Opinion
Time to kill NBC
The hypothesis that words, either written or spoken, are the worst enemy of despots and totalitarian regimes has been tested over time. Words are lethal, superior to mortars and armaments of war and penetrate deeper than bullets. Words are equally known to eventually precipitate the collapse of despotic regimes. It then stands to reason that dictators must wage war on words.
Merve Buyuksarac found out the above when it was almost too late. Crowned Miss Turkey in 2006, Merve’s brush with the imperial power of Recep Tayyip Erdogan began like a joke. On her Instagram page, assuming that poetic license shawled her from the biting proboscis of imperial power, she poured scum at what she referred to as high-level corruption and sleaze in Turkey. Couching this in very inviting poetic lines, Merve located Erdogan as the kingpin and epicentre of the rot. Pronto, as the Americans say, she was arrested and on May 31, given a suspended prison sentence of 14 months. Turkey frowns at such impudence of insulting the imperial office of the president. Such affront could net its violator up to four years imprisonment. More than 1,800 people have run afoul of this law.
Like Erdogan, Tunisian president from 1987 to 2011, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, widely known as Ben Ali, was ruthless and diffident about the possibilities of free speech. He was dictatorial and repressive and his 23-year rule of Tunisia was signposted by manacles and barbs. Amnesty International, Freedom House and other international human rights groups voted Ali’s regime as terror personified and his regime authoritarian because he muzzled free speech. Under his watch, Tunisia became a police state and ranked 144th out of 173 countries in the world in repression of free speech.
Ben Ali abridged fundamental freedoms in a bid to sustain his authority. He did this by limiting the spread of information and suppressing citizens who wanted to speak out against his government’s multiplicity of violations of human rights. If you dared oppose Ali in the media, you were due for harsh consequences, the least being imprisonment. Apart from arbitrary jailing, he also generously deployed arbitrary disappearance of activists and journalists who had the temerity to speak against his demonic rule. The way he censured and censored free speech was through the control of information that could be channelled past the Tunisian borders. Smuggling books into Tunisia was the only way out for anyone who craved information. But you had to pay the very corrupt Tunisian police a heavy bribe. If for any reason, the police failed to play ball and you were caught, the smuggler was liable to a long jail sentence.
When foreign censure was becoming boring and jangling to him, Ben Ali decided that privatization of the Tunisian media would do the magic for his censorship of free speech. This was unbeknown to the rest of the world. The world then gave him unmerited applauses. The claps had not abated by the time he bared his fangs. He ensured that his daughter, Cyrine Ben-Ali, secured ownership of the only internet provider available in Tunisia. Of course, a welter of critical journalism outfits sprung up to take their destinies into their hands. One of such was Kalima. Kalima was a media group that published an online magazine and also had a radio outfit. In 2009, Ali shut Kalima down for being too critical of his government and family. In Tunisia, not only did journalists face heavy censure, but Emperor Ali also foisted a regime of heavy police harassment on news disseminators. The ones unlucky to get arrested by his goons were often mercilessly tortured.
On January 14, 2011, however, Ben Ali’s cup ran over. Like the proverbial offspring of a cobra that ensures its death, the Arab Spring revolution suddenly erupted, with Tunisia as its test case. On December 17, 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi, the later-to-be-famous street vendor, suddenly set himself on fire and his self-immolation became a catalyst for the Tunisian Revolution, christened Arab Spring, ultimately setting alight the whole of the Arab enclave. It became a vote of no confidence on autocratic leaders. Bouazizi’s wares had been confiscated, as well as being humiliated and harassed by a Tunisian municipal official and her aides. In the midst of this month-long protest, sensing that his time was up, Ali and his wife, Leila and their three children, fled to Saudi Arabia. He subsequently died on September 19, 2019, in exile.
Despots and totalitarian governments all over the world, including those who shawl themselves with veneers of democracy, cannot stand free speech. Their modern-day variant dictators are smart enough to know that a war on freedom of speech is a war against their existential survival.
It is why despots’ first priority in government is to impose restrictions on freedom of speech. This was what the Russian Bolsheviks did in 1917. The very day after the coup d’etat that ushered the regime into power, its first assignment was limiting freedom of speech by proclaiming the “Decree on the Press,” through which newspapers considered to be “sowing discord by libellous distortion of facts” were shut down. It was the same way that, a few months after its entry into power in 1933, the German national socialist government began attacks on books and the acquisition of knowledge. It burnt books in their millions, followed by an introduction of knee-jerk censorship by its ministry of propaganda. If you check the ratings of press freedom by international organizations such as Freedom House, communist states like Vietnam, Cuba, China, and North Korea and harsh despotic governments like those of Syria, Iran, Belarus, Sudan and Turkmenistan lead from the rear. To ensure their survival, totalitarian states pad themselves up with very strong propaganda machines with which they shore up an obvious dearth of free speech and credible information, all geared towards the manipulation of the people’s minds.
Asked what his disposition would be to free speech when he forcefully took over power from Shehu Shagari in the twilight of 1983, a dour General Muhammadu Buhari unapologetically proclaimed, like a tiger about to tear the flesh off an animal’s bones, that he would, with his bloodthirsty military decree incisors, peel off the flesh of free speech. He said this in an interview with the trio of Dele Giwa, Yakubu Mohammed and Ray Ekpu on February 6, 1984. For Nigerians to now expect a man who had such untainted disdain for free speech in 1984 to have purged himself of his self-constitutive baying for the blood of press freedom would be expecting a tiger to morph out of its bone-crushing tigritude.
Military despots like General Buhari knew that the Nigerian press has a very rich history, indeed, the Nigerian press is older than and predates the Nigerian state. With the installation of the first printing press in 1846 by the Presbyterian Church in Calabar and the founding, eight years after, precisely in 1854, of the Iwe Irohin by the Reverend Henry Townsend of the Church Missionary Society (CSM), the Nigeria which came out of the 1914 amalgamation was younger in historical antecedents than what is today the Nigerian press.
Since 1846, the press has been a formidable influence in the growth of Nigeria. Nnamdi Azikiwe, one of the patrons of the Nigerian press, who published the ubiquitous West African Pilot newspaper, while eulogizing the history of pioneers of Nigerian press, said their activities were “identical with the intellectual and material developments of Nigeria”, while also submitting that Nigeria produced a “galaxy of immortal journalists!” who played a unique part “in this corner of the earth in the great crusade for human freedom”.
Thereafter, for 35 years, the Nigerian press moved with Nigeria in its travails under the emergent military rule. Since 1999 when full-blown democracy returned to Nigeria, the press has had a wider horizon. There are more modern equipment and even a multiplicity of platforms for mass communication. The radio is no longer strictly controlled by the federal government as Radio Nigeria, a federally owned organization, nor is television strictly owned by the government. Social media has widened the space and made information dissemination available on the web of the wide world. The radio has today grown to become a very powerful octopus of the Nigerian media, with the multiplicity of radio ownership.
As said earlier, to run a regime which unpretentiously simulates the totalitarian government in China or Turkmenistan, in a 21st-century world that has a total aversion for despots, Buhari needed a character like Lai Mohammed. Adolf Hitler also needed Lai’s professional ancestor, German Nazi politician and Gauleiter of Berlin, Paul Joseph Goebbels. Goebbels had turned the spleen of the world in his official assignment as chief propagandist for the Nazi Party, as well as Reich minister of propaganda from 1933 to 1934. To be able to clone Goebbels effectively, Lai must have mopped up all essays on this unexampled propaganda warlord. Buhari must have been fascinated by Lai’s very mercurial showing as ACN and APC propaganda terror machine. Today, Lai has had an exemplary mastery of the game of divisiveness, crass governmental lies and artful manipulations.
The first thing Lai did upon being announced minister of information was to do a generational circum-guessing of what Goebbels would do if he were to be nominated by an Adolf in a 21st century Nigeria. Unlike Europe or Germany in the 1930s, the print media has lost its savour massively. The hugely pillaged Nigerian economy and the unfavourable global economic climate have largely affected the purchasing power of readers. Newsprint has risen to somewhere close to the stratosphere where only a few hands could reach. While the Nigerian print press recorded over a century of pervasive influence, respect and contributions to communication, there is no doubting the fact that its influence is waning. Some extremist views even submit that the newspaper press is nearing its extinction.
The advent of social media and internet usage has relegated hardcopy news to a secondary role, prompting navigation of the print press online and de-emphasis of printing. The internet then became a breeding ground for billions of citizens of the world and a borderless ground of opportunity to share opinions freely without let. It also became a floor for the exchange of personal and group communication. Like the biblical account of the devil that is roaring, seeking who to devour, despots also moved with citizens to the internet. It became a hunting ground for tyrants whose disdain for freedom of expression is as rotund as a bed bug that has amply sucked its victim’s blood.
All dictators needed to do was to transit from their old tactics of silencing dissidents and journalists into a new tactic of muzzling authors of tweets and posts that affront their quest to continue to lustre in their imperial fiefdom. The road to repression by totalitarians today is paved with bile and hatred for Facebook, Twitter and Instagram aficionados. However, the pestilence of dwindling believability of news received from the internet, through the orgy of fake news, has cast a huge pall on cyber information. For totalitarians and despots, the only alternative left is for them to activate their terror on the broadcast media of radio and television.
Broadcasting is unique and is growing in leaps and bounds as means of mass communication. While its effect is instantaneous and possesses tremendous power to penetrate a multiplicity of locales in a matter of minutes, this power is rivalled only by social media as means of communication. The power of the broadcast media is also in that, voices, videos and pictures can be transmitted to a large number of listeners and viewers who reside thousands of kilometres distance.
Broadcast media’s pervasive influence is a threat to despots and budding Haitian Papa and Baby Doc regimes like Buhari’s. So when towards the twilight of last week through its puppet, the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC), the Buhari government revoked the licenses of 52 broadcast media houses, it merely thought out of its despotic box. It was the same thing Tunisian Ben Ali did by appointing his daughter as sole licensee of internet broadcast.
Like all modern-day despots who fashion novel methods of abridging free speech, Buhari chose an innocuous, economic weapon to deal with press freedom and free speech. This tactic falls in line with what the Southeast Asian country of Myanmar did to poet Maung Saungkha in Burma. Writing on his Facebook post that he had a tattoo of Myint Swe, acting president of Myanmar, on his penis, Saungkha was arrested, tried and found guilty of defamation. He was then sentenced to a six-month jail term. It later turned out that the poet lied – he actually possessed no such tattoo! To the Swe puppet and the puppeteers, however, the mere fact that Saungkha made reference to such a “heinous” issue in an off-colour poem courted the imperial wrath of the state.
NBC’s ostensible grouse with the broadcast outfits was that “they failed to renew their licenses as required by law”, Saddled with the role of regulating the broadcast industry, NBC has acted more as a cudgel in the hands of Buhari’s Goebbels in its arbitrary imposition of fines on TV and radio stations over programmes that questioned the legitimacy of the Buhari government. After paying a huge sum for a licence, NBC again arbitrarily demands a 2.5% charge to be paid by these broadcast houses for every year of their operation. This is in an era where electricity supply is near zero and where diesel is sold for about N850 a litre. Nigerians have also queried the quixotic addition of the line, “in view of this development, the continued operation of the debtor stations is illegal and constitutes a threat to national security,” to reasons why NBC had to revoke the licences of the outfits.
Unknown to it, by shrinking the space against credible sources of information as represented by the 52 broadcast outfits which operated under the radar of the NBC, the Buhari government gave vent to a goblin it had repelled from mutating in the Nigerian space – the multiplicity of fake news. As opposed to its manual of operation as a broadcast regulator in its advisory capacity to the federal government, NBC has become the Rottweiler of the Buhari government. It is neither autonomous, independent nor does it shun interference. The over-politicization of the commission and how the so-called regulator has morphed into Lai Mohammed’s attack dog is a miserable mutation. By hacking those 52 broadcast media with its sledgehammer, Buhari has rendered many Nigerians jobless.
When you look at the Nigerian governmental firmament to find out where the repressive weapon of the Buhari government against free speech is hung, look no further: It is in NBC! The government does not want to hound individuals into prison as it did with Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor, via draconian Decree 4 of 1983 in its first coming. This has the tendency of attracting unnecessary attention and international odium. Its target now is institutional repression. That is why Nigerians must not take this arbitrary despotism cloaked in the shawl of economic generation for the federal government lying low. Our ultimate must be to see the end of NBC.
Dr. Adedayo, a Journalist, Columnist and Lawyer writes from Ibadan, Oyo State
Nigeria stands as a paradox, endowed with immense natural wealth yet grappling with staggering poverty levels among its populace. The country is blessed with an abundance of resources, including diverse agricultural products, vast oil reserves, and a burgeoning tourism and entertainment industry, all of which hold immense potential for national prosperity. Despite this richness, many Nigerians endure dire economic conditions, raising questions about the effective management and equitable distribution of wealth generated from these resources.
The agricultural sector in Nigeria is a significant contributor to both the economy and food security. With favourable climatic conditions and arable land, Nigeria has the potential to become an important player in global agriculture. However, inefficiencies in farming techniques, lack of access to modern equipment, inadequate infrastructure, and insecurity impede growth, leaving many farmers in subsistence conditions. By addressing these challenges, Nigeria could harness its agricultural wealth to reduce poverty and strengthen its economy.
Similarly, oil and gas remain at the forefront of Nigeria’s natural resources, providing a substantial share of government revenue. Unfortunately, the oil riches have also been a source of conflict and corruption, leading to environmental degradation and social unrest in oil-producing regions. Although the sector can foster economic growth, the mismanagement of resources has prevented the country from fully benefiting from its wealth. Furthermore, the fluctuating oil prices on the global market create vulnerability, emphasizing the need for economic diversification.
The entertainment industry, particularly Nollywood, represents another facet of Nigeria’s wealth. This sector showcases rich cultural heritage, offers employment opportunities, and generates income. Despite its success, it has not yet been leveraged to bring about far-reaching economic change across the country. Without addressing existing systemic challenges, Nigeria’s abundant resources might continue to dance precariously on the edge of opportunity, further complicating the narrative of its natural wealth.
Leadership Challenges and Political Corruption
Significant leadership issues and pervasive political corruption have plagued Nigeria’s history. Since gaining independence in 1960, the nation has witnessed a succession of leaders, many of whom have failed to prioritize the welfare of their citizens. Ineffective governance has not only hampered Nigeria’s growth but has also led to a persistent cycle of political instability. This crisis of leadership has contributed significantly to the erosion of public trust in governmental institutions, weakening the social fabric of the country.
The impact of political corruption is deeply entrenched in Nigeria’s socio-economic landscape. Corruption permeates various layers of governance, leading to the misallocation of resources intended for public welfare. Essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure development suffer as funds are diverted for personal gain. The consequences of such malfeasance are evident in the rise of poverty rates, inadequate healthcare systems, and a significant lack of access to quality education. Consequently, these socio-economic challenges create a vicious cycle that further exacerbates the leadership crisis.
Historically, Nigeria has experienced a range of leadership styles, from military rule to civilian governments, yet the recurring theme remains the same: a failure to eradicate corrupt practices. Each new leadership regime often promises reform and better governance, but these assurances rarely translate into meaningful change. The lessons from past experiences underscore the importance of accountability and transparency in rebuilding trust between the government and the populace. As the nation grapples with its leadership crisis, the intersection of governance and corruption demands critical attention to chart a new course towards sustainable development and empowerment.
The Hardships Under the Current Administration
The current administration of Nigeria, under President Bola Tinubu, has ushered in an array of policies that have sparked significant public discourse due to their profound impact on the lives of ordinary Nigerians. Notably, the removal of fuel subsidies has been a pivotal move that has reverberated through the economy, leading to steep increases in fuel prices. This sudden change has not only made transportation costs soar but has also led to a ripple effect, dramatically affecting the prices of basic goods and services. Citizens are now grappling with the daily realities of inflated living costs, often on already strained budgets.
Furthermore, the naira floating, aimed at addressing exchange rate discrepancies, has instead resulted in further devaluation. The naira’s instability has posed challenges for local businesses and individual consumers, making it increasingly difficult to afford essential products. This monetary policy highlights the delicate balancing act required in governance, reflecting the complexity of addressing economic issues while ensuring the welfare of the populace. Many Nigerians report feelings of uncertainty and anxiety regarding their financial futures, emphasizing a general sentiment of disillusionment with the direction of government policy under the Tinubu administration.
A Path Forward: Hope or Despair?
Nigeria’s current circumstances present a dichotomy of hope and despair. Despite the numerous challenges confronting the country, including political instability, economic hardships, and social unrest, there is a glimmer of hope that reform is possible through concerted efforts by the populace and leadership. As the country reaches a crossroads, systemic reforms have the potential to catalyze change. These reforms must prioritize institutional strengthening, increase transparency, and promote inclusive and sustainable economic growth.
Public participation is critical in this endeavour. Citizens must reclaim their agency by actively participating in democratic processes, advocating for accountability from their leaders, and demanding that their voices be heard. Civic education should be promoted to ensure that the electorate is informed and empowered to make decisions that affect their future. Furthermore, civil society organizations can play a pivotal role in mobilizing resources and providing platforms for dialogue, where citizens can articulate their needs and aspirations.
Accountability from leadership is another cornerstone for progress in Nigeria. As the people seek a path forward, leaders must prioritize the needs of their constituents over personal interests. Regular assessments of governmental performance, transparency in budgeting and spending, and anti-corruption measures can help to restore public trust. Leaders who demonstrate commitment to these principles may inspire hope and foster collective action aimed at the common good.
Ultimately, the question remains: Who holds the key to Nigeria’s promised future? The answer lies within the collaboration between the government and its citizens, whereby both parties work towards common objectives. The road to prosperity for Nigeria is not easy, but through systemic reforms, public engagement, and accountability, there exists an opportunity to transform hope into reality, steering the nation towards a brighter tomorrow.
Mimiola, an Award-Winning journalist, sent in this piece.
The Presidency addressed several issues last Wednesday as the Special Adviser to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Information and Strategy, Mr. Bayo Onanuga picked the microphone to give perspectives to certain developments. One of the issues he addressed was the lingering feud between the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) and Dangote Refineries Limited.
Onanuga said that President Tinubu would not intervene in the feud because the two entities “operate independently in a deregulated market.”
According to Onanuga, the Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) field has been deregulated, just as Dangote is a private company. The NNPCL is a limited liability company, he said. In the loaded statement, the presidential adviser was hinting Nigerians why the President cannot dabble into the huge but confusing feud between Dangote Refineries and NNPCL, over the pricing of petroleum products in the country.
The presidential adviser and Nigerians are not oblivious to the implications of his statement. First, a lot of hope had been invested in the Dangote Refineries by Nigerians, who had concluded that its coming on stream would yield them cheaper fuel and help end the perennial fuel scarcity that kept the pumps at the filling stations dry for most of the months. But as the refinery was about to fag off its full operations, officials of the refinery, the NNPC and its subsidiaries started singing some music with disparaging tunes. Accusations upon accusations were rampaging in the air, while some name calling and tagging were being spread openly and under the table. It became obvious that elements in the administration of President Tinubu were opposed to the operation of the local refinery. Such insinuations must have prompted the President of Dangote Group, Alhaji Aliko Dangote to speak out in some tones not easily attributable to him hitherto. He alleged that officials of the NNPC were running a blending plant in Malta, where fuel is imported into Nigeria. He equally offered to hand off the Lagos-based refinery if the government would buy him out.
As tension rose, between Dangote and NNPCL, the corporation was having the last laugh, as it chose the same time to unleash some violent strokes of koboko whips on the back of the Nigerian citizen. It galloped fuel prices at will and at the same time locked the products away from their reach. Queues got unwinding at filling stations and the agony was unending. The hunger and thirst for Dangote fuel grew, but the NNPC chose to remain the stumbling block. I guess that the cries of Nigerian citizens at one point got across the Aso Rock Villa, in Abuja and the presidency had to order a temporary ceasefire. NNPCL was directed to create avenues for the supply of crude oil to Dangote in Naira while the refinery too was to agree to a pricing model to be fashioned by the Federal Executive Council. Even at that, the two combatants have continued to throw jabs at each other, especially over what should constitute the exact price of Dangote petrol. While Dangote had claimed that fuel from its refineries would be far cheaper than imported ones, the NNPC had given a conflicting indication. The NNPC/Dangote tango has been a ding-dong and a topsy-turvy affair.
That was the situation as the October 1 date fixed for the start of crude supply to Dangote draws close. And Mr. Onanuga was speaking against that backdrop. If that stands, it would amount to classifying Tinubu in the mould of the biblical Pontius Pilate, as seen in the book of John 18:37-49 and 19:1-19. In that biblical encounter, leading to the final crucifixion of Jesus Christ, the Jews had brought Jesus to Pilate’s court for an indictment that would enable them to crucify him. Pilate asked questions of Jesus and even though Jesus answered in the spirit, the judge was still able to conclude that he found no fault in Jesus. And that was despite the mounting pressure from the multitude of Jews, seeking to crucify Jesus.
As we read in John 19:6; “When the chief priests therefore and officers saw him, they cried out, saying, Crucify him, Crucify him. Pilate saith unto them, Take ye him, and crucify him: for I find no fault in him.”
I believe that President Tinubu should not throw Nigerians at the NNPC, like sheep to wolves. If the declaration of his office is allowed to stand, he would be doing otherwise. To play the Pilate in this needless NNPCL and Dangote feud, he would have endorsed all the punishment his compatriots are suffering at the hands of the NNPCL. He would have said, even though I found no merit in the push to whip the population, I leave you to crucify them’ That would tell us that the President is not only shirking his responsibility as the Minister of Petroleum but also his overriding power as the President and Commander-in-chief.
Much as the officials of the NNPCL and other subsidiaries owned by the Nigerian people want to play the master by believing that they are independent limited liability companies, we will be hiding behind one finger if we believe any inch of that claim. And besides, which limited liability company would not be accountable to its shareholders or the chairman of its board?
If we don’t want to use agidi to light a gas cylinder, we have to agree that the matter of fuel supply in Nigeria is a basic unmistakable assignment President Tinubu must handle for his employers-the Nigerian people. He must be in a position to find answers to the puzzles. Why is fuel supply such a pain in the neck under his administration so far? Why is the locally imported fuel threatening to get more expensive under the watch of the NNPC he supervises? And why is the same NNPC seeking to suffer headaches for another person? When will NNPC’s refineries come alive after the several deadlines?
President Tinubu needs to intervene decisively too, by helping his employers find solutions to the endless hike in fuel prices, and why citizens of other oil-producing countries derive benefits from oil while the Nigerian situation is perpetually in the negative. The Daily Trust on September 23, published a report by Global Petrol Prices, a platform that tracks petrol prices across various countries, which claimed that four countries in Africa sell fuel cheaper than Nigeria. They include Libya which sells at $0.032 (approximately N52/litre), Egypt ($0.279), Algeria($0.342) and Angola, another oil-producing country, at $0.351 per litre.
Besides the above, Tribune columnist and renowned writer, Professor Farook Kperogi quoted data by some oil industry experts who claimed that the landing cost of imported petrol in Nigeria should stand at N1,107 per litre and that several cost components are not inclusive of locally imported fuel.
According to him, when such cost components are removed, Dangote’s fuel should not sell higher than N518.35 per litre. Indeed, investigations have revealed that Dangote fuel costs far cheaper than the amount quoted by him and the NNPC. You could see the fire in the eyes of the spokesperson of Dangote when he refuted the claim that NNPC got fuel at N890 per litre from the refinery.
President Tinubu should not play the ostrich, he cannot afford to play the Pontius Pilate in this case, if he wants a reversal of the oil curse in his tenure.
The trend of Nigerian youths relocating abroad, commonly called “Japa,” has reached alarming levels, driven by many pressing factors. Chief among these is the dire economic situation in the country, characterized by high unemployment rates, inflation, and widespread poverty.
Many young Nigerians find themselves grappling with the harsh realities of a stagnant job market where opportunities are limited, leading to a pervasive sense of hopelessness about their futures. In a society where ambition is often met with barriers, the desire for a better life has become a powerful motivator for japa (migration).
In addition to the economic challenges, high levels of insecurity further exacerbate this trend. The persistent threat of violence, crime, and social unrest makes everyday life precarious for many. Young people often feel vulnerable and unsafe, prompting them to consider relocation as a viable solution to secure their well-being. This atmosphere of fear and instability not only impacts their psyche but also diminishes their prospects for career growth and personal development.
Moreover, the desperation felt by many of these youths leads to significant personal sacrifices. It is not uncommon for individuals to sell their properties, deplete their savings, and even acquire loans in the hopes of financing their migration plans. These choices reflect a profound commitment to change their circumstances despite the inherent risks of leaving their homeland. Pursuing better educational prospects, career opportunities, and improved living conditions fuels the great exodus, as many believe that the benefits of migrating outweigh the costs of remaining in a challenging environment.
Ultimately, the convergence of economic instability, insecurity, and a lack of hope in the current environment drives this trend of migration among Nigerian youths. Each individual’s journey represents a search for a brighter future, underscoring the critical challenges facing young Nigerians today.
The Call for Action: Political Responses and Policies
The migration of Nigerian professionals, particularly within the healthcare sector, has elicited varied political responses. As the phenomenon of ‘Japa’—the colloquial term for seeking greener pastures abroad—grows increasingly prevalent, the Nigerian government has been compelled to confront the ramifications of this brain drain. Efforts have been made to formulate policies designed to retain healthcare workers, reflecting a recognition of these professionals’ pivotal role in national development. Initiatives such as improved salaries, better working conditions, and enhanced career advancement opportunities have been introduced to stem the tide of emigration.
A Lagos lawmaker representing Oshodi Isolo II Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, Hon. Ganiyu Johnson, in 2023, sponsored “A bill for an Act to Amend the Medical and Dental Practitioners Act, Cap. M379, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004, to mandate any Nigeria-trained medical or dental practitioner to practice in Nigeria for a minimum of five before being granted a full license by the council to make quality health services available to Nigeria.”
He argued that “the government has invested so much money in training these medical doctors, on average. Recently, the United Kingdom opened healthcare visas to people; who were all going to the UK, USA, and Canada. So should we fold our hands?”
President Bola Tinubu recently approved a National Policy on Health Workforce Migration to manage the exodus abroad of skilled Nigerian healthcare professionals. According to Muhammad Pate, the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, the 56-page document outlines the national strategy for addressing the dynamics of health workers’ migration while ensuring that it does not jeopardize the requirements of the nation’s healthcare system.
However, the efficacy of such policies remains a subject of intense debate. Critics often point to the disparity between these governmental measures and the observed behaviour of political elites, who were based abroad before returning home to occupy political posts, frequently seek medical attention for themselves and educational and professional opportunities for their children overseas, and are even quick to return abroad almost immediately they are out of political offices. This disconnect has raised questions about the commitment of leaders to create a conducive environment for graduates and professionals in Nigeria. Many citizens view these actions as a manifestation of hypocrisy, breeding further disillusionment and fueling the desire to ‘Japa’.
The persistent crisis in the healthcare system, characterized by inadequate infrastructure, insufficient funding, and a lack of essential resources, undermines these retention efforts. As the government formulates strategies, a more holistic approach is necessary to tackle the issues underlying healthcare workers’ dissatisfaction. This includes addressing systemic problems such as corruption and the lack of equitable resource distribution. A truly effective solution must encompass policies aimed at retaining talent and a broader commitment to reforming the conditions that compel professionals and youths to look abroad.
Ultimately, the Nigerian government faces a critical juncture in addressing the migration of skilled workers. A renewed focus on policy effectiveness and political accountability is essential to reverse the brain drain trend and retain valuable talent within the country.
The Ethical Dilemma: Is Japa Justified?
The decision of many Nigerian youths to japa, seeking opportunities abroad, stirs a profound ethical discourse regarding migration. At the heart of this phenomenon lies the debate over human rights to freedom of movement and the ethical implications of seeking better prospects in foreign lands. From one point of view, migration is a valid option for people who want to advance socioeconomically, supported by the fundamental human right to seek out a better life. This viewpoint emphasizes that individuals should have the autonomy to explore opportunities that enhance their quality of life, especially when local conditions are less than conducive to personal and professional development.
Conversely, critics often label this exodus as brain drain, equating it to a collective abandonment of responsibilities towards a nation grappling with myriad challenges. This characterization raises questions regarding the role and responsibility of political leaders in nurturing an environment that fosters growth, stability, and opportunities within the country. Are they not, partly, accountable for the growing desire among youths to leave? When governments fail to create adequate conditions for human capital development, they inadvertently precipitate a flight of talent, which may severely hinder national progress.
The ethical implications become even more complex when we consider the motivations behind migration. If the pursuit of knowledge and global exposure drives these individuals to relocate, does that not warrant a more nuanced conversation about the potential benefits of such a movement? Rather than framing this trend exclusively as a detrimental outflow of talent, exploring how these experiences, when leveraged effectively, could eventually contribute to national development upon their return may be more productive. Thus, understanding these ethical dilemmas necessitates a balanced perspective, recognizing the individual’s rights and the collective responsibilities inherent within the societal framework.
From Brain Drain to Brain Gain: The Way Forward
The current trend of brain drain among Nigerian youths poses a significant challenge to the nation’s development. However, this brain drain can be transformed into a brain gain by implementing strategic initiatives. It begins with fostering a conducive environment that encourages talented individuals to return home after acquiring international experience. The government and private sector must collaborate to create job opportunities that match the skills of returning emigrants and offer competitive salaries and benefits. Establishing policies that support entrepreneurship can also incentivize returnees to contribute to the economy, fostering innovation and local development.
In addition to encouraging returnees, it is essential to educate Nigerian youths on the motivations behind their relocation. Instead of following trends or peer pressure, young individuals must be empowered to make informed decisions about their futures. This can be achieved through comprehensive career counselling programmes in schools and universities, which will help students understand their options and the potential impacts of their choices. Encouraging critical thinking and strategic planning can lead to more purposeful migrations—individuals seeking international exposure while still retaining a commitment to their homeland.
Furthermore, cultivating a culture of engagement within Nigeria will encourage both citizens and expatriates to invest in the country’s future. This can be accomplished through initiatives promoting community building, networking, and professional collaboration. By emphasizing the skills and experiences that returning Nigerians bring, the nation can foster an environment where intellectual capital is valued. Hosting forums and symposiums where returnees share their experiences can inspire others and create a cohesive community centred around progress.
In conclusion, Nigeria can combat the brain drain phenomenon by actively promoting brain gain strategies and educating youths on purposeful migrations. This approach not only mitigates the loss of talent but also cultivates a dedicated populace invested in the nation’s development, ultimately benefiting both the individuals and the broader society.
Mimiola, an award-winning journalist sent in this piece.
-
Politics1 week agoOyo Rep, Oseni Pays APC Secretariat Staff Salaries, Donates N10m to Boost Party Operations
-
Health4 days ago
Oyo: Oseni to Launch Mobile Clinic Initiative to Revitalize Rural Healthcare
-
Crime & Court1 day ago
EFCC Chair Raises Alarm on Rampant Fraud in Nigeria’s Electricity Sector
-
News2 days ago
Half of Shortlisted Directors Fail Federal Permanent Secretary Exam
