Opinion
Lai Mohammed’s subterfuge by moonlight
Published
4 years agoon
Last week, as Minister of Information and Orientation, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, was engrossed in his theatrics on television over the Lagos EndSARS panel report; I was wrapped in sobriety as I listened to Manchester-based UK pop group of artists called the Hollies. Renowned for being one of Britain’s leading musical groups of the 1960s and into the mid 1970s, especially with their unique and distinctive blend of a three-part vocal harmony style, Hollies’ renown got catapulted to the zenith through their highly evocative song entitled He Ain’t Heavy, He’s My Brother.
The song was composed by Bobby Scott and Bob Russell. Russell, born April, 1914, was an American songwriter and lyricist who died of lymphoma in Beverly Hills, in 1970, shortly after the song was released in 1969. With Elton John in the background fiddling with the piano and Alan Clarke, the lead vocalist tugging the base of the world’s empathy, the Hollies badgered the world to care for the other person, with their lyrics piercing into the global subconscious. For their superlative performance all through the ages, the Hollies were inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 2010.
He Ain’t Heavy, He’s My Brother has a multiplicity of themes, ranging from human rights, trials and tribulations, human empathy and sobriety at the sight of a dying fellow man. Among others, the track goes thus: The road is long//With many a winding turn//That leads us to who knows where//Who knows where//But I’m strong//Strong enough to carry him//He ain’t heavy, he’s my brother//So, on we go//His welfare is of my concern//No burden is he to bear//We’ll get there//For I know//He would not encumber me//He ain’t heavy, he’s my brother//If I’m laden at all//I’m laden with sadness//That everyone’s heart//Isn’t filled with the gladness//Of love for one another//It’s a long, long road//From which there is no return//While we’re on the way to there…
He Ain’t Heavy, He’s My Brother was borne out of the pain and anguish, as well as the camaraderie felt by soldiers who fought in the Vietnam War. In wars, soldiers saw their fellow brothers shot and bleeding. At that point, they had two choices: flee for dear life or stay back to carry them on the shoulder to safety, preparatory to a first aid being administered on them. The song is the narrative of an emotionally or physically stronger person, who without complaints provides succor to a traumatized other, either a countryman in distress, in pain or discomfort. The one who is down is at the end of their tethers, without the will to continue on the journey. Hollies lament that our emotive composition as human beings is not balanced as not everyone is ready to offer comfort to the broken hearted. This, the Hollies represented, inter alia, thus: “If I’m laden at all, I’m laden with sadness, that everyone’s heart is filled with a gladness of love for one another.”
Again, listening to Mohammed waffling as he read from his prepared speech, my mind flipped over to Chief Tom Ikimi, Nigeria’s notorious military despot, Sani Abacha’s Minister of Foreign Affairs. Like Mohammed, Ikimi’s heart was made of tar and coal, cold without life. He shawled Abacha with a duvet of beatitudes reserved only for angels. In Auckland, New Zealand in 1995, while the blood of environmental rights activist, Ken Saro-Wiwa, was yet hot as he jerked for the last of his breath in the hands of Abacha’s hangmen, Ikimi sought to place Abacha among the pantheon of the gods. Saro-Wiwa, he told the world, was a devil reincarnate. As the world is horrified that State apparatus could be deployed to murder peacefully protesting youths, the world was equally aghast in 1995 that Buhari could judicially murder Saro-Wiwa, even when Abacha, in a 1994 meeting with Late South African President Nelson Mandela in Abuja, had promised Madiba, conveyed to him through General Oladipo Diya, that even if the kangaroo judicial panel found him guilty, he would extend the prerogative of mercy to the Ogoni-born activist.
With peacock pomposity jutting out of his octopus stature, Ikimi stood on television beamed live to Nigerians and the international community, to criminalize the hanged activist. Today, Ikimi, architect and politician, is a victim of history, tossed inside the trash receptacle of the time. While I am not privy to how the blood of Saro-Wiwa may be tormenting him today, 26 years after, I am convinced that even when he must have departed this earthly space, his progenies will feel the heat of that nestling shoulder he gave despotism to fester in our land.
The first impression you get from Lai Mohammed at that press conference ground is a man who took unqualified pleasure in gloating at the dead. Unlike the Hollies’ soldier who offered comfort to the wounded, Lai Mohammed mocked the blood that was spilled at the Lekki Toll Gate and like Ikimi, gave a wooly embrace to murderers cloaked in the gabardine of the Nigerian state. Rather than the panel report, Mohammed and those who authored the speech he read stand condemned forever for tormenting the memories of the people who the system they work for, killed. It is disheartening that officials of the Nigerian state, unlike that imaginary valiant soldier in the Hollies’ song, do not stand by the tax payers who pay for the untrammeled comfort and wealth they scoop from the Nigerian state. Like a blood-overfed bed bug that they are, these officials luster in their wickedness.
Mohammed was just the federal government version of other legmen earlier sent out by a combination of the federal and Lagos State governments, with the instruction to water the ground preparatory to a White Paper that is diametrically opposed to the recommendations of the panel. Mohammed and his earlier lackeys dwelt extensively and incongruously on supposed technical errors in the report but which, in the main, do not detract from the gravamen of the report.
What is key is the role played on that grisly night by men of the Nigerian Army, whose presence at the Toll Gate on that day is no longer a matter for conjecture. Lagos State governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu himself had confirmed that he extended invitation to them. Incontrovertible footages obtained that night and thereafter also confirmed that the soldiers were there. Initially, there was an attempt to Unknown Soldier-ise the bloodthirsty detachment sent to the Toll Gate that night, until Sanwo-Olu, perhaps hastily but in defence of hapless Nigerian youths felled in the melee, confirmed that the soldiers were not ghosts and he called for their presence. The buck-passing, from the then Chief of Army Staff, Tukur Buratai, down to the Lagos military command, confirmed this attempt to dissolve the culprits into the inky night.
Now, granted that the forensic analyst who examined the bullets found at the locus in quo claimed that the bullets were not military-grade (high-velocity) live ammunition because, in the words of Lai, “had the military personnel deliberately fired directly at the protesters; there would have been significantly more fatalities and catastrophic injuries recorded,” the question then is, who fired the shots that killed that night? Could the soldiers, aware of the havoc they were coming to perpetrate, have armed themselves with non-military rifles? Because, if the soldiers didn’t kill those who, even by government’s admission, were killed, who and what then killed them?
Again, even from the angle of Lai Mohammed’s “credible evidence” of the Forensic Pathologist, Prof. John Obafunwa, to wit that “only three of the bodies on which post mortem were conducted were from Lekki and only one had gunshot injury,” we will like to know, was it blank bullets that killed these two victims? This gives the probability that most of the victims who were killed were the human casualty evidence reportedly whisked away by the soldiers and whose bodies may never be seen again.
You will agree with me that Nigerians are totally hemmed in, in the hands of their rulers who peremptorily bring out all manner of subterfuge, lies and deceits in the administration of the space called Nigeria. The soldiers claimed to have shot blank cartridges. How many of those spent cartridge were found the second day, especially when the panel members paid their maiden visit to the locus in quo? With reported frenetic attempt made by government to muffle evidence by deploying those who mopped off blood the second day and with soldiers reportedly carting away human casualty evidence, there was the probability that the bulk of evidence that would have showcased the Nigerian state’s guilt of massacre must have been washed or whisked away.
This is why Lai Mohammed’s incredulity at the panel’s submission is itself incredulous. He was aghast at the panel’s claim that trucks with brushes underneath were whisked to the Lekki Toll Gate “in the morning of Oct. 21 2020 to clean up bloodstains and other evidence, but still found bullet casings at the same site when it visited on October 20, 2020.” To me, it is infantile to reason that though “soldiers picked up bullet casings from Lekki Toll Gate on the night of October 20, 2020,” yet submit that there could not have been evidence of bullet casings found at the same locus in quo on October 21, 2020. This is because, if found to be true that the state attempted to tamper with evidence, it must have been done in a hurry before dawn on October 21, 2020, in the process of which there was the probability that, like every murderer in a crime scene, no matter how small it may be and regardless of how smart they may think they are, they always leave even if a scintilla of lead for investigators.
As to Lai Mohammed’s bother that some names of casualties appended to the report by the panel bore no surname and many family members have not come forward to identify their killed members in the Lekki Toll Gate disaster, for anyone who lives in Nigeria raising such disagreement, the person is either being mischievous or full of grisly dis-ingenuity. The Minister had said that “the panel was silent on the family members of those reportedly killed, merely insinuating they were afraid to testify. Even goats have owners who will look for them if they do not return home, not to talk of human beings. Where are the family members?”
The truth is that, governments after governments have reduced Nigerians to mere pieces of wood, worse than Mohammed’s goat allusion. Our identity as human beings has been dehumanized. Till today, I am sure many dead in the Ikoyi 21-storey building collapse are yet to be identified or names put to them. This is because we and our governments in particular, are a people who disdain statistics and data. There are hundreds of people who live in Lagos today whose families do not know their whereabouts. That they might have strayed into the Lekki Toll Gate incident is not unlikely. For Lai Mohammed to now make an issue of this is the highest form of official gerrymandering.
The Minister’s wonder why the panel’s report did not cover cases of police personnel brutally murdered or “the massive destruction of police stations, vehicles,” is valid. However, I recall that the panel called for memorandum and submissions by people who were affected by the crises, calling on them to supply evidence. Though the panel was judicial, it was not an investigative panel nor was it a panel of omnipotent and omniscient characters. It could not have been going to every home to find out if anyone suffered casualty at Lekki or any other part of Lagos, or whoever’s “businesses were attacked and destroyed during the protest in Lagos.” Lai Mohammed just used this set of victims as an opportunity to escalate his window of dissent and thus widen his dragnet of fault-finding.
Admitted, the panel report, like every human scrutiny, is not infallible. However, it would be the height of descent into the arena for a minister like Lai Mohammed, notorious for hubris and mendacity to be allowed to fester his calling by attacking the integrity of the panel members who were appointed by the Lagos State government, in the first instance, on account of their sparkling credentials. The Minister’s usage of gutter language to demonize the panel, though in sync with his character, is too heavy for men and women who sacrificed time and energy for the people. As I said earlier, I give kudos to Governor Sanwo-Olu and will reserve this applause for him until the White Paper is issued by his government. It is very un-Nigerian for a government to set up a panel and not teleguide its operations. It is apparent that Sanwo-Olu didn’t.
In the rush to throw the baby out with the bathwater, Mohammed and the State were not bothered by the recommendations of the panel for urgent governmental engagement with the youth and the upward review of the welfare of the Nigeria Police. They were busy trying to wipe away blood stains that ensconce their apparels.
I am convinced that, owls and vultures like Mohammed and the state apparatus used to murder defenceless Nigerians were afraid that if the report finds teeth, grits and buy-in of the international community, it may signify their journey to The Hague, the Netherlands to have their day in the International Criminal Court (ICC).
No matter how long the cadaver-loving soldiers who pulled the trigger that caused the massacre at the Lekki Toll Gate and their governmental accomplices, attempt to pull the wools over the eyes of the people, the truth is just but a mile away. When it opens the shutters and enters, there will be weeping, wailing, mourning and gnashing of the teeth by those who made attempts to muffle it, using the instrumentality of the State.
Celebrated columnist, Dr. Festus Adedayo writes
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Opinion
Ibarapa East: Yusuf Ramon’s Quest for Responsive Representation
Published
3 weeks agoon
February 14, 2026As the road to 2027 gradually unfolds across Oyo State, political conversations are shifting from routine permutations to deeper questions about competence, generational leadership, and measurable impact. In Ibarapa East, that conversation has found a new voice in Yusuf Abiodun Ramon — a Lanlate-born technocrat whose entry into the race for the State House of Assembly is redefining what representation could mean for the constituency.
In a political environment often dominated by familiar faces and conventional calculations, Ramon presents a profile shaped by technical discipline, structured thinking, and solution-driven engagement. His professional background, anchored in analytical precision and systems management, forms the foundation of his public service aspiration.
For him, representation must move beyond ceremonial presence to practical responsiveness — laws that reflect local realities, oversight that protects public resources, and advocacy that translates into visible development.
Ramon argues that the future of Ibarapa East lies in leadership that listens deliberately, plans strategically, and delivers measurably. He speaks of strengthening rural infrastructure, expanding youth-driven economic opportunities, and institutionalising transparency as core pillars of his agenda. In his view, governance must not merely be symbolic; it must be structured, accountable, and people-centred.
Rooted in Ile Odede, Isale Alubata Compound, Ward Seven of Ibarapa East Local Government, and maternally linked to Ile Sobaloju, Isale Ajidun Compound, Eruwa, Ramon’s story is not one of distant ambition but of lived experience. He is, in every sense, a son of the soil — shaped by the same roads, schools, and economic realities that define daily life in Ibarapa East.
“I was born here. I grew up here. I understand our struggles, our strengths, and our untapped potential,” he says. “Representation must go beyond occupying a seat; it must translate into preparation, competence, and genuine commitment to development.”
His academic journey mirrors that philosophy of steady growth. He began at Islamic Primary School, Lanlate (1995–2001), proceeded to Baptist Grammar School, Orita Eruwa (2001–2007), and later earned a National Diploma in Mechanical Engineering Technology from Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro, between 2009 and 2011. Refusing to plateau, he advanced his intellectual horizon and is now completing a Bachelor of Science in Business Administration at the University of Lagos. “Education,” he reflects, “is continuous capacity building. Leadership today requires both technical knowledge and administrative insight.”
That blend of engineering precision and managerial training has defined a professional career spanning more than a decade. Shortly after his diploma, Yusuf joined Mikano International Limited as a generator installer, gaining hands-on experience in industrial power systems — a sector central to Nigeria’s infrastructural backbone. He later transitioned into telecommunications at Safari Telecoms Nigeria Limited, where he received specialized training in Industrial, Scientific, and Medical radio bands, strengthening his expertise in network operations.
In 2013, he became a Field Support Engineer at Netrux Global Concepts Ltd., then a leading ISM service provider in Nigeria. Over four formative years, he immersed himself in telecom infrastructure deployment and maintenance, mastering field coordination, logistics management, and real-time technical problem-solving.
Since July 2017, he has served as a Field Support Engineer with Specific Tools and Techniques Ltd., a power solutions firm providing services to major operators including MTN Nigeria and Airtel Nigeria. In that capacity, he operates at the frontline of ensuring energy reliability and network uptime — responsibilities that demand discipline, accountability, and systems thinking.
For political observers in Ibarapa East, this trajectory matters. It reflects more than résumé credentials; it speaks to a mindset anchored in efficiency, coordination, and measurable outcomes — qualities increasingly demanded in legislative representation.
Beyond the private sector, Ramon’s political exposure is neither sudden nor superficial. A loyal member of the progressive political family in Lagos, he once served as a personal assistant to a former lawmaker, gaining practical insight into legislative procedure and constituency engagement. Within his community, he has quietly extended financial support to small-scale entrepreneurs and students — modest but consistent interventions rooted in personal responsibility.
“My interest is my people,” he states firmly. “Ibarapa East deserves strategic, responsive, and capable leadership at the State Assembly. We must move from rhetoric to results.”
Across the constituency — from Lanlate to Eruwa — development priorities remain clear: youth employment, vocational empowerment, rural road rehabilitation, stable power supply, agricultural value-chain expansion, improved educational standards, and stronger lawmaking that directly reflects community needs.
Political analysts argue that Ramon’s technocratic background positions him uniquely at the intersection of policy formulation and practical implementation. At a time when national discourse increasingly favours competence over grandstanding, his profile resonates with a broader generational shift toward performance-driven governance. His engineering discipline reinforces problem-solving; his business training strengthens administrative understanding; his grassroots roots anchor his empathy.
For Ibarapa East, the 2027 election cycle may represent more than a routine democratic exercise. It may mark a recalibration of expectations — a demand for representation that understands both the soil beneath its feet and the systems that drive modern development. As political alignments gradually crystallize in Oyo State, Yusuf Abiodun Ramon’s declaration signals the arrival of a candidate seeking to translate private-sector structure into public-sector impact.
One thing is clear: the conversation about the future of Ibarapa East has begun — and it is now framed around competence, credibility, and capacity.
Oluwasegun Idowu sent in this piece from Eruwa, Ibarapa East LG, Oyo State
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Opinion
Flying on Trust: How Ibom Air’s Reliability Became Its Winning Strategy
Published
4 weeks agoon
February 5, 2026“In a sky where delays are normal, one airline flies with precision and trust. Ibom Air shows that reliability can be a strategy”.
In Nigeria’s skies, where flight delays and cancellations are often taken as routine, Ibom Air has quietly rewritten the rules. From the moment it launched in June 2019, the Akwa Ibom State–owned carrier has treated reliability not as a bonus, but as a core strategy—turning punctuality, discipline, and operational excellence into a competitive edge that passengers can count on.
While most airlines chase rapid expansion or flashy promotions, Ibom Air has chosen consistency. Flights depart on schedule, disruptions are minimal, and communication with passengers is clear and timely. This predictability has quickly earned the airline a loyal following among business travellers, professionals, government officials, and families for whom time is invaluable.
The airline’s approach is methodical. Every flight is treated as a commitment, and operational decisions are guided by structured planning, not improvisation. This discipline underpins everything from scheduling to fleet management, ensuring passengers experience flying without surprises.
Central to this model is Ibom Air’s modern fleet. Its Airbus A220-300 and Bombardier CRJ-900 aircraft are fuel-efficient, comfortable, and rigorously maintained to meet both manufacturers’ specifications and the regulatory standards of the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority and international aviation bodies. Safety here is a culture, not a compliance exercise.
Cabin cleanliness and aircraft health are equally prioritized. Passengers consistently step into neat, hygienic, and professionally maintained cabins, reinforcing confidence and comfort even before take-off. In a sector where small details signal operational quality, Ibom Air’s standards speak volumes.
Technology quietly drives reliability across operations. From booking and check-in to flight coordination and customer service, modern systems enhance efficiency, reduce disruptions, and ensure smooth communication. These tools allow the airline to anticipate challenges rather than merely react.
R–L: Dr. Solomon Oroge, a consultant, and Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, aboard an Ibom Air flight.
Service delivery follows the same disciplined pattern. Pilots, cabin crew, engineers, and ground staff operate under strict professional standards. Courtesy is paired with efficiency, and calm, structured service ensures passengers feel confident throughout their journey.
The Ibom Flyer loyalty programme reflects this structured approach, rewarding consistent passengers and fostering long-term engagement. It turns reliability into a tangible benefit for frequent flyers.
From its hub at Victor Attah International Airport, Uyo, Ibom Air serves major Nigerian cities including Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, Calabar, and Enugu, while extending its reach to West Africa with flights to Accra, Ghana. Expansion is deliberate, prioritizing sustainability over rapid growth that could compromise service quality.
Measured growth allows the airline to maintain operational excellence and service consistency even as demand increases—a strategy that contrasts sharply with competitors whose rapid expansion often strains resources.
Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, pictured inside an Ibom Air aircraft.
Beyond commercial success, Ibom Air has become a national example. It has created employment, stimulated tourism, and strengthened regional connectivity, projecting a positive image of Nigerian aviation at a time when confidence in the sector is often fragile.
The airline has also challenged assumptions about government-owned enterprises. By combining professional management with operational autonomy, it demonstrates that public investment can achieve efficiency, accountability, and competitiveness.
Reliability, in the case of Ibom Air, is than a promise—it is a deliberate business philosophy. It shapes operations, informs decisions, and builds passenger trust consistently.
Technology, discipline, and attention to detail converge to produce an airline that works. Every element, from fleet maintenance to cabin service, supports the promise that Ibom Air delivers what it advertises—without surprises.
In a market where uncertainty has been the norm, Ibom Air has shown that consistency can be a strategic advantage. Passengers no longer fly with anxiety; they fly with confidence, knowing their schedules will hold and service will meet expectations.
Ultimately, Ibom Air is not just an airline—it is a model of operational excellence in Nigerian aviation. By prioritizing reliability over spectacle, discipline over improvisation, and planning over shortcuts, it sets a benchmark for the industry and a standard for passengers: in the skies, predictability is priceless
Idowu Ayodele – Journalist, Ibadan, Oyo State
0805 889 3736 | megaiconpress@gmail.com
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Opinion
Help or Hegemony? Trump’s Threat and Nigeria’s Terror War | By Olusegun Hassan
Published
4 months agoon
November 11, 2025In Homer’s epic poem The Odyssey, the concept of the “Greek gift” was invented. The Trojan Horse became the undoing of Troy, ending a decade-long war in which many Greeks had perished, including the mighty Achilles. The Trojans accepted the Greeks’ gift, and the rest, as they say, is history.
In the past few days, both social and conventional media have been agog with reactions to President Donald J. Trump’s threat to the Nigerian government regarding terrorism. In his words, Nigeria must “address the genocide against Christians in the North and Middle Belt, or else the U.S. will cut aid to the country and, in addition, come into the country guns blazing in an attempt to flush out the terrorists.”
Sincerely speaking, the tweet made by the U.S. President sounded a bit comical to me, as did many other commentaries that followed. Comical not in a ridiculous sense, but in a comedic sense.
This piece is not written to support or oppose any particular view, but to lay down facts in the most succinct and objective manner, thereby allowing for the independence of a balanced position.
In 2009, a terror group named Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li al-Da’wa wa al-Jihad (popularly referred to as Boko Haram) emerged with the aim of establishing Islamic rule across Nigeria. According to the group, Sharia was the only path to true progress, and any faith other than Islam was haram (forbidden).
Soon after, this group began launching vicious attacks against Christians and Christian places of worship. From singularly attacking Christians, their targets shifted to government institutions and facilities, and on 28 November 2014, one of the greatest attacks against fellow Muslims occurred with the bombing and mass shooting of Juma’at worshippers at the Kano Central Mosque. Over 120 worshippers were killed and another 260 critically injured.
The point here is to underscore the fact that Boko Haram—and indeed all other extremist groups in Nigeria—are not targeting Christians alone, as earlier claimed, but are pursuing a more sinister agenda of land grabbing with the colouration of economic, psychological and socio-political domination of conquered territories, with intentions of spreading across the country.
From the Northeast, the activities of wanton killing and destruction perpetrated by terrorists spread to the North Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue States. What originally began as farmer–herder clashes metamorphosed into full-blown village and community sackings, where Fulani invaders razed entire communities, leaving hundreds dead or wounded while survivors were displaced and left with harrowing experiences in IDP camps.
This wave of destruction continued, with one of the bloodiest in recent times occurring in Yelwata, Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, on the night of 13–14 June 2025. According to Amnesty/CE/UN/NGO, over 200 people were gruesomely massacred, several houses burnt to ashes, and about 3,000 people displaced and rendered homeless. In 2025 alone, Amnesty reported more than 10,000 additional people displaced in Benue across several local governments, ranging from Gwer West to Agatu, Ukum/Gbagir, Logo, Kwande and Guma.
From the North Central, terrorism—or better still, banditry—also found its way to the North West. The activities of bandits, kidnappers and other criminal elements were consistently reported in Zamfara, Kaduna, Kebbi, Sokoto, Kano, and even Katsina, which was once regarded as the true home of hospitality, as its state slogan depicts, and as I can also attest considering how much I enjoyed the peace and serenity of the state during my days therein as a Youth Corps member. Reuters.ng reports that as of 2025, approximately 2,456 people had been killed in the North West region across multiple states. In addition to this, about 7,260 people, including schoolchildren and commuters on highways, had been abducted, with several millions of naira collected by kidnappers as ransom payments. Some parts of the South West, South East and South South have not been spared the atrocities of terrorists and bandits.
Therefore, it is safe to say that the entire country has, at one time or the other, experienced the activities of bandits, terrorists and kidnappers. The intensity of attack, however, differs from region to region.
Late General Sani Abacha once said that “if any insurgency lasts for more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” This saying more or less amplifies the complexity of the terrorism–banditry–kidnapping problem in Nigeria. Nigeria is a country abundantly blessed with all manners of rich mineral resources. Apart from the vast arable land required for productive agriculture, there is virtually no region of the country that does not possess one valuable solid mineral or another.
From iron ore in Zamfara, Kogi and Enugu; gold in Kaduna, Kebbi and Osun; lithium in Nasarawa, Kwara, Oyo and the FCT; bitumen in Ondo, Edo and Ogun; plus other industrial minerals like gypsum, kaolin and limestone, with deposits of over one billion tonnes across many states—Nigeria is sitting on an incredibly underutilised treasure worth billions of dollars. The government’s inability to adequately manage these vast potentials provides fertile grounds for opportunistic scrambling, illegal mining, chaos and its attendant conflicts.
One can therefore boldly say that the chaos and violence camouflaged as terrorism and banditry is indeed a calculated campaign driven not just by Islamic extremism but by land grabbing and occupation for the purpose of blood mineral extraction and illicit mining.
Thus, a sophisticatedly armed radical Islamic Fulani ethnic militia, often operating under political protection, carries out multiple killings, displacements and kidnappings across the Northeast, North Central and North West, after which reports reveal that foreign miners appear following the death and displacement of indigenes to exploit the lands.
Amnesty International has also reported that Nigeria loses over $9 billion annually to illicit mining of gold, tin and lithium, with a significant portion—estimated at 10%—funding violence and corruption. The report further revealed that the involvement of some government elements in this corruption is not in doubt, as eyewitness reports of survivors and satellite surveillance footage revealed the connivance of certain government personnel. Some survivors have also repeatedly claimed that they witnessed helicopters in the middle of the night dropping weapons and ammunition for the bandits—a disclosure corroborated by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi in an interview on African Stream earlier this year.
So, it is right to say that the violence and carnage are just a smokescreen and a catalyst to a far-reaching economic, psychological and socio-political agenda of certain influential elements in the country. This is part of the reason why the billions of naira spent on security to equip the military to better fight insurgency have not yielded much result to date.
In addressing the threat of President Donald Trump, I would like to start by recounting a little history about the 47th President of the United States and his previous antecedents. In January 2018, at a news conference in the White House, President Trump referred to Haiti and some African countries—including Nigeria—as “shithole countries” that should not be accorded immigrant status in the U.S.
Furthermore, his government’s stern immigration policies and visa restrictions clearly reflect a hostile stance towards Africa and some other Global South countries. In light of this, it is hard to understand where the sudden genuine concern for Nigerian Christians is coming from—more so when a U.S. congressman earlier this year revealed that USAID played a significant role in the funding of Boko Haram and other terrorist groups. This concern was never mentioned when Late President Muhammadu Buhari visited the White House a few months after the “shithole” saga and was praised by the same Trump for his valiant efforts in fighting Boko Haram and ISWAP, despite staggering reports of attacks and killings in the Northeast and North Central during that period.
Under the erudite scholarship of Professor Kunle Ajayi, I learnt several years ago, in one of our Politics of Global Economic Relations lectures, that in world politics and global socio-economic relations, the overriding determinant of states’ decisions and actions is strategic interest. Altruism is hardly ever a factor.
Present realities of Nigeria’s economic relations are fast approaching self-sufficiency—particularly in the oil sector, where Nigeria was once a major importer of finished petroleum products from the U.S. The Dangote refinery, having begun domestic refining and production of petroleum products, is fast taking over a market once dominated by imports from the U.S. This shift, no doubt, is taking jobs away from American oil workers—no cheering news for the country’s oil conglomerates. Secondly, China has since replaced the United States as Nigeria’s foremost trading partner.
According to Nairametrics (2025), the value of trade between Nigeria and China between 2023–2025 totals approximately $50 billion compared to an estimated $30 billion with the U.S. This paradigm shift would certainly not be palatable to the U.S. or her president, who happens to be a dogged businessman that hates the word “no”. From this perspective, it is not difficult to see where President Trump is coming from.
Be that as it may, I think Nigeria needs to employ shrewd diplomacy in dealing with the U.S. under a president like Donald Trump. Regardless of international law and conventions, the U.S. has repeatedly proven itself willing to take unilateral military action against countries, defying the rule of law and popular global opinion. So those hinging on Nigeria’s sovereignty as a deterrent to the U.S. are not good students of history.
What is, however, more important in all of this is that global attention is once again drawn to the horrible atrocities of these criminal elements in Nigeria. The country cannot continue to behave as though it is normal headline news when people are slaughtered daily, and families and homes are torn apart.
I believe this is an opportunity for the government to rejig the entire security architecture of the country, with the needed political will, to once and for all end these killings. Strategic partnership with the United States in this regard is not a bad idea. With its extensive experience in counter-terrorism operations and access to sophisticated military technology and intelligence, the U.S. can assist in identifying and eradicating the major financiers and enablers of terrorism and banditry. It is not rocket science that when the financing of terrorists ends, terrorism ceases to exist.
However, this should be done only on the basis of shared interest, mutual respect, trust, and understanding reflective of a healthy and balanced foreign policy relationship. By prioritising constructive diplomacy, dialogue and partnership, Nigeria can work with the United States in a strategic alliance to restore peace, security and confidence across the nation. That is the way to go.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
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