Uyo, Ibom Air serves major Nigerian cities including Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, Calabar, and Enugu, while extending its reach to West Africa with flights to Accra, Ghana. Expansion is deliberate, prioritizing sustainability over rapid growth that could compromise service quality.

Measured growth allows the airline to maintain operational excellence and service consistency even as demand increases—a strategy that contrasts sharply with competitors whose rapid expansion often strains resources.

Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, pictured inside an Ibom Air aircraft.

Beyond commercial success, Ibom Air has become a national example. It has created employment, stimulated tourism, and strengthened regional connectivity, projecting a positive image of Nigerian aviation at a time when confidence in the sector is often fragile.

The airline has also challenged assumptions about government-owned enterprises. By combining professional management with operational autonomy, it demonstrates that public investment can achieve efficiency, accountability, and competitiveness.

Reliability, in the case of Ibom Air, is than a promise—it is a deliberate business philosophy. It shapes operations, informs decisions, and builds passenger trust consistently.

Technology, discipline, and attention to detail converge to produce an airline that works. Every element, from fleet maintenance to cabin service, supports the promise that Ibom Air delivers what it advertises—without surprises.

In a market where uncertainty has been the norm, Ibom Air has shown that consistency can be a strategic advantage. Passengers no longer fly with anxiety; they fly with confidence, knowing their schedules will hold and service will meet expectations.

Ultimately, Ibom Air is not just an airline—it is a model of operational excellence in Nigerian aviation. By prioritizing reliability over spectacle, discipline over improvisation, and planning over shortcuts, it sets a benchmark for the industry and a standard for passengers: in the skies, predictability is priceless

 

Idowu Ayodele – Journalist, Ibadan, Oyo State
0805 889 3736 | megaiconpress@gmail.com

 

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Help or Hegemony? Trump’s Threat and Nigeria’s Terror War | By Olusegun Hassan

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In Homer’s epic poem The Odyssey, the concept of the “Greek gift” was invented. The Trojan Horse became the undoing of Troy, ending a decade-long war in which many Greeks had perished, including the mighty Achilles. The Trojans accepted the Greeks’ gift, and the rest, as they say, is history.

In the past few days, both social and conventional media have been agog with reactions to President Donald J. Trump’s threat to the Nigerian government regarding terrorism. In his words, Nigeria must “address the genocide against Christians in the North and Middle Belt, or else the U.S. will cut aid to the country and, in addition, come into the country guns blazing in an attempt to flush out the terrorists.”

Sincerely speaking, the tweet made by the U.S. President sounded a bit comical to me, as did many other commentaries that followed. Comical not in a ridiculous sense, but in a comedic sense.

This piece is not written to support or oppose any particular view, but to lay down facts in the most succinct and objective manner, thereby allowing for the independence of a balanced position.

In 2009, a terror group named Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li al-Da’wa wa al-Jihad (popularly referred to as Boko Haram) emerged with the aim of establishing Islamic rule across Nigeria. According to the group, Sharia was the only path to true progress, and any faith other than Islam was haram (forbidden).

Soon after, this group began launching vicious attacks against Christians and Christian places of worship. From singularly attacking Christians, their targets shifted to government institutions and facilities, and on 28 November 2014, one of the greatest attacks against fellow Muslims occurred with the bombing and mass shooting of Juma’at worshippers at the Kano Central Mosque. Over 120 worshippers were killed and another 260 critically injured.

The point here is to underscore the fact that Boko Haram—and indeed all other extremist groups in Nigeria—are not targeting Christians alone, as earlier claimed, but are pursuing a more sinister agenda of land grabbing with the colouration of economic, psychological and socio-political domination of conquered territories, with intentions of spreading across the country.

From the Northeast, the activities of wanton killing and destruction perpetrated by terrorists spread to the North Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue States. What originally began as farmer–herder clashes metamorphosed into full-blown village and community sackings, where Fulani invaders razed entire communities, leaving hundreds dead or wounded while survivors were displaced and left with harrowing experiences in IDP camps.

This wave of destruction continued, with one of the bloodiest in recent times occurring in Yelwata, Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, on the night of 13–14 June 2025. According to Amnesty/CE/UN/NGO, over 200 people were gruesomely massacred, several houses burnt to ashes, and about 3,000 people displaced and rendered homeless. In 2025 alone, Amnesty reported more than 10,000 additional people displaced in Benue across several local governments, ranging from Gwer West to Agatu, Ukum/Gbagir, Logo, Kwande and Guma.

From the North Central, terrorism—or better still, banditry—also found its way to the North West. The activities of bandits, kidnappers and other criminal elements were consistently reported in Zamfara, Kaduna, Kebbi, Sokoto, Kano, and even Katsina, which was once regarded as the true home of hospitality, as its state slogan depicts, and as I can also attest considering how much I enjoyed the peace and serenity of the state during my days therein as a Youth Corps member. Reuters.ng reports that as of 2025, approximately 2,456 people had been killed in the North West region across multiple states. In addition to this, about 7,260 people, including schoolchildren and commuters on highways, had been abducted, with several millions of naira collected by kidnappers as ransom payments. Some parts of the South West, South East and South South have not been spared the atrocities of terrorists and bandits.

Therefore, it is safe to say that the entire country has, at one time or the other, experienced the activities of bandits, terrorists and kidnappers. The intensity of attack, however, differs from region to region.

Late General Sani Abacha once said that “if any insurgency lasts for more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” This saying more or less amplifies the complexity of the terrorism–banditry–kidnapping problem in Nigeria. Nigeria is a country abundantly blessed with all manners of rich mineral resources. Apart from the vast arable land required for productive agriculture, there is virtually no region of the country that does not possess one valuable solid mineral or another.

From iron ore in Zamfara, Kogi and Enugu; gold in Kaduna, Kebbi and Osun; lithium in Nasarawa, Kwara, Oyo and the FCT; bitumen in Ondo, Edo and Ogun; plus other industrial minerals like gypsum, kaolin and limestone, with deposits of over one billion tonnes across many states—Nigeria is sitting on an incredibly underutilised treasure worth billions of dollars. The government’s inability to adequately manage these vast potentials provides fertile grounds for opportunistic scrambling, illegal mining, chaos and its attendant conflicts.

One can therefore boldly say that the chaos and violence camouflaged as terrorism and banditry is indeed a calculated campaign driven not just by Islamic extremism but by land grabbing and occupation for the purpose of blood mineral extraction and illicit mining.

Thus, a sophisticatedly armed radical Islamic Fulani ethnic militia, often operating under political protection, carries out multiple killings, displacements and kidnappings across the Northeast, North Central and North West, after which reports reveal that foreign miners appear following the death and displacement of indigenes to exploit the lands.

Amnesty International has also reported that Nigeria loses over $9 billion annually to illicit mining of gold, tin and lithium, with a significant portion—estimated at 10%—funding violence and corruption. The report further revealed that the involvement of some government elements in this corruption is not in doubt, as eyewitness reports of survivors and satellite surveillance footage revealed the connivance of certain government personnel. Some survivors have also repeatedly claimed that they witnessed helicopters in the middle of the night dropping weapons and ammunition for the bandits—a disclosure corroborated by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi in an interview on African Stream earlier this year.

So, it is right to say that the violence and carnage are just a smokescreen and a catalyst to a far-reaching economic, psychological and socio-political agenda of certain influential elements in the country. This is part of the reason why the billions of naira spent on security to equip the military to better fight insurgency have not yielded much result to date.

In addressing the threat of President Donald Trump, I would like to start by recounting a little history about the 47th President of the United States and his previous antecedents. In January 2018, at a news conference in the White House, President Trump referred to Haiti and some African countries—including Nigeria—as “shithole countries” that should not be accorded immigrant status in the U.S.

Furthermore, his government’s stern immigration policies and visa restrictions clearly reflect a hostile stance towards Africa and some other Global South countries. In light of this, it is hard to understand where the sudden genuine concern for Nigerian Christians is coming from—more so when a U.S. congressman earlier this year revealed that USAID played a significant role in the funding of Boko Haram and other terrorist groups. This concern was never mentioned when Late President Muhammadu Buhari visited the White House a few months after the “shithole” saga and was praised by the same Trump for his valiant efforts in fighting Boko Haram and ISWAP, despite staggering reports of attacks and killings in the Northeast and North Central during that period.

Under the erudite scholarship of Professor Kunle Ajayi, I learnt several years ago, in one of our Politics of Global Economic Relations lectures, that in world politics and global socio-economic relations, the overriding determinant of states’ decisions and actions is strategic interest. Altruism is hardly ever a factor.

Present realities of Nigeria’s economic relations are fast approaching self-sufficiency—particularly in the oil sector, where Nigeria was once a major importer of finished petroleum products from the U.S. The Dangote refinery, having begun domestic refining and production of petroleum products, is fast taking over a market once dominated by imports from the U.S. This shift, no doubt, is taking jobs away from American oil workers—no cheering news for the country’s oil conglomerates. Secondly, China has since replaced the United States as Nigeria’s foremost trading partner.

According to Nairametrics (2025), the value of trade between Nigeria and China between 2023–2025 totals approximately $50 billion compared to an estimated $30 billion with the U.S. This paradigm shift would certainly not be palatable to the U.S. or her president, who happens to be a dogged businessman that hates the word “no”. From this perspective, it is not difficult to see where President Trump is coming from.

Be that as it may, I think Nigeria needs to employ shrewd diplomacy in dealing with the U.S. under a president like Donald Trump. Regardless of international law and conventions, the U.S. has repeatedly proven itself willing to take unilateral military action against countries, defying the rule of law and popular global opinion. So those hinging on Nigeria’s sovereignty as a deterrent to the U.S. are not good students of history.

What is, however, more important in all of this is that global attention is once again drawn to the horrible atrocities of these criminal elements in Nigeria. The country cannot continue to behave as though it is normal headline news when people are slaughtered daily, and families and homes are torn apart.

I believe this is an opportunity for the government to rejig the entire security architecture of the country, with the needed political will, to once and for all end these killings. Strategic partnership with the United States in this regard is not a bad idea. With its extensive experience in counter-terrorism operations and access to sophisticated military technology and intelligence, the U.S. can assist in identifying and eradicating the major financiers and enablers of terrorism and banditry. It is not rocket science that when the financing of terrorists ends, terrorism ceases to exist.

However, this should be done only on the basis of shared interest, mutual respect, trust, and understanding reflective of a healthy and balanced foreign policy relationship. By prioritising constructive diplomacy, dialogue and partnership, Nigeria can work with the United States in a strategic alliance to restore peace, security and confidence across the nation. That is the way to go.

 

Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator

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