Opinion
Redesigning Nigeria With Votes

Will Nigerians rise to the occasion and redesign Nigeria with their votes? I know that surviving has been difficult for many and better for a few. Democracy is a game of numbers and this is why Nigerian voters should understand their situations and identify individuals who best fit the Nigeria of their dreams. They should not do this only because of religion, region, or political party. Since the return of democracy in 1999, poverty, criminal victimization and unemployment and the effects of poor leadership have not spared any person because he or she comes from the North or South, Muslim or Christian. If a society deserves the type of leadership they get, it means a lot rests on the finger of eligible voters. In your hands lies the future of Nigeria and you should be ready to bear the consequences of your voting decisions. Before voting, you must review where we are coming from as a country to understand why we arrived at our present situation. The combination of the past and present conditions should inform and guide you to make the right choices for the future that you desire.
We are where we are partly because we have always elected bad or misfit people into government. A few people lie to us and turn one ethnic group against another to enslave their people and after that, the same tribesman who had painted one political party as evil goes back to the evil party to make money for himself and his family. In 2014, we know how our economy was and how it is today. We know that Goodluck Jonathan was to be voted out because of the infirmity of control over his government and the endemic corruption. Candidate ‘Saint’ Muhammadu Buhari was repackaged by those who had expressed reservations about his person but that was the only route to the realization of their dreams. Almost eight years after the emergence of the prince of Daura, corruption is deep-rooted in low and high places in audacious dimensions. Policies of government are poorly conceived or wholesale imported without domestication. Today, 133 million Nigerians, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) experience multi-dimensional poverty. According to NBS, 70% of Nigerians live in rural areas. Out of these, 80% of them are poor. The intensity of poverty in rural areas is 41.9% compared to 36.9% in urban areas. Furthermore, seven out of 10 persons living in rural areas of Nigeria are multi-dimensionally poor while four out of every 10 persons in urban areas experience the same. Unfortunately, most political campaigns leading to the 2023 polls have been urban-based and those who visited rural areas did so to patronize them for votes and may never return there until another election season. I remember when Vice President, Yemi Osinbajo was patronizing rural communities with trader-moni in 2019. When last did you see him pursue such a scheme? It was to bring people in with their treasured votes just as Nigerians were asked for their old naira in banks and after that, they have to beg to withdraw from it.
Budgetary allocation to education and health has not been encouraging. The nosediving fortunes in the education and health sectors contributed to the Japa syndrome which now puts the lives of many Nigerians at risk because of a shortage of skilled physicians and specialists. Those still at home are hibernating for opportunities. Nigerians in their homeland who cannot afford to consult in the United Kingdom or United Arab Emirates like the outgoing president Muhammadu Buhari and some of those aspiring to become the President, need to think when casting who to vote for on Saturday, February 25, 2023.
Monetary poverty is across the nation but not above fifty percent. The price of Premium Motor Spirit hovers around N257.12 according to NBS. Still, fuel is scarce and depositors cannot get their money from banks. Their money has been kidnapped by the Emefieleistic naira redesign policy and its faulty implementation. As I write this piece, people were under the sun and locked outside the banking premises observed from the University of Ibadan through Dugbe in Ibadan. Yet, this Buhari-led government asked people to exercise patience. The same government turned the people against the banks by blaming them for sabotaging the policy. But who are the major shareholders of these banks? Are they not the politicians and their cronies who need naira ahead of elections and for money laundering? Will the banks not do the bidding of their financiers to save their jobs? While saboteurs within the banking system contributed to the sufferings of Nigerians, the government of the day cannot absolve itself of shallow thought on how to properly implement a policy of this nature without afflicting the people with pain, violence, dehumanization, and death.
From naked protests within the banking hall to the violence and arson on the streets, the socio-economic landscape of Nigeria speaks of the pressure that Nigerians endure under this outgoing government. Someone reportedly died in Lagos while queueing up to withdraw cash while many died in the hospital because they cannot access money to pay for healthcare services. While so much has been spent to equip the security systems, the Northeast is still afflicted with insurgency and banditry, Northcentral with pastoral-herder conflict, militancy, and insurgency while South-south is battling militancy, secessionists’ movement, banditry, and cultism leading to deaths, and displacements. The victims of armed robbery and kidnapping on Nigeria’s hellish highways won’t forget in a hurry. Some people have left the country on account of insecurity; others due to perceived hopelessness for their future in Nigeria. While many variables account for crime occurrence, the failure of the government to tackle the causative factors contributed to its pervasiveness. It should now be obvious to Nigerians that it is not enough to be a General, a civilian who understands what the problem is and has the will to do it will perform more than the outgoing President of Nigeria. Notwithstanding the bad economy, accumulation of foreign debts, and security setbacks, the Muhammadu Buhari government recorded successes in infrastructures, train rejuvenation, and signing of the electoral act among others.
Presidential and National Assembly elections held in a few hours. This is the only opportunity that democracy has given to you to determine who governs and impacts your life chances for another four years. You may decide to vote along ethnic lines but remember that poverty, insecurity, and unemployment do not isolate one ethnic group. You may decide to vote based on religion but remember that all religious groups are now facing a reduction in church and mosque attendance as well as a reduction in offerings because of one poorly implemented policy. Are you planning to vote along the party line? Remember that the People’s Democratic party ruled for 16 years and you replaced them with the All-Progressives Congress which has not been a better substitute. Are you voting for personality? Check out how many times that contesting has had to jump from one political party platform to another including forming and switching alliances. The point here is that one variable is not sufficient to elect somebody into political office and certainly, not on primordial sentiments. If we elect bad people, it is because we are bad ourselves. We elect people who represent our views about life and about how public offices should be run. Ahead of voting, try to honestly answer these questions: what kind of Nigeria do I desire? Is it a Nigeria in which the majority enthrones the minority for the enjoyment of the minority and the punishment of the majority for their foolishness? Or a Nigeria in which the majority elects people who think and act in the best interest of the majority? Or a Nigeria in which the majority elect those interested in holding political offices to fulfill personal ambitions without any readiness for the demands of those offices? Finally, if Nigeria were to be your company and it is facing what Nigeria is experiencing, which of the candidates would you employ to rescue your company? Now that you have answered the questions, you may now go ahead, cast your vote and live with the intended and unintended consequences of your voting decision.
Dr. Tade, a sociologist wrote via dotad2003@yahoo.com
Opinion
Beyond the Blackboard: How Akinde Aremu is Reshaping Federal Polytechnic Ilaro

In a world that is increasingly dependent on sound financial expertise and innovative management practices, illuminating figures are crucial for the academic and professional growth of a nation. One such figure is Dr. Akinde Mukail Aremu, the esteemed Rector of the Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro in Ogun State. With an impressive academic background and a commitment to excellence in education, Dr. Akinde is not just shaping the minds of future financial leaders; he is also positioning the institution at the forefront of Nigeria’s educational landscape.
A Legacy of Academic Excellence
Dr. Akinde’s academic journey is nothing short of remarkable. With multiple degrees—a Bachelor’s and Master’s in Economics, a Master’s in Finance, and a PhD in Finance—his expertise spans across vital fields like Financial Management, Business Finance, and Financial Accounting. His position as the Chief Lecturer in the School of Management Studies at the Federal Polytechnic is a testament to his commitment and passion for education. Dr. Akinde’s rich academic fabric is woven with numerous publications in reputable journals, exploring key issues from stock market performance to the complexities of financial reporting standards in Nigeria.
His research interests primarily lie in finance and financial analyses, where he tirelessly seeks to address pertinent economic questions, providing insights that resonate deeply within the Nigerian financial landscape. His studies not only contribute to academic discourse but also guide policy-making in the financial realm, fostering a better understanding of economic development in Nigeria.
Championing Innovative Pedagogy
As a dedicated educator, Dr. Akinde has consistently advocated for modern pedagogical methods that inspire creativity and critical thinking among students. His teaching areas encompass crucial subjects that equip students with the financial acumen needed in today’s dynamic economic environment. By incorporating practical examples and real-life scenarios into his curriculum, he ensures that students are not just passive recipients of knowledge but active participants in their learning journey. His hands-on approach is fostering a generation of finance professionals ready to tackle the challenges of the industry head-on.
Elevating the Institution to New Heights
Under Dr. Akinde’s leadership, the Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro, is experiencing a renaissance. His vision for the institution is clear: to provide quality education that meets the benchmark of global standards. His strategic initiatives have led to the establishment of innovative programs that align with market needs, ensuring that graduates are not only employable but also ready to lead. His emphasis on human capital investment and sustainable economic strategies positions the institution as a beacon of hope for Nigeria’s future.
Furthermore, Dr. Akinde’s efforts extend beyond the classroom. His participation in international conferences and collaboration with academic institutions worldwide has spotlighted the Federal Polytechnic on a global stage. By fostering partnerships and exchanging knowledge with global thought leaders, he is silencing the cynics and proving that Nigerian institutions can compete on an international level.
A Voice for Change and Development
Beyond academia, Dr. Akinde is a vocal advocate for fiscal responsibility and policy reform in Nigeria. His extensive research publications reflect a commitment to dissecting the intricacies of Nigeria’s financial landscape, addressing critical issues ranging from foreign direct investment to the implications of tourism development on economic growth. His work sheds light on the pivotal role that education and informed fiscal practices play in Nigeria’s quest for economic revival.
Dr. Akinde understands that his role transcends academia; he is a mentor, an innovator, and a change-maker. His unwavering dedication to equipping the next generation of leaders with the skills and knowledge they need to thrive in an increasingly complex world is evident in every initiative he undertakes.
In conclusion, Dr. Akinde Mukail Aremu’s leadership at the Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro is redefining the educational landscape of Nigeria. His commitment to academic excellence, innovative pedagogy, and social responsibility serves as an inspiration for students and educators alike. As he continues to shape the future of financial education in Nigeria, there is little doubt that Dr. Akinde is not just preparing students for jobs—he is preparing them to become the architects of the nation’s economic future. In a rapidly evolving global economy, his vision and leadership will undoubtedly leave an indelible mark on the educational sector and beyond.
Opinion
El-Rufai’s SDP Gambit: A Political ‘Harakiri’ | By Adeniyi Olowofela

Former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, is a restless and courageous politician. However, he ought to have learned political patience from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who spent years building a viable political alternative to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) when its stalwarts boasted that they would rule Nigeria for 64 years.
Cleverly, Tinubu abandoned the Alliance for Democracy (AD) to establish another political platform, the Action Congress (AC), which later metamorphosed into the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN).
In collaboration with other political groups—including the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and some elements of the PDP—the All Progressives Congress (APC) was born, with El-Rufai as one of its foundation members. Ultimately, the APC wrestled power from the PDP, truncating its 64-year dominance plan.
For El-Rufai to abandon the APC now is nothing short of political suicide, as Tinubu is strategically positioned to secure a second term with an array of both seen and unseen political foot soldiers.
The Social Democratic Party (SDP), as a political entity, effectively died with the late Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola. Any attempt to resurrect it is an exercise in futility.
For the sake of argument, let’s consider a hypothetical scenario: Suppose another southern politician is fielded in 2027 and wins the election. Even if he signs an agreement to serve only one term, political realities could shift, and he may seek another four years.
If anyone doubts this, they should ask former Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan. The simple implication of this is that President Tinubu remains the best candidate for northern politicians seeking a power shift back to the North in 2031—at which point El-Rufai could have been one of the credible northern contenders for the presidency.
When Ebenezer Babatope (Ebino Topsy), a staunch Awoist, chose to serve in General Sani Abacha’s regime, he later reflected on his decision, saying: “I have eaten the forbidden fruit, and it will haunt me till the end of my life.”
By abandoning the APC for another political party, El-Rufai has also eaten the forbidden fruit. Only time will tell if it will haunt him or not.
However, for some of the political leaders already contacted from the South West, supporting any party against President Tinubu would be akin to Judas Iscariot’s betrayal—a reputation no serious South West politician would want to bear.
El-Rufai’s departure from the APC to SDP is nothing short of a suicidal political move, reminiscent of Harakiri.
Prof. Adeniyi Olowofela, a former Oyo State Commissioner for Education, Science, and Technology and the Commissioner representing Oyo State at the Federal Character Commission (FCC), sent this piece from Abuja, the nation’s capital.
Opinion
Akpabio vs. Natasha: Too Many Wrongs Don’t Make A Right

For most of last week, Senate President Godswill Akpabio was in the eye of the storm as his traducer, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, who represents Kogi Central, was relentless in getting her voice hear loud and clear.
Though the matter eventually culminated in the suspension of the Kogi senator for six months on Thursday, it is clear that the drama has not ended yet. The whole saga, as we have seen in the last few weeks, smacks many wrongs and few rights. The Senate scored some rights and some wrongs, the same for the Kogi senator. But in apportioning the rights and the wrongs, we have to distinguish between emotions and the rules.
Recall that in July of 2024, Senator Akpabio had compared the conduct of Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan to that of someone in a nightclub. That statement incensed the Kogi Central senator, the womenfolk, and a number of other senators. Days later, Akpabio, having sensed the mood of the Senate, spoke from his chair and said: “I will not intentionally denigrate any woman and always pray the God will uplift women, Distinguished Senator Natasha, I want to apologise to you.” That was expected of him and by that statement, Akpabio brought some calm into the relationship between him and the Kogi senator, but as we are to discover in the last two weeks, still waters do run fast under the surface.
The latest scene of the drama started with what looked like an innocuous development on the Senate floor. The Senate president, in exercise of the power conferred on him by the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and the Senate Rule book, made adjustments to the seats in the minority wing of the chamber and relocated Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan. The excuse was that following the defection of some senators from the minority side, seat adjustments had to be effected. That was within Akpabio’s power. Remember that the Senate Rule book does not only empower the Senate president to allocate seats, but he can also change the seats occasionally. So, Akpabio was right with that action. But perhaps Akpoti-Uduaghan, based on family relationships with the Akpabios, expected that she would have been alerted of the impending seat change. And on getting to the floor of the Senate to discover the seat switch, she got alarmed. Was she right to flare up? No, that is the answer. Apart from the powers of the Senate president to change seats allocated to senators, the rule book also says that every senator must speak from the seat allocated. The implication is that anything a senator says outside the allocated seat will not go into the Senate records. The Senate, or any parliament for that matter, is a regulated environment. The Hansards take records of every word and action made on the floor of the chamber. And so, it is incumbent on every senator to follow the rules.
So, on Thursday, February 20, when Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan raised hell over her seat relocation and engaged Senator Akpabio in a shouting match, she was on the wrong side of the Senate Rule book. No Senator is expected to be unruly. In fact, unruly conduct can be summarily punished by the presiding officer. It is important to note that the rules of the Senate treat the occupier of the chair of Senate President like a golden egg. The President of the Senate is the number three citizen in the country, even though he was elected to represent a constituency like his colleagues. He is first among equals, but the numero uno position comes with a lot of difference.
A legislative expert once told me that the Chair of the President of the Senate must be revered at all times and that infractions to the rules are heavily punished unless the offender shows penitence. The rule says the President of the Senate must be heard in silence; Senators must avoid naming (being called out for unruly conduct); and that any situation that compels the President of the Senate to rise up to hit the gavel in trying to restore order could earn the culprit (any named senator) summary dismissal. Those are the powers of the President of the Senate, which Madam Natasha was trying for size. I think it is important that Senators are taken through inductions on the rules and regulations, whether they got in mid-term or at the beginning of the session.
Rules are very key to operations in a big club like the Senate or the House of Representatives. But as we will later discover on this page, the number of years spent on the floor does not necessarily guarantee a clear understanding of the rules.
Well, as we saw it, Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan raised hell by protesting the decision of the Senate to relocate her seat. She was out of order, and her colleagues noted the same. With another presiding officer, she could have been suspended right there. But Akpabio didn’t do that. Then, the Kogi Central senator opened another flank, this time, outside of the Senate chamber. She granted an interview to Arise television, claiming that she had been sexually harassed by Akpabio. Here, too, Senator Natasha was on the wrong side of the Senate rules. Yes, she has a right of freedom of speech, but if the right must be meaningfully exercised, she must do so in compliance with the rules of the club she belongs-the Senate. This is expressly so because she is covered by Order 10 of the Senate Rule Book, which permits her to raise issues of privilege without previously notifying the President of the Senate or the presiding officer. The elders and the holy books also say that when you remove the log from the eyes, you show it to the eyes. As a club, the senate detests the washing of its dirty linen in the public. Such conduct led to the suspension of the late Senators Arthur Nzeribe and Joseph Waku, as well as Senator Ovie Omo-Agege, Senator Ali Ndume and even Senator Abdul Ningi in recent past.
Rather than go to the court of public opinion to accuse Akpabio of sexual harassment, Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan should have quietly assumed the seat allocated to her, raise her complaints through Order 10 and at the same time tender details of her sexual harassment allegation against Akpabio and seek Senate’s intervention. If she had done that, she would have been on the right side of Senate Rules and had Akpabio by the balls. As much as the Senate rules forbid a senator from submitting a petition he or she personally signed, the Senate does not forbid any lawmaker from raising allegations that affect either their rights or privileges on the floor. Several newspaper editors have been summoned before the Ethics Committee to answer questions of alleged breach of the privilege of senators. I recall that as correspondents in the chamber, senators were always unhappy each time we scooped a story or blow open a report they were about to submit. Such senators didn’t need to write a petition. They would only come to the floor and raise points of order on privilege. Senator Akpoti- Uduaghan failed to do that.
But the conduct of the Senate President and some of the principal officers on Wednesday, March 5, left so much to be desired of the Senate. I was shocked to see Senator Akpabio rule Senator Natasha in order; he also ruled Senator Mohammed Monguno in order as well as Senator Opeyemi Bamidele. How do you have three right rulings on one issue? First, he allowed Senator Natasha to lay a defective petition on the Senate table. That’s expressly out of order. In the days of Senate Presidents David Mark, Bukola Saraki, and Ahmad Lawan, we saw how such scenes were handled. A David Mark would simply ask the senator, ‘Distinguished Senator, please open to Order 40(4) and read’. By the time the senator finished reading the order and seeing the order had negatived his or her motion, he would only be begging to withdraw that motion. That was not the case with Akpabio. And to make matters worse, the clerks at the table were also looking lost. They could not guide the presiding officer in any way. That tells a bit about human resource capacity in the assembly. But then the Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele and the Chief Whip, Mohammed Monguno, who have spent quite a long time in the National Assembly, should know better. Their interventions did more damage to Akpabio’s Senate. Once the President of the Senate had ruled Senator Natasha in order to submit a petition she personally signed, (against the rules of the Senate which forbids such), and the Kogi Central senator had approached the chair and laid the petition on the table, the matter in a way becomes sub judice, to borrow the language of the law. The Senate Rule Book classifies such an action as “Matters Not open to Debate.” So at that point, the matter was no longer open to debate. Since the gavel has been hit and the action has been taken, no senator has the right to reopen the case. It was wrong of Senator Bamidele and Monguno to immediately start to revisit a closed matter, and that’s illegal. It is wrong for Akpabio to allow it.
I recall an incident in the 6th Senate when President Umaru Yar’Adua was bedridden in Saudi Arabia. Some senators moved a motion, seeking the Senate to constitute a panel to visit Saudi and ascertain the health status of the president. Somehow, when the motion was finally passed on a day, Senator Ike Ekweremadu presided, it turned out that the motion only mandated the Federal Executive Council to do the assignment. The original proponents of the motion were enraged, but they were not allowed to reopen the matter. They had to go into lobbying and eventually secured signatures of two-thirds of the Senate to re-table the matter and that paved the way for the adoption of the famous “Doctrine of Necessity.” That’s how serious the matter should be handled, but it was trivialized by Akpabio, the Senate Leader and Senate Whip. That’s on the wrong side of the rule.
Now that Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan has been suspended, many would say she was being silenced. That is far from the truth. Her suspension was on the basis of what the senate perceived as unruly behavior on the floor. We are yet to hear the details of her sexual harassment allegations, and I believe that she has avenues to ventilate that. Nigerians earnestly await these details, which should be salacious enough to help us cool off some heat.
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