Opinion
Oyo Guber 2023: Clash of the Titan Vs the Crafty
Published
3 years agoon
Saturday, March 18, 2023, as electorates in Oyo State would seek to elect a governor, it sure to be a very interesting and keenly contested race in the chequered history of the political capital of the South West.
Full of intrigue, schemes, calculations and political antics. Permutations and predictions can turn those doing it nought. However, I offer an objective analysis based on the relative strengths and weaknesses of the major contenders
Post presidential and national assembly elections, Oyo State 2023 governorship has become a straight battle between the incumbent Governor Seyi Makinde of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and a three-term Senator Teslim Folarin, the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate.
Factors Against Seyi Makinde
The collapse of the coalition
It is no more news that Engr. Seyi Makinde won the 2019 election that brought him in as Governor of Oyo state on the wings of a political coalition mastered by a former governor of the state, High Chief Rashidi Ladoja against the All Progressives Congress (APC) led by late former Governor Abiola Ajimobi, who broke the jinx of a second term in the state. Not long into Governor Makinde’s tenure, major members and political juggernauts of the coalition had gone their separate ways.
Weakness of PDP in Oyo State
Hours before the 2023 governorship race, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as a party in Oyo State is in tatters. G-5 alignment that Governor Makinde had with Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State dipped the fortunes of PDP in Oyo State. PDP leaders like, High Chief former Governor Rashidi Ladoja, ex-Deputy Governor Hazeem Gbolarunmi, ex-Reps member Mulikat Adeola, Alhaji Bisi Olopoeyan, Engr Femi Babalola among others have come out openly to declare that their supporters should vote against Governor Seyi Makinde.
The collapse of the Local Governments under Governor Makinde
Governor Makinde, who defended this publicly in a media chat that he opted not to empower the local governments. So these local governments became comatose, unable to deliver democratic dividends to the critical grassroots.
Legislators didn’t enjoy their tenures
Even if Governor Makinde survived the tsunami against himself, he’s likely to have problems with the State House of Assembly. The majority of house members, imagine the Speaker House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Adebo Ogundoyin publicly complained about the governor’s styles, so, they have disillusioned them. Makinde didn’t make them perform. Most of these lawmakers may not be reelected. The PDP Speaker of the State House of Assembly publicly complained to his constituents about their frustrations.
Problems in the education sector
No fewer than 50 secondary schools in Oyo State were removed from the list of schools where WAEC examinations would be held henceforth due to cases of examination malpractice. Lecturers from higher institutions are against the governor as he foisted a sole administrator -consultant, a non-indigene to be in charge of all tertiary institutions. So, he did in many MDAs and LGs, rendering those organs of governance redundant, including the latest poor rankings.
Debts Profile
The state of debts Profile of Oyo State, allegedly put at N400b, is not cheering. His critics quickly point out there are not many tangible, societally beneficial projects to justify such humongous debts profile.
Security
Comparatively, to the times of late Senator Abiola Ajimobi as Governor, the security of lives and properties has nosedived in Oyo State. It is believed that Governor Makinde didn’t help the situation as he was alleged to have empowered a “notorious thug”, Alhaji Mukaila Lamidi popularly known as ‘Auxilary’ to be the Chairman of Oyo State Park Management System (PMS).
Political Mis-Choice
In the quest to be the sole decider of things in the PDP, Governor Makinde independently choose Engr Joseph Tegbe over the incumbent Senator Lekan Balogun and foisted his will over the dictates of members of his party. He was also accused to assert severally that he has no political godfather and not reporting to any politician in Oyo State. Interestingly, Governor Makinde was reporting to Governor Wike in Rivers State.
He neglected core, indigenous and experienced PDP leaders in Oyo State and brought Governor Wike from Rivers State to inaugurate Oyo State projects and to lead his governorship campaigns.
Lack-Lustre Aides
In all the cabinet of Governor Seyi Makinde, one could not point to any of his commissioners who performed extraordinarily. All was done by Governor Makinde. In most cases, the names of his aides including commissioners are not known. Unlike most precious first ladies in Oyo State, his wife, Mrs Tamunominini Makinde didn’t quite have any tangible project ascribable to her.
Muslim Disposition
Having spent four years, many Muslim electorates believe it is the turn for a Muslim Governor in Oyo State. This disposition, it is believed by Muslims, that Sen. Teslim Folarin best represents this thought. Nevertheless, many civil servants are quite excited that regularly Governor Makinde pays their monthly salaries. Others feel satisfied with the level of infrastructure Makinde had been able to put in place. His gentlemanly postures are also attractive to many.
Despite his pluses, political pundits believe it will be a great task for Governor Seyi Makinde to survive the barrage of opposition and tsunami against him in the 2023 governorship election in Oyo State.
Things showing up for Teslim Folarin
Comparatively, especially after the Presidential election, the chances of the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate in Oyo State, Senator Teslim Folarin emerging as the next Governor seems to be getting brighter. Some factors seem to help this:
Political Hardwork
Loathe him or like him, give it to Folarin, he has worked well and hard for this contest, while many of his opponents were undecided and confused. He understands the contest and has approached it as a very knowledgeable and experienced politician. He gave the contest his all.
Payback Time
Sen. Teslim Folarin did serious political work for the President-elect, Sen. Bola Tinubu, the three senatorial seats in Oyo State which APC won and the house of representatives seats. Give it to Folarin. He is a budding party leader and he has cutting-edge answers to emerging political issues. Curiously, he was able to inherit political leaders who the late Abiola Ajimobi and Adebayo Alao-Akala worked with, and he galvanized and managed them well. Indeed, the new Oyo State senators and the house of representatives newly elected are indebted to Sen. Teslim Folarin’s hybrid political mastery and blending of Oyo Amala politics with tech-savvy inputs. Folarin was there for them. They have vowed to wallop the Governor Makinde machinery in the guber contest as payback for ‘Oga Tessy’.
Ladoja’s endorsement
How Sen. Teslim Folarin was able to secure this remains miraculous. It is a Mastercard. High Chief Rashidi Ladoja, former Oyo State Governor, is not a baby politician in Oyo State, by any standard. He endorsed and galvanized a coalition for the incumbent governor before he could emerge as Governor against a ruling party. Ladoja has cult-like political followership, die-hard adherents and networks throughout Oyo State. A group of Mogajis, Baales and Chiefs have attacked former Ambassador Arapaja who double as Governor Makinde installed Deputy National Chairman for speaking against Ladoja, the highly revered Otun Olubadan of Ibadan land. They categorically asserted that whatever Chief Ladoja has said represented the Olubadan in Council.
Ibadan Chief Factor
Sen. Teslim Folarin is also a top-ranking chief in Ibadanland. It is not unexpected that they would not abandon their very own. High Chief Ladoja categorically stated:’ vote for Tessy, forget anything bad you may have against him.
Religious Factor
Sen. Folarin has already worked with the grassroots and established himself as a true unrepentant Muslim. Whereas, political analysts believe Chief Bayo Adelabu didn’t know which religion to claim. Governor Makinde hurriedly added ‘Bashiru’ to his name. Meanwhile, the vast Muslim electorates had adopted consistent Folarin as the Muslim candidate.
Oyo state cannot be an opposition
Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s victory in February has gone to enhance Folarin ‘s chance in March as vast majority of the people do not imagine the State is under an opposition party as it was under Governor Makinde. People of the state want to be in the mainstream.
Image enhancement by Folarin
In days precedent to the election, Sen. Folarin engaged in several public interviews, debates and self-image marketing which sure worked on his behalf. Hitherto, the negative label was of a TKF, an illiterate, violence-loving, typical Amala politician from the Adedibu political dynasty who was just lucky in the political scenes. However, when he began to show forth his intellectual stuff, the negative label that he was not a sellable candidate went underground.
Adedibu political dynasty
Folarin was a leading member of the political dynasty of a late aristocratic power broker in Oyo State, Nigeria, Chief Lamidi Ariyibi Akanji Adedibu, the strong man of Ibadan politics, in their heydays. They didn’t abandon their very own, more so when Makinde betrayed PDP during the 2023 presidential election. Curiosity Adedibu ‘s PA, former Deputy Governor Gbolarunmi has taken up the fight against Seyi Makinde. Even the late Lamidi Adedibu’ widow, Chief Bose Adedibu, who also doubles as PDP Zonal Women Leader has been unusually quiet during the Guber campaigns. The PDP people’s support for Folarin, so massive, has made core APC conservative members so insecure of possible implosion in the Oyo State APC after the elections.
However, Sen. Folarin would still need the disgruntled APC members and leaders, especially those who have embraced other parties such as Accord Party (AP).
Idowu Ayodele, writes from Ibadan, Oyo state.
Related
You may like
Opinion
Ibarapa East: Yusuf Ramon’s Quest for Responsive Representation
Published
3 weeks agoon
February 14, 2026As the road to 2027 gradually unfolds across Oyo State, political conversations are shifting from routine permutations to deeper questions about competence, generational leadership, and measurable impact. In Ibarapa East, that conversation has found a new voice in Yusuf Abiodun Ramon — a Lanlate-born technocrat whose entry into the race for the State House of Assembly is redefining what representation could mean for the constituency.
In a political environment often dominated by familiar faces and conventional calculations, Ramon presents a profile shaped by technical discipline, structured thinking, and solution-driven engagement. His professional background, anchored in analytical precision and systems management, forms the foundation of his public service aspiration.
For him, representation must move beyond ceremonial presence to practical responsiveness — laws that reflect local realities, oversight that protects public resources, and advocacy that translates into visible development.
Ramon argues that the future of Ibarapa East lies in leadership that listens deliberately, plans strategically, and delivers measurably. He speaks of strengthening rural infrastructure, expanding youth-driven economic opportunities, and institutionalising transparency as core pillars of his agenda. In his view, governance must not merely be symbolic; it must be structured, accountable, and people-centred.
Rooted in Ile Odede, Isale Alubata Compound, Ward Seven of Ibarapa East Local Government, and maternally linked to Ile Sobaloju, Isale Ajidun Compound, Eruwa, Ramon’s story is not one of distant ambition but of lived experience. He is, in every sense, a son of the soil — shaped by the same roads, schools, and economic realities that define daily life in Ibarapa East.
“I was born here. I grew up here. I understand our struggles, our strengths, and our untapped potential,” he says. “Representation must go beyond occupying a seat; it must translate into preparation, competence, and genuine commitment to development.”
His academic journey mirrors that philosophy of steady growth. He began at Islamic Primary School, Lanlate (1995–2001), proceeded to Baptist Grammar School, Orita Eruwa (2001–2007), and later earned a National Diploma in Mechanical Engineering Technology from Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro, between 2009 and 2011. Refusing to plateau, he advanced his intellectual horizon and is now completing a Bachelor of Science in Business Administration at the University of Lagos. “Education,” he reflects, “is continuous capacity building. Leadership today requires both technical knowledge and administrative insight.”
That blend of engineering precision and managerial training has defined a professional career spanning more than a decade. Shortly after his diploma, Yusuf joined Mikano International Limited as a generator installer, gaining hands-on experience in industrial power systems — a sector central to Nigeria’s infrastructural backbone. He later transitioned into telecommunications at Safari Telecoms Nigeria Limited, where he received specialized training in Industrial, Scientific, and Medical radio bands, strengthening his expertise in network operations.
In 2013, he became a Field Support Engineer at Netrux Global Concepts Ltd., then a leading ISM service provider in Nigeria. Over four formative years, he immersed himself in telecom infrastructure deployment and maintenance, mastering field coordination, logistics management, and real-time technical problem-solving.
Since July 2017, he has served as a Field Support Engineer with Specific Tools and Techniques Ltd., a power solutions firm providing services to major operators including MTN Nigeria and Airtel Nigeria. In that capacity, he operates at the frontline of ensuring energy reliability and network uptime — responsibilities that demand discipline, accountability, and systems thinking.
For political observers in Ibarapa East, this trajectory matters. It reflects more than résumé credentials; it speaks to a mindset anchored in efficiency, coordination, and measurable outcomes — qualities increasingly demanded in legislative representation.
Beyond the private sector, Ramon’s political exposure is neither sudden nor superficial. A loyal member of the progressive political family in Lagos, he once served as a personal assistant to a former lawmaker, gaining practical insight into legislative procedure and constituency engagement. Within his community, he has quietly extended financial support to small-scale entrepreneurs and students — modest but consistent interventions rooted in personal responsibility.
“My interest is my people,” he states firmly. “Ibarapa East deserves strategic, responsive, and capable leadership at the State Assembly. We must move from rhetoric to results.”
Across the constituency — from Lanlate to Eruwa — development priorities remain clear: youth employment, vocational empowerment, rural road rehabilitation, stable power supply, agricultural value-chain expansion, improved educational standards, and stronger lawmaking that directly reflects community needs.
Political analysts argue that Ramon’s technocratic background positions him uniquely at the intersection of policy formulation and practical implementation. At a time when national discourse increasingly favours competence over grandstanding, his profile resonates with a broader generational shift toward performance-driven governance. His engineering discipline reinforces problem-solving; his business training strengthens administrative understanding; his grassroots roots anchor his empathy.
For Ibarapa East, the 2027 election cycle may represent more than a routine democratic exercise. It may mark a recalibration of expectations — a demand for representation that understands both the soil beneath its feet and the systems that drive modern development. As political alignments gradually crystallize in Oyo State, Yusuf Abiodun Ramon’s declaration signals the arrival of a candidate seeking to translate private-sector structure into public-sector impact.
One thing is clear: the conversation about the future of Ibarapa East has begun — and it is now framed around competence, credibility, and capacity.
Oluwasegun Idowu sent in this piece from Eruwa, Ibarapa East LG, Oyo State
Related
Opinion
Flying on Trust: How Ibom Air’s Reliability Became Its Winning Strategy
Published
4 weeks agoon
February 5, 2026“In a sky where delays are normal, one airline flies with precision and trust. Ibom Air shows that reliability can be a strategy”.
In Nigeria’s skies, where flight delays and cancellations are often taken as routine, Ibom Air has quietly rewritten the rules. From the moment it launched in June 2019, the Akwa Ibom State–owned carrier has treated reliability not as a bonus, but as a core strategy—turning punctuality, discipline, and operational excellence into a competitive edge that passengers can count on.
While most airlines chase rapid expansion or flashy promotions, Ibom Air has chosen consistency. Flights depart on schedule, disruptions are minimal, and communication with passengers is clear and timely. This predictability has quickly earned the airline a loyal following among business travellers, professionals, government officials, and families for whom time is invaluable.
The airline’s approach is methodical. Every flight is treated as a commitment, and operational decisions are guided by structured planning, not improvisation. This discipline underpins everything from scheduling to fleet management, ensuring passengers experience flying without surprises.
Central to this model is Ibom Air’s modern fleet. Its Airbus A220-300 and Bombardier CRJ-900 aircraft are fuel-efficient, comfortable, and rigorously maintained to meet both manufacturers’ specifications and the regulatory standards of the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority and international aviation bodies. Safety here is a culture, not a compliance exercise.
Cabin cleanliness and aircraft health are equally prioritized. Passengers consistently step into neat, hygienic, and professionally maintained cabins, reinforcing confidence and comfort even before take-off. In a sector where small details signal operational quality, Ibom Air’s standards speak volumes.
Technology quietly drives reliability across operations. From booking and check-in to flight coordination and customer service, modern systems enhance efficiency, reduce disruptions, and ensure smooth communication. These tools allow the airline to anticipate challenges rather than merely react.
R–L: Dr. Solomon Oroge, a consultant, and Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, aboard an Ibom Air flight.
Service delivery follows the same disciplined pattern. Pilots, cabin crew, engineers, and ground staff operate under strict professional standards. Courtesy is paired with efficiency, and calm, structured service ensures passengers feel confident throughout their journey.
The Ibom Flyer loyalty programme reflects this structured approach, rewarding consistent passengers and fostering long-term engagement. It turns reliability into a tangible benefit for frequent flyers.
From its hub at Victor Attah International Airport, Uyo, Ibom Air serves major Nigerian cities including Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, Calabar, and Enugu, while extending its reach to West Africa with flights to Accra, Ghana. Expansion is deliberate, prioritizing sustainability over rapid growth that could compromise service quality.
Measured growth allows the airline to maintain operational excellence and service consistency even as demand increases—a strategy that contrasts sharply with competitors whose rapid expansion often strains resources.
Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, pictured inside an Ibom Air aircraft.
Beyond commercial success, Ibom Air has become a national example. It has created employment, stimulated tourism, and strengthened regional connectivity, projecting a positive image of Nigerian aviation at a time when confidence in the sector is often fragile.
The airline has also challenged assumptions about government-owned enterprises. By combining professional management with operational autonomy, it demonstrates that public investment can achieve efficiency, accountability, and competitiveness.
Reliability, in the case of Ibom Air, is than a promise—it is a deliberate business philosophy. It shapes operations, informs decisions, and builds passenger trust consistently.
Technology, discipline, and attention to detail converge to produce an airline that works. Every element, from fleet maintenance to cabin service, supports the promise that Ibom Air delivers what it advertises—without surprises.
In a market where uncertainty has been the norm, Ibom Air has shown that consistency can be a strategic advantage. Passengers no longer fly with anxiety; they fly with confidence, knowing their schedules will hold and service will meet expectations.
Ultimately, Ibom Air is not just an airline—it is a model of operational excellence in Nigerian aviation. By prioritizing reliability over spectacle, discipline over improvisation, and planning over shortcuts, it sets a benchmark for the industry and a standard for passengers: in the skies, predictability is priceless
Idowu Ayodele – Journalist, Ibadan, Oyo State
0805 889 3736 | megaiconpress@gmail.com
Related
Opinion
Help or Hegemony? Trump’s Threat and Nigeria’s Terror War | By Olusegun Hassan
Published
4 months agoon
November 11, 2025In Homer’s epic poem The Odyssey, the concept of the “Greek gift” was invented. The Trojan Horse became the undoing of Troy, ending a decade-long war in which many Greeks had perished, including the mighty Achilles. The Trojans accepted the Greeks’ gift, and the rest, as they say, is history.
In the past few days, both social and conventional media have been agog with reactions to President Donald J. Trump’s threat to the Nigerian government regarding terrorism. In his words, Nigeria must “address the genocide against Christians in the North and Middle Belt, or else the U.S. will cut aid to the country and, in addition, come into the country guns blazing in an attempt to flush out the terrorists.”
Sincerely speaking, the tweet made by the U.S. President sounded a bit comical to me, as did many other commentaries that followed. Comical not in a ridiculous sense, but in a comedic sense.
This piece is not written to support or oppose any particular view, but to lay down facts in the most succinct and objective manner, thereby allowing for the independence of a balanced position.
In 2009, a terror group named Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li al-Da’wa wa al-Jihad (popularly referred to as Boko Haram) emerged with the aim of establishing Islamic rule across Nigeria. According to the group, Sharia was the only path to true progress, and any faith other than Islam was haram (forbidden).
Soon after, this group began launching vicious attacks against Christians and Christian places of worship. From singularly attacking Christians, their targets shifted to government institutions and facilities, and on 28 November 2014, one of the greatest attacks against fellow Muslims occurred with the bombing and mass shooting of Juma’at worshippers at the Kano Central Mosque. Over 120 worshippers were killed and another 260 critically injured.
The point here is to underscore the fact that Boko Haram—and indeed all other extremist groups in Nigeria—are not targeting Christians alone, as earlier claimed, but are pursuing a more sinister agenda of land grabbing with the colouration of economic, psychological and socio-political domination of conquered territories, with intentions of spreading across the country.
From the Northeast, the activities of wanton killing and destruction perpetrated by terrorists spread to the North Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue States. What originally began as farmer–herder clashes metamorphosed into full-blown village and community sackings, where Fulani invaders razed entire communities, leaving hundreds dead or wounded while survivors were displaced and left with harrowing experiences in IDP camps.
This wave of destruction continued, with one of the bloodiest in recent times occurring in Yelwata, Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, on the night of 13–14 June 2025. According to Amnesty/CE/UN/NGO, over 200 people were gruesomely massacred, several houses burnt to ashes, and about 3,000 people displaced and rendered homeless. In 2025 alone, Amnesty reported more than 10,000 additional people displaced in Benue across several local governments, ranging from Gwer West to Agatu, Ukum/Gbagir, Logo, Kwande and Guma.
From the North Central, terrorism—or better still, banditry—also found its way to the North West. The activities of bandits, kidnappers and other criminal elements were consistently reported in Zamfara, Kaduna, Kebbi, Sokoto, Kano, and even Katsina, which was once regarded as the true home of hospitality, as its state slogan depicts, and as I can also attest considering how much I enjoyed the peace and serenity of the state during my days therein as a Youth Corps member. Reuters.ng reports that as of 2025, approximately 2,456 people had been killed in the North West region across multiple states. In addition to this, about 7,260 people, including schoolchildren and commuters on highways, had been abducted, with several millions of naira collected by kidnappers as ransom payments. Some parts of the South West, South East and South South have not been spared the atrocities of terrorists and bandits.
Therefore, it is safe to say that the entire country has, at one time or the other, experienced the activities of bandits, terrorists and kidnappers. The intensity of attack, however, differs from region to region.
Late General Sani Abacha once said that “if any insurgency lasts for more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” This saying more or less amplifies the complexity of the terrorism–banditry–kidnapping problem in Nigeria. Nigeria is a country abundantly blessed with all manners of rich mineral resources. Apart from the vast arable land required for productive agriculture, there is virtually no region of the country that does not possess one valuable solid mineral or another.
From iron ore in Zamfara, Kogi and Enugu; gold in Kaduna, Kebbi and Osun; lithium in Nasarawa, Kwara, Oyo and the FCT; bitumen in Ondo, Edo and Ogun; plus other industrial minerals like gypsum, kaolin and limestone, with deposits of over one billion tonnes across many states—Nigeria is sitting on an incredibly underutilised treasure worth billions of dollars. The government’s inability to adequately manage these vast potentials provides fertile grounds for opportunistic scrambling, illegal mining, chaos and its attendant conflicts.
One can therefore boldly say that the chaos and violence camouflaged as terrorism and banditry is indeed a calculated campaign driven not just by Islamic extremism but by land grabbing and occupation for the purpose of blood mineral extraction and illicit mining.
Thus, a sophisticatedly armed radical Islamic Fulani ethnic militia, often operating under political protection, carries out multiple killings, displacements and kidnappings across the Northeast, North Central and North West, after which reports reveal that foreign miners appear following the death and displacement of indigenes to exploit the lands.
Amnesty International has also reported that Nigeria loses over $9 billion annually to illicit mining of gold, tin and lithium, with a significant portion—estimated at 10%—funding violence and corruption. The report further revealed that the involvement of some government elements in this corruption is not in doubt, as eyewitness reports of survivors and satellite surveillance footage revealed the connivance of certain government personnel. Some survivors have also repeatedly claimed that they witnessed helicopters in the middle of the night dropping weapons and ammunition for the bandits—a disclosure corroborated by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi in an interview on African Stream earlier this year.
So, it is right to say that the violence and carnage are just a smokescreen and a catalyst to a far-reaching economic, psychological and socio-political agenda of certain influential elements in the country. This is part of the reason why the billions of naira spent on security to equip the military to better fight insurgency have not yielded much result to date.
In addressing the threat of President Donald Trump, I would like to start by recounting a little history about the 47th President of the United States and his previous antecedents. In January 2018, at a news conference in the White House, President Trump referred to Haiti and some African countries—including Nigeria—as “shithole countries” that should not be accorded immigrant status in the U.S.
Furthermore, his government’s stern immigration policies and visa restrictions clearly reflect a hostile stance towards Africa and some other Global South countries. In light of this, it is hard to understand where the sudden genuine concern for Nigerian Christians is coming from—more so when a U.S. congressman earlier this year revealed that USAID played a significant role in the funding of Boko Haram and other terrorist groups. This concern was never mentioned when Late President Muhammadu Buhari visited the White House a few months after the “shithole” saga and was praised by the same Trump for his valiant efforts in fighting Boko Haram and ISWAP, despite staggering reports of attacks and killings in the Northeast and North Central during that period.
Under the erudite scholarship of Professor Kunle Ajayi, I learnt several years ago, in one of our Politics of Global Economic Relations lectures, that in world politics and global socio-economic relations, the overriding determinant of states’ decisions and actions is strategic interest. Altruism is hardly ever a factor.
Present realities of Nigeria’s economic relations are fast approaching self-sufficiency—particularly in the oil sector, where Nigeria was once a major importer of finished petroleum products from the U.S. The Dangote refinery, having begun domestic refining and production of petroleum products, is fast taking over a market once dominated by imports from the U.S. This shift, no doubt, is taking jobs away from American oil workers—no cheering news for the country’s oil conglomerates. Secondly, China has since replaced the United States as Nigeria’s foremost trading partner.
According to Nairametrics (2025), the value of trade between Nigeria and China between 2023–2025 totals approximately $50 billion compared to an estimated $30 billion with the U.S. This paradigm shift would certainly not be palatable to the U.S. or her president, who happens to be a dogged businessman that hates the word “no”. From this perspective, it is not difficult to see where President Trump is coming from.
Be that as it may, I think Nigeria needs to employ shrewd diplomacy in dealing with the U.S. under a president like Donald Trump. Regardless of international law and conventions, the U.S. has repeatedly proven itself willing to take unilateral military action against countries, defying the rule of law and popular global opinion. So those hinging on Nigeria’s sovereignty as a deterrent to the U.S. are not good students of history.
What is, however, more important in all of this is that global attention is once again drawn to the horrible atrocities of these criminal elements in Nigeria. The country cannot continue to behave as though it is normal headline news when people are slaughtered daily, and families and homes are torn apart.
I believe this is an opportunity for the government to rejig the entire security architecture of the country, with the needed political will, to once and for all end these killings. Strategic partnership with the United States in this regard is not a bad idea. With its extensive experience in counter-terrorism operations and access to sophisticated military technology and intelligence, the U.S. can assist in identifying and eradicating the major financiers and enablers of terrorism and banditry. It is not rocket science that when the financing of terrorists ends, terrorism ceases to exist.
However, this should be done only on the basis of shared interest, mutual respect, trust, and understanding reflective of a healthy and balanced foreign policy relationship. By prioritising constructive diplomacy, dialogue and partnership, Nigeria can work with the United States in a strategic alliance to restore peace, security and confidence across the nation. That is the way to go.
Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator
Related
Advertisement
Entertainment
Adekunle Gold, Simi welcome twins
Ayefele drops new album, Reflections
Reggae Legend, Jimmy Cliff, Dies At 81
Photos: Davido blows $3.7m on lavish Miami white wedding for Chioma
FAAN probes K1 for spilling alcohol on airport officer during boarding
Odunlade Adekola loses father
MegaIcon Magazine Facebook Page
MEGAICON TV
Advertisement
Trending
-
Politics3 days agoIbarapa East Assembly Hopeful, Ramon Congratulates Ajiboye, Says Emergence Good for Oyo APC
-
Politics1 week agoMakinde: My Successor Must Be Loyal to Oyo, Not Me
-
Politics3 days ago2027: Former Oyo Deputy Governor Adeyemo Emerges APC Chairman (See Full List)
-
Politics1 week agoFintiri Dumps PDP for APC, Moves with Cabinet, 14 Adamawa Lawmakers