Opinion
 Buhari’s N100 million sewage dinner with Museveni
There was tension inside the main bowl of the Teslim Balogun Stadium, Lagos, on this day, December 11, 2014. President Goodluck Jonathan, having been rendered one of the most worthless clothes a people could wear on their festive day by the demolition propaganda machine of the All Progressives Congress (APC) it was obvious that whoever scored a bullseye inside the Balogun Stadium was the next president of Nigeria. On parade were Buhari himself, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; ex-Kano state governor, Rabiu Kwankwaso; ex-Imo state governor, Rochas Okorocha and Sam Nda-Isaiah, publisher of Leadership newspapers.
All the candidates attempted to wield the power and majesty of cash to hoodwink the electorate. Money in politics had been an African pestilence. About eight months before then, specifically on April 22, 2013, Yoweri Museveni had tethered cash by the grove of the hearts of the Ugandan electorate. After addressing a crowd of supporters in Ugandan south-east region of Busogo, the source of River Nile, Museveni announced that he was donating $100,000 to a local youth group. Not long after, a security operative on his entourage appeared, dragging with great difficulty a huge sack of cash. Before then, the Ugandan Journalists Association had gotten a gift of $58,000 from this ‘benevolent’ contender for the office of the Ugandan president. The church was not left out of the saturnalia. Renovation of the Namirembe Cathedral also gulped $20,000 from Museveni who was carried shoulders high and eventually won the election. Nobody asked for the source of that irreverent benevolence.
At the Balogun Stadium, the APC, with Museveni-minded commissars like Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, had unilaterally changed the legal tender of campaign slush funds. It would no longer be Naira which had then been struck with epilepsy, necessitating its flip-flop falls. Dollar, the commissars advised, was the language of graft with which to purchase the conscience of the electorate. It was said that while Atiku Abubakar was ready to Museveni the delegates with an amount as huge as $15,000 per person, Kwakwanso offered $5,000 and the Buhari group was able to muzzle a mere $1,000. Seeing how the ghost of Museveni was walking majestically round the Balogun Stadium, the Buhari group was said to have ran round to jerk the slush fund to $3,000.
Then it was time for the candidates to address the delegates. Whoever coached the hyper-taciturn military general on what to say to win the hearts of the electorate that day was deserving of a Nobel. With the risks strung to such boldness that he later exhibited, what the general said was akin to biting the bullet. “Dollars, I don’t have,” General Buhari said in his obstinate best. “Even if I have, I won’t give. What I am offering is my integrity”.
At a time when the general impression was that Jonathan woke up every morning from the sewage, went thereafter to have breakfast with his colleague swine, Buhari instantly won the hearts of patriots who canvassed the purity of the electoral process as remedy to the rot in the land. And so, in spite of his party’s lean Musevenism, Buhari drubbed his co-contestants with 3,430 votes, followed by Kwankwaso: who had 974, Atiku: 954, Okorocha: 674 and Nda-Isaiah 10.
Fast-forward to April 2022, Buhari, apparently fascinated by the life and habitation of pigs, would seem to have shoved Jonathan off the sewer and supplanted him. Sitting regally and without a single care in the world, it was in the same Buhari’s presence that Abdullahi Adamu, the party’s national chairman, announced that APC had fixed the sum of N100 million as cost for formalising aspirations for the 2023 presidential election. While nomination form was N70 million, said Adamu, expression of interest form cost N30 million. Candidates for governorship ticket would part with N50 million.
“If a presidential aspirant cannot mobilise at least 10,000 supporters to raise such amount; that person is not a serious contestant. We are talking about the president of Nigeria, not the emir of your town. Now when the emir of your town dies, the person seeking to replace him will spend more than N100 million for just one emirate,” Adamu said. He propounded very many abstruse, illogical and dumb arguments in support of this flimflam.
Apparently told that this was gaining traction for its imbecility, Adamu went further down into his crucible of ill-logics and picked a handful of disgusting pellets. “There is nothing to compare between seeking to be Nigeria’s president and corruption using the cost of the form. If you cannot participate, there is no compulsion, if you don’t have N100 million, you have no business with becoming president,” he said. And Buhari stared emptily into void like one communicating with unseen spirits.
Granted that Senator Adamu, an ultra-conservative and a man still being tried for allegedly embezzling the sum of N15 billion by the EFCC, may have his vision blurred from seeing the amoral purport of this humongous sum being asked as cost of formalising a candidate’s aspiration, why didn’t Buhari raise a voice of dissent? If money had been the god of decision in 2014, would he have become the Nigerian president? At that same time, Jonathan had the key to the national till and shouldn’t have any problem swaying everyone to his side with cash. Nigerians, however, believed – unfortunately – that the so-called integrity which Buhari espoused was the way to go. Why then would a man who believed integrity was more valuable than money eight years ago, stand by money and deify it ahead of integrity today?
More fundamentally, the import of the crazy hike in the APC nomination fees is unjustifiable and incongruous. As Adamu took the Ekiti governorship candidate to the president this last Friday, April 29, he ought to have been asked if he saw the mockery in the fact that that same candidate paid the sum of N25 million in February as his nomination fee. Then, just two months after, his counterparts in other states are now being asked to pay N50 million, an increase of 100%. What exactly is Adamu saying? That his party, in just two months, had devalued Nigeria by 100%? What message was Adamu sending out to Nigerians by fixing the presidential fees for N100 million? That only the most corrupt could vie for the Nigerian presidency? That the Nigerian Naira is so worthless under the APC-led government that only such hefty sum was good enough?
Even the PDP, which the APC has a made a pastime of demonising, is demanding N40 million from its presidential aspirants. It raises the stake for those who have stolen enough from the national till to compete in a race that both Buhari and Adamu have rigged from the beginning. It is obvious that this race of N100 million is one whose end both Buhari and Adamu have choreographed its expected end. No one can dispute the implication of the N100 million fee as a paradise that the APC has specifically created for maggots wriggling inside the Nigerian stolen wealth. That Buhari is the masterminder – apologies to General Oladipo Diya – of this uncanny somersault of a political party and a leadership that Nigerians reposed trust is the most tragic opera in this sordid and grisly drama.
A few days earlier, Buhari had literally gone to have dinner with Museveni. On the way, he had a hearty embrace with maggots, assuring them of his filial relationship with them. Posturing that the decision was made by the National Council of State, the president granted state pardon to former Governors Joshua Dariye and Jolly Nyame of Plateau and Taraba States respectively. They were serving terms for corruption. One hundred and fifty seven other prisoners were padded to the list. Nyame, 66, was convicted and serving a 12-year jail term at the Kuje prison for misappropriation of funds while Dariye, 64, was jailed for stealing N2 billion of public funds. In defence of this, the presidency claimed that the two jailed governors were suffering from life-threatening ailments. Pray, who should?
As Buhari enters the twilight of his administration, the nauseating hypocrisy and Janus face fakery that mark the unreal essence he projected to Nigerians before becoming president jut out on a daily basis. Nigerians have, in seven years, contended with the nausea that comes with a general who has been shamelessly helpless to fight insecurity. While whiffs of corruption associated with this regime that ooze out have been mind-boggling, Buhari had never unraveled this hopelessly as he has done in the grant of pardon to corrupt politicians. So also is the corruptive ambience that oscillates round his party’s national leadership through this ascendancy of money politics, as well as how the president has unconscionably abetted the shame. By not voicing opposition to the N100 million form request and the fact that the announcement was made in his very before, Buhari’s silence approximates giving a vicarious imprimatur to the corrupting action of the Adamu-led party executive.
By and large, Buhari’s hidden reason for insisting on Adamu as the chairman of the APC is getting clearer. After collecting N100 million from each of the presidential aspirants, on Friday, Adamu announced that APC was yet to determine where it would zone its presidential ticket. While talking to state house correspondents in Abuja, he had said: “I am today privileged to be the chairman of the party. The party is greater than me. The party has not made a decision and I cannot preempt what the party decision will be”.
The ultimate Satanic broth being cooked by the duo of Buhari and Adamu will soon be ready for consumption and the whole world will see it. As my people say, the one shouting in distress, “e wa wo!” – come and see – is always the first to witness the calamity. Something however keeps telling me that this brew will be a total and final deconstruction of the pretentious glory that Buhari craves from his presidency.
However, it is still not too late for the president and his party to reinvent themselves. To do this, they must go back to the promise of the beginning made by Buhari about integrity. He told us that he represented a change from the sleaze of the Jonathan years. Today, Nigerians easily substitute Buhari’s name for perversion and who is being referred to is not obscure to anyone. For a U-turn from this barren path, Buhari must ask Adamu to refund the balance of fees paid by aspirants between last purchase of forms and now. This is the minimum route of redemption to tread.
Dr. Festus Adedayo, a journalist, lawyer and columnist writes
Opinion
NASS Pensioners: How Akpabio, Abbas Should Not Treat The Elderly
On Monday and Tuesday last week, workers and political operatives within the precincts of the new Senate building in the National Assembly complex, Abuja, were treated to a replica of the Theatre of the Absurd. This type of drama originated in Europe and later spread to America in the 1950s. It was influenced by existential philosophy and Albert Camus’s essay The Myth of Sisyphus.
In that work, Camus captured the fundamental human needs and compared the absurdity of man’s life with the situation a figure of Greek mythology, Sisyphus found himself, where he was condemned to repeat forever the task of pushing a boulder up a mountain, and repeatedly sees the same roll down the hill as he approaches the top.
He, thereafter, juxtaposed life’s absurdities with what he called the “unreasonable silence” of the universe to human needs and concluded that rather than adopt suicide, in frustration, “revolt” was required.
82-year-old Dr. Muhammed Adamu Fika, former Clerk to the National Assembly and former Chairman, of the National Assembly Service Commission (NASC), who calls himself the “smaller Adamu Fika,” must have come across the Camus essay in deciding to lead an emergency meeting of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries of the National Assembly on November 18. The emergency meeting, which was jointly held with members of the Association of Retired Staff of the National Assembly was meant to salvage the pathetic plights of the National Assembly retirees.
Eighty-two-year-old Fika can hardly gather the pace to navigate round the corners of the National Assembly, but he insisted on making the trip to enable him to preside over the meeting as the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries. As his retiree colleagues, many of whom are far younger, saw him struggling to walk the required distance from the Bola Ahmed Tinubu Library, originally fixed as venue to the new Senate building, they had to provide some shoulders to lean on. At one stage, an office chair was converted to a wheelchair to ensure the elderly Fika got to certain locations. It was a sad tale, especially if you look at the essence of Fika’s trip to the National Assembly. He was there to preside over a meeting to press home the need for the payment of the entitlements of National Assembly retirees. An alarm had earlier been sounded on the different Whatsapp platforms of the retired workers of the National Assembly to the effect their members were dying in numbers. It was revealed that no fewer than 20 retired workers had died awaiting the payment of their entitlements in the recent past. Another set of retirees numbering 12 were said to have been bedridden in different hospitals across the land. That alarm was more than enough to prompt Fika and his retiree colleagues to an emergency meeting. But the sight of an elderly man, fighting a just cause on an improvised wheelchair was more than absurd.
Payment of the entitlements got stalled after former President Muhammadu Buhari assented to the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023, which mandated the National Pensions Commission (PENCOM) to hand over assets of the staff of the National Assembly in its custody after the passage of the National Assembly pension law.
In the beginning, there were no signs that things would go south on the implementation of the Act. Three months after the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act came into effect, PENCOM had written the management to convey its decision to hand off the pension assets of the staff of the National Assembly, while requesting the National Assembly management to provide it with account details to remit the accrued funds. The 10th Senate and the House of Representatives also provided hope for the retirees by providing a take-off grant to the tune of N2.5 billion in the 2024 budget. However, the NASS management could not comply with the request from PENCOM because the Pensions Board had not been inaugurated. Months after months, the retirees waited. Those who were already enjoying their benefits when PENCOM was administering had the payments terminated, while the waiting game ensued.
In trying to fast-track the implementation of the Act, Fika, as the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries had forwarded a letter to the President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, intimating them of the council’s recommendations for positions in the National Assembly Service Pensions Board.
Fika said in the letter, dated February 27, 2024, that “Considering the pathetic health conditions of our retired colleagues, Your Excellency will agree with me that the establishment of the National Assembly Pensions Board is overdue five (5) months after Mr. President’s assent.” He said that his letter was premised on the provisions of Sections 2 and 17(3) of the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023, which indicate that the presiding officers of the National Assembly shall make the appointments subject to recommendations of the Council of Clerks and Secretaries. But some persons are insinuating that the undue delay might have been instigated by two strange bedfellows-politics and money. Where the two are involved, simply things hardly follow a straight course. However, nothing justifies the nearly 20-month delay in inaugurating the Pensions Board.
At the end of the emergency meeting on Monday, further meetings were said to have been scheduled at the instance of the Senate President, Akpabio, his deputy, Jibril Barau and others but there were no conclusive steps, yet.
A communique released after the meeting indicated that the retirees observed that the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023 went through full legislative process in the 9th National Assembly and was assented to by President Muhammad Buhari. It further noted that the delay in implementing the Act has caused undue and untold hardship to the retirees who are unable to access their retirement benefits, adding that while a number of the retired Staff have died, many others are bedridden due to sufferings occasioned by the non-payment of their entitlements.
According to the communique, the meeting decried the pains the retired staff have been subjected to and recalled that appropriate recommendations as per the composition of the Pensions Board have been made to the Presiding Officers of the National Assembly, in line with the enabling Act.
Opinion
The Fuji Music House Of Commotion
Like every lover of Yoruba traditional music, language and culture, I have of recent been inundated with requests to lend a voice to the newest raging fire in the Fuji music genre. Since the passage of Alhaji Sikiru Ayinde Balogun, popularly known as Ayinde Barrister or Agbajelola Barusati, there have been longstanding tiffs on whom of the trio of Ayinde Omogbolahan Anifowose, KWAM 1; self-named King Saheed Osupa (K.S.O.) and Wasiu Alabi Pasuma, was the “King.”
These musicians’ recent quest for supremacy is not new. From time immemorial, supremacy battles have been part and parcel of Yoruba music. Apparently now tempered by modernity, in the olden days, the battles were fought with traditional spells, incantations and talisman aimed at deconstructing and liquidating their rivals. Mostly fought on genre basis, I submit that pre and post-independence entertainment scene would have been livelier, far more robust than it was but for the acrimonious liquidating fights of those eras.
In the Sakara music, Abibu Oluwa, a revered early precursor of this Yoruba musical genre, who reigned in the late 1920s and 1930s, had Salami Alabi Balogun, popularly known as Lefty Salami, Baba Mukaila and Yusuff Olatunji as members of his band. Oluwa praise-sang many Lagos elites of his time, especially Herbert Macaulay to whom he sang his praise in the famous track named “Macaulay Macaulay.” In it, he sang the foremost Nigerian nationalist’s alias of Ejonigboro – Snake on the Street and prayed that he would not come to shame.
Sakara also produced the likes of S. Aka Baba Wahidi, Kelani Yesufu (alias Kelly). It was sung with traditional Yoruba instruments like the solemn-sounding goje violin whose history is traced to the north, and the roundish Sakara drum, beaten with stick and whose appearance is like that of a tambourine. Sakara music is often called the Yoruba variant of western blues music because of its brooding rhythm though laced with a high dosage of philosophy.
When Oluwa died in 1964, he literally handed over to Lefty who, born on October 1913, died December 29, 1981. Lefty, a talking drummer under Oluwa, churned out over 35 records before his demise, one of which was a tribute to Lagos monarch, Oba Adele (Adele l’awa nfe – Oba Adele is the king we want) and another to the Elegushi family. I dwelt considerably on Sakara because it is believed to have had considerable influence on other genres of traditional African Yoruba music, especially Apala and Fuji, with the former sometimes indistinguishable from Sakara.
Apala music, whose exponent is said to be Haruna Ishola, originated in the late 1930s Nigeria. Delivered with musical instruments like a rattle (Sekere) thumb piano, (agidigbo) drums called Iya Ilu and Omele, a bell (agogo) and two or three talking drums, Apala and Sakara are the most complex of these genres of traditional Yoruba music, due to their infusion of philosophy, incantations and dense Yoruba language into their mix. Distinct, older and more difficult in mastery than Fuji music which is considered to be comparatively easy to sing, Ayinla Omowura, Ligali Mukaiba, Kasumu Adio, and many others were Apala leading lights of the time. The three genres have very dense Islamic background.
The latest entrant of all the three genres is Fuji. Pioneered by Ayinde Barrister no doubt, for an Apala musician biographer like me, I am confused that Omowura, as far back as early 1970s, asked listeners in need of good Fuji music to come learn from him – “Fuji t’o dara, e wa ko l’owo egbe wa…” Sorry, I digressed.
While KWAM 1 emerged with his Talazo music from the ashes of his being a music instrument arranger for Barrister’s musical organization in the early 1980s, the feud in the house after Barrister’s death erupted when narratives allegedly oozed unto the musical scene that KWAM 1 referred to himself as the creator of Fuji music. He however promptly denied the claim. For decades, Osupa and Pasuma were locked in horns over supremacy of the Fuji music genre. In August 2023, the two however seemed to have decided to thaw their feud as they shared stage with Wasiu Ayinde, at Ahmad Alawiye Folawiyo, an Islamic singer’s 50th birthday celebration in Lagos. KWAM 1 glibly acted as their senior colleague at the event.
As an indication that they are no bastards of the teething and recurrent supremacy battles that emblemize traditional Yoruba music, the three Fuji music icons seem to have gone into the trenches again. It first started with Taiye Currency, an Ibadan-based alter-ego of Pasuma picking a fight with the musician who self-styled himself Son of Anobi Muhammed’s Wife. In a viral video, Currency had disclaimed reference to Pasuma as his “father” in the music industry. In another video not long after, KWAM 1, like some kind of father figure, was shown asking Currency to apologize to Pasuma.
A few days ago, a video of Osupa went viral. Therein, he was chastising a particular hypocrite he called “Onirikimo” and “alabosi”, who is “stingy and is ready to shamelessly collect money from those under him.” Osupa also claimed that this “shameless elder” had strung a ring of corn round his waist and should be ready to be made fun of by hens. Watchers of the endless tiffs among these Fuji icons swear that KWAM 1 was the unnamed Fuji musician Osupa was casting aspersion on.
The trio of Sakara, Apala and Fuji music also witnessed such petty squabbles. While many claim that the fights were promotional gambits aimed at having their fans salivate for their hate-laced musical attacks against one another, some others claim that the rivalries were genuine. In the Apala music scene, Haruna Ishola and Kasumu Adio fought each other to the nadir, with Adio, who sang almost in the same voice and cadence as Ishola, suddenly vamoosing from the musical scene. Rumours and speculations had it then that a mysterious goat bit Adio and rendered him useless. While Ayinla Omowura also fought Fatai Olowonyo, Fatai Ayilara, among others in the Apala genre, the duo of Yusuff Olatunji and S. Aka also feuded till their last days. This is not to mention the interminable fight between Kollington Ayinla and Barrister.
If the tiff between the trio of KWAM 1, Osupa and Pasuma is about age and Yoruba traditional respect for elders, KWAM 1 would easily go away with the trophy of the best of the three. However, if philosophical depth, musical elan, research of lyrics and deployment of Yoruba language are at issue, none of the other two musicians can unbuckle Osupa’s sandals. Osupa began his musical career in 1983 as a teenager and has gone through the mills, his late father being a musician, too and Awurebe music lord, Dauda Epo Akara’s musical contemporary.
Unlike their predecessors, the three Fuji musicians are literate and should thus address their musical issues in more mature manner. Osupa even recently bagged a degree from the department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. One thing they should know is that, whether one is supreme to the other or not, their fans will readily queue behind the brand that delights them.
Opinion
Almajiri: Why Northern Leaders Must Look Themselves in the Mirror
Two incidents happened during the 1994/95 NYSC service year, which I was part of in Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State, and they gave me profound culture shocks that I still remember till today. I would equally say that those incidents probably justified the Federal Government’s decision to float the scheme.
We were told that part of the reasons General Yakubu Gowon floated the NYSC was to ensure national integration, cohesion and exposure of young Nigerians to cultures of other parts of the country other than where they were born.
First was the shock of seeing a director that I was attached to in the then Government House, who had just taken a new wife, and sat among drivers, gate men and other junior staff to dine. I saw them seated round a huge iron pot of Koko, a local delicacy, exchanging one big spoon made of calabash, as each took turns to use the spoon to eat the delicacy. It was as if I was witnessing a scene where children of a big family were struggling to catch a portion of food or where people were eating Saara, as they say it in Yorubaland.
As I walked past the noisy crowd, I was transfixed seeing the newly-wedded director among the lot. He saw me standing still, as I couldn’t comprehend what he was doing there, and he got the message. ‘Taiyo, (as he used to call me) you won’t understand,’ he said as he waved to me to keep going. When we later saw, he explained that what he just did was a way of assuring the commoners that ‘we are all one,’ as they felicitated him on the new bride. But I could not fathom how the occupant of a ‘huge office’ as that of a director in a Government House , would sit among “commoners” on a tattered mat to share a single spoon and eat in public.
The other incident was quite pathetic. My friend, Tunde Omobuwa, was posted to a school in Yauri, in the southern part of the state, for his primary assignment. But he found the place boring on weekends. So, he arranged to always be with me on weekends.
One such weekend, we decided to take a stroll round the streets near the Government House. We took off from the place of my primary assignment, the Federal Information Centre; bought corn beside the office, and started ‘blowing’ the ‘mouth organ’ as we strolled. We were too engrossed in our gist and the sweetness of the corn to note that some young boys were trailing us, praying that some leftovers of the corn would drop for them to scavenge. Somehow, the two of us dropped the corn cob almost simultaneously. We were more than taken aback by a commotion that erupted at our back. Four eight or nine year-olds had descended on the supposed leftovers and broken the corn cobs into pieces. I was again transfixed as if one was hit by an electric shock. Remember that feeling when you play with electric fish?
I was moved to tears as I had never ever seen a group of children scavenging on nothing as it were. I beckoned to the kids and offered them N20, which was the highest denomination at the time, and with some smattering Hausa words told them to go buy their own corn from the same place we got ours. As they left, heading to the corn seller, I couldn’t erase that ugly sight from my mind. Was it really possible that some people scavenge on nothing this way? I was later to see incidents of children swarming around restaurants and pouncing on near empty plates.
These incidents told me clearly that the North was a different place and that the life of the boy child is not only risky and endangered but sold to stagnation and deprivation, unless you are one of the lucky few.
Having benefited from the free education policy of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) between 1979 and 1983, when the Second Republic was terminated, I knew that there is a lot the government can do in educating the children. In my secondary school days, I was the Library Prefect at one point, and so I saw an excess of books supplied by the government to our school. So, I was an example of the feasibility of free education. It was the same way the Action Group government had handled education in the years preceding Nigeria’s independence and the First Republic.
So why can’t the state governments in the North declare free and compulsory education for the young ones out there? Why should children be made to scavenge on empty corn cobs just to see if they can find pieces of seeds left over?
And why was my director giving drivers and gate men in the Government House false hope that they were all the same, instead of him to challenge them to seek to lift themselves up the social ladder?
I think there was no excuse for the North not to have adopted a free education policy, just as Chief Obafemi Awolowo did in the South-West. And if we say the North needs to look itself in the mirror, you again remember the efforts by President Goodluck Jonathan to educate the multitude of Northern children through the Almajiri Schools. That government built more than 400 of such schools, which were abandoned because it could upset the oligarchy. The oligarchs forgot the truism that the children of the poor they refuse to train today won’t let their children sleep peacefully.
But the governor of Borno State, Prof Babagana Zulum, appears to have got the message. Last week, I was thrilled to see him organise a summit to reform the Almajiri system.
The Almajiri education system is a traditional Islamic method of learning widely obtained across states in northern Nigeria. Through that system, which is tied to Islamic teaching, youths, especially boys are kept out of the formal western education system. I don’t know why the teachings by Islamic scholars cannot go alongside that of Western education as it obtains in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq and other Islamic countries that are doing well economically and in the world of science, technology.
While addressing the summit, Zulum had mentioned the need to address the root causes of insecurity through the provision of education for citizens of Borno, adding that improper teaching of Islamic studies has contributed to the emergence of Boko Haram insurgents in the state.
According to him, to curtail whatever is the adverse effect of Almajiri education; the Borno State Government has established the Arabic and Sangaya Education Board to introduce a unified curriculum for Sangaya and Islamic schools. He said that the reform would include establishing Higher Islamic Colleges to cater for Almajiri children and blending the religious teachings with the secular curricula as well as skills.
He said: “The Sangaya Reform is a great development. It will give Almajiri a better chance in life, particularly the introduction of integrating western education, vocational, numeracy, and literacy skills into the centres, which are also described as Almajiri and Islamic schools.
“Distinguished guests and esteemed educationists, government’s intention was to streamline the informal and formal education systems to quality integrated Sangaya School for admission into colleges and universities.”
One would have thought that governors with radical postures like Nasir el-Rufai and others before him would have proposed this type of reform, but it is better late than never. Zulum should be supported to get something out of this.
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