Opinion
Oyo Guber 2023: Clash of the Titan Vs the Crafty
Saturday, March 18, 2023, as electorates in Oyo State would seek to elect a governor, it sure to be a very interesting and keenly contested race in the chequered history of the political capital of the South West.
Full of intrigue, schemes, calculations and political antics. Permutations and predictions can turn those doing it nought. However, I offer an objective analysis based on the relative strengths and weaknesses of the major contenders
Post presidential and national assembly elections, Oyo State 2023 governorship has become a straight battle between the incumbent Governor Seyi Makinde of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and a three-term Senator Teslim Folarin, the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate.
Factors Against Seyi Makinde
The collapse of the coalition
It is no more news that Engr. Seyi Makinde won the 2019 election that brought him in as Governor of Oyo state on the wings of a political coalition mastered by a former governor of the state, High Chief Rashidi Ladoja against the All Progressives Congress (APC) led by late former Governor Abiola Ajimobi, who broke the jinx of a second term in the state. Not long into Governor Makinde’s tenure, major members and political juggernauts of the coalition had gone their separate ways.
Weakness of PDP in Oyo State
Hours before the 2023 governorship race, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as a party in Oyo State is in tatters. G-5 alignment that Governor Makinde had with Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State dipped the fortunes of PDP in Oyo State. PDP leaders like, High Chief former Governor Rashidi Ladoja, ex-Deputy Governor Hazeem Gbolarunmi, ex-Reps member Mulikat Adeola, Alhaji Bisi Olopoeyan, Engr Femi Babalola among others have come out openly to declare that their supporters should vote against Governor Seyi Makinde.
The collapse of the Local Governments under Governor Makinde
Governor Makinde, who defended this publicly in a media chat that he opted not to empower the local governments. So these local governments became comatose, unable to deliver democratic dividends to the critical grassroots.
Legislators didn’t enjoy their tenures
Even if Governor Makinde survived the tsunami against himself, he’s likely to have problems with the State House of Assembly. The majority of house members, imagine the Speaker House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Adebo Ogundoyin publicly complained about the governor’s styles, so, they have disillusioned them. Makinde didn’t make them perform. Most of these lawmakers may not be reelected. The PDP Speaker of the State House of Assembly publicly complained to his constituents about their frustrations.
Problems in the education sector
No fewer than 50 secondary schools in Oyo State were removed from the list of schools where WAEC examinations would be held henceforth due to cases of examination malpractice. Lecturers from higher institutions are against the governor as he foisted a sole administrator -consultant, a non-indigene to be in charge of all tertiary institutions. So, he did in many MDAs and LGs, rendering those organs of governance redundant, including the latest poor rankings.
Debts Profile
The state of debts Profile of Oyo State, allegedly put at N400b, is not cheering. His critics quickly point out there are not many tangible, societally beneficial projects to justify such humongous debts profile.
Security
Comparatively, to the times of late Senator Abiola Ajimobi as Governor, the security of lives and properties has nosedived in Oyo State. It is believed that Governor Makinde didn’t help the situation as he was alleged to have empowered a “notorious thug”, Alhaji Mukaila Lamidi popularly known as ‘Auxilary’ to be the Chairman of Oyo State Park Management System (PMS).
Political Mis-Choice
In the quest to be the sole decider of things in the PDP, Governor Makinde independently choose Engr Joseph Tegbe over the incumbent Senator Lekan Balogun and foisted his will over the dictates of members of his party. He was also accused to assert severally that he has no political godfather and not reporting to any politician in Oyo State. Interestingly, Governor Makinde was reporting to Governor Wike in Rivers State.
He neglected core, indigenous and experienced PDP leaders in Oyo State and brought Governor Wike from Rivers State to inaugurate Oyo State projects and to lead his governorship campaigns.
Lack-Lustre Aides
In all the cabinet of Governor Seyi Makinde, one could not point to any of his commissioners who performed extraordinarily. All was done by Governor Makinde. In most cases, the names of his aides including commissioners are not known. Unlike most precious first ladies in Oyo State, his wife, Mrs Tamunominini Makinde didn’t quite have any tangible project ascribable to her.
Muslim Disposition
Having spent four years, many Muslim electorates believe it is the turn for a Muslim Governor in Oyo State. This disposition, it is believed by Muslims, that Sen. Teslim Folarin best represents this thought. Nevertheless, many civil servants are quite excited that regularly Governor Makinde pays their monthly salaries. Others feel satisfied with the level of infrastructure Makinde had been able to put in place. His gentlemanly postures are also attractive to many.
Despite his pluses, political pundits believe it will be a great task for Governor Seyi Makinde to survive the barrage of opposition and tsunami against him in the 2023 governorship election in Oyo State.
Things showing up for Teslim Folarin
Comparatively, especially after the Presidential election, the chances of the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate in Oyo State, Senator Teslim Folarin emerging as the next Governor seems to be getting brighter. Some factors seem to help this:
Political Hardwork
Loathe him or like him, give it to Folarin, he has worked well and hard for this contest, while many of his opponents were undecided and confused. He understands the contest and has approached it as a very knowledgeable and experienced politician. He gave the contest his all.
Payback Time
Sen. Teslim Folarin did serious political work for the President-elect, Sen. Bola Tinubu, the three senatorial seats in Oyo State which APC won and the house of representatives seats. Give it to Folarin. He is a budding party leader and he has cutting-edge answers to emerging political issues. Curiously, he was able to inherit political leaders who the late Abiola Ajimobi and Adebayo Alao-Akala worked with, and he galvanized and managed them well. Indeed, the new Oyo State senators and the house of representatives newly elected are indebted to Sen. Teslim Folarin’s hybrid political mastery and blending of Oyo Amala politics with tech-savvy inputs. Folarin was there for them. They have vowed to wallop the Governor Makinde machinery in the guber contest as payback for ‘Oga Tessy’.
Ladoja’s endorsement
How Sen. Teslim Folarin was able to secure this remains miraculous. It is a Mastercard. High Chief Rashidi Ladoja, former Oyo State Governor, is not a baby politician in Oyo State, by any standard. He endorsed and galvanized a coalition for the incumbent governor before he could emerge as Governor against a ruling party. Ladoja has cult-like political followership, die-hard adherents and networks throughout Oyo State. A group of Mogajis, Baales and Chiefs have attacked former Ambassador Arapaja who double as Governor Makinde installed Deputy National Chairman for speaking against Ladoja, the highly revered Otun Olubadan of Ibadan land. They categorically asserted that whatever Chief Ladoja has said represented the Olubadan in Council.
Ibadan Chief Factor
Sen. Teslim Folarin is also a top-ranking chief in Ibadanland. It is not unexpected that they would not abandon their very own. High Chief Ladoja categorically stated:’ vote for Tessy, forget anything bad you may have against him.
Religious Factor
Sen. Folarin has already worked with the grassroots and established himself as a true unrepentant Muslim. Whereas, political analysts believe Chief Bayo Adelabu didn’t know which religion to claim. Governor Makinde hurriedly added ‘Bashiru’ to his name. Meanwhile, the vast Muslim electorates had adopted consistent Folarin as the Muslim candidate.
Oyo state cannot be an opposition
Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s victory in February has gone to enhance Folarin ‘s chance in March as vast majority of the people do not imagine the State is under an opposition party as it was under Governor Makinde. People of the state want to be in the mainstream.
Image enhancement by Folarin
In days precedent to the election, Sen. Folarin engaged in several public interviews, debates and self-image marketing which sure worked on his behalf. Hitherto, the negative label was of a TKF, an illiterate, violence-loving, typical Amala politician from the Adedibu political dynasty who was just lucky in the political scenes. However, when he began to show forth his intellectual stuff, the negative label that he was not a sellable candidate went underground.
Adedibu political dynasty
Folarin was a leading member of the political dynasty of a late aristocratic power broker in Oyo State, Nigeria, Chief Lamidi Ariyibi Akanji Adedibu, the strong man of Ibadan politics, in their heydays. They didn’t abandon their very own, more so when Makinde betrayed PDP during the 2023 presidential election. Curiosity Adedibu ‘s PA, former Deputy Governor Gbolarunmi has taken up the fight against Seyi Makinde. Even the late Lamidi Adedibu’ widow, Chief Bose Adedibu, who also doubles as PDP Zonal Women Leader has been unusually quiet during the Guber campaigns. The PDP people’s support for Folarin, so massive, has made core APC conservative members so insecure of possible implosion in the Oyo State APC after the elections.
However, Sen. Folarin would still need the disgruntled APC members and leaders, especially those who have embraced other parties such as Accord Party (AP).
Idowu Ayodele, writes from Ibadan, Oyo state.
Opinion
NASS Pensioners: How Akpabio, Abbas Should Not Treat The Elderly
On Monday and Tuesday last week, workers and political operatives within the precincts of the new Senate building in the National Assembly complex, Abuja, were treated to a replica of the Theatre of the Absurd. This type of drama originated in Europe and later spread to America in the 1950s. It was influenced by existential philosophy and Albert Camus’s essay The Myth of Sisyphus.
In that work, Camus captured the fundamental human needs and compared the absurdity of man’s life with the situation a figure of Greek mythology, Sisyphus found himself, where he was condemned to repeat forever the task of pushing a boulder up a mountain, and repeatedly sees the same roll down the hill as he approaches the top.
He, thereafter, juxtaposed life’s absurdities with what he called the “unreasonable silence” of the universe to human needs and concluded that rather than adopt suicide, in frustration, “revolt” was required.
82-year-old Dr. Muhammed Adamu Fika, former Clerk to the National Assembly and former Chairman, of the National Assembly Service Commission (NASC), who calls himself the “smaller Adamu Fika,” must have come across the Camus essay in deciding to lead an emergency meeting of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries of the National Assembly on November 18. The emergency meeting, which was jointly held with members of the Association of Retired Staff of the National Assembly was meant to salvage the pathetic plights of the National Assembly retirees.
Eighty-two-year-old Fika can hardly gather the pace to navigate round the corners of the National Assembly, but he insisted on making the trip to enable him to preside over the meeting as the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries. As his retiree colleagues, many of whom are far younger, saw him struggling to walk the required distance from the Bola Ahmed Tinubu Library, originally fixed as venue to the new Senate building, they had to provide some shoulders to lean on. At one stage, an office chair was converted to a wheelchair to ensure the elderly Fika got to certain locations. It was a sad tale, especially if you look at the essence of Fika’s trip to the National Assembly. He was there to preside over a meeting to press home the need for the payment of the entitlements of National Assembly retirees. An alarm had earlier been sounded on the different Whatsapp platforms of the retired workers of the National Assembly to the effect their members were dying in numbers. It was revealed that no fewer than 20 retired workers had died awaiting the payment of their entitlements in the recent past. Another set of retirees numbering 12 were said to have been bedridden in different hospitals across the land. That alarm was more than enough to prompt Fika and his retiree colleagues to an emergency meeting. But the sight of an elderly man, fighting a just cause on an improvised wheelchair was more than absurd.
Payment of the entitlements got stalled after former President Muhammadu Buhari assented to the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023, which mandated the National Pensions Commission (PENCOM) to hand over assets of the staff of the National Assembly in its custody after the passage of the National Assembly pension law.
In the beginning, there were no signs that things would go south on the implementation of the Act. Three months after the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act came into effect, PENCOM had written the management to convey its decision to hand off the pension assets of the staff of the National Assembly, while requesting the National Assembly management to provide it with account details to remit the accrued funds. The 10th Senate and the House of Representatives also provided hope for the retirees by providing a take-off grant to the tune of N2.5 billion in the 2024 budget. However, the NASS management could not comply with the request from PENCOM because the Pensions Board had not been inaugurated. Months after months, the retirees waited. Those who were already enjoying their benefits when PENCOM was administering had the payments terminated, while the waiting game ensued.
In trying to fast-track the implementation of the Act, Fika, as the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Council of Retired Clerks and Secretaries had forwarded a letter to the President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, intimating them of the council’s recommendations for positions in the National Assembly Service Pensions Board.
Fika said in the letter, dated February 27, 2024, that “Considering the pathetic health conditions of our retired colleagues, Your Excellency will agree with me that the establishment of the National Assembly Pensions Board is overdue five (5) months after Mr. President’s assent.” He said that his letter was premised on the provisions of Sections 2 and 17(3) of the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023, which indicate that the presiding officers of the National Assembly shall make the appointments subject to recommendations of the Council of Clerks and Secretaries. But some persons are insinuating that the undue delay might have been instigated by two strange bedfellows-politics and money. Where the two are involved, simply things hardly follow a straight course. However, nothing justifies the nearly 20-month delay in inaugurating the Pensions Board.
At the end of the emergency meeting on Monday, further meetings were said to have been scheduled at the instance of the Senate President, Akpabio, his deputy, Jibril Barau and others but there were no conclusive steps, yet.
A communique released after the meeting indicated that the retirees observed that the National Assembly Service Pensions Board Act, 2023 went through full legislative process in the 9th National Assembly and was assented to by President Muhammad Buhari. It further noted that the delay in implementing the Act has caused undue and untold hardship to the retirees who are unable to access their retirement benefits, adding that while a number of the retired Staff have died, many others are bedridden due to sufferings occasioned by the non-payment of their entitlements.
According to the communique, the meeting decried the pains the retired staff have been subjected to and recalled that appropriate recommendations as per the composition of the Pensions Board have been made to the Presiding Officers of the National Assembly, in line with the enabling Act.
Opinion
The Fuji Music House Of Commotion
Like every lover of Yoruba traditional music, language and culture, I have of recent been inundated with requests to lend a voice to the newest raging fire in the Fuji music genre. Since the passage of Alhaji Sikiru Ayinde Balogun, popularly known as Ayinde Barrister or Agbajelola Barusati, there have been longstanding tiffs on whom of the trio of Ayinde Omogbolahan Anifowose, KWAM 1; self-named King Saheed Osupa (K.S.O.) and Wasiu Alabi Pasuma, was the “King.”
These musicians’ recent quest for supremacy is not new. From time immemorial, supremacy battles have been part and parcel of Yoruba music. Apparently now tempered by modernity, in the olden days, the battles were fought with traditional spells, incantations and talisman aimed at deconstructing and liquidating their rivals. Mostly fought on genre basis, I submit that pre and post-independence entertainment scene would have been livelier, far more robust than it was but for the acrimonious liquidating fights of those eras.
In the Sakara music, Abibu Oluwa, a revered early precursor of this Yoruba musical genre, who reigned in the late 1920s and 1930s, had Salami Alabi Balogun, popularly known as Lefty Salami, Baba Mukaila and Yusuff Olatunji as members of his band. Oluwa praise-sang many Lagos elites of his time, especially Herbert Macaulay to whom he sang his praise in the famous track named “Macaulay Macaulay.” In it, he sang the foremost Nigerian nationalist’s alias of Ejonigboro – Snake on the Street and prayed that he would not come to shame.
Sakara also produced the likes of S. Aka Baba Wahidi, Kelani Yesufu (alias Kelly). It was sung with traditional Yoruba instruments like the solemn-sounding goje violin whose history is traced to the north, and the roundish Sakara drum, beaten with stick and whose appearance is like that of a tambourine. Sakara music is often called the Yoruba variant of western blues music because of its brooding rhythm though laced with a high dosage of philosophy.
When Oluwa died in 1964, he literally handed over to Lefty who, born on October 1913, died December 29, 1981. Lefty, a talking drummer under Oluwa, churned out over 35 records before his demise, one of which was a tribute to Lagos monarch, Oba Adele (Adele l’awa nfe – Oba Adele is the king we want) and another to the Elegushi family. I dwelt considerably on Sakara because it is believed to have had considerable influence on other genres of traditional African Yoruba music, especially Apala and Fuji, with the former sometimes indistinguishable from Sakara.
Apala music, whose exponent is said to be Haruna Ishola, originated in the late 1930s Nigeria. Delivered with musical instruments like a rattle (Sekere) thumb piano, (agidigbo) drums called Iya Ilu and Omele, a bell (agogo) and two or three talking drums, Apala and Sakara are the most complex of these genres of traditional Yoruba music, due to their infusion of philosophy, incantations and dense Yoruba language into their mix. Distinct, older and more difficult in mastery than Fuji music which is considered to be comparatively easy to sing, Ayinla Omowura, Ligali Mukaiba, Kasumu Adio, and many others were Apala leading lights of the time. The three genres have very dense Islamic background.
The latest entrant of all the three genres is Fuji. Pioneered by Ayinde Barrister no doubt, for an Apala musician biographer like me, I am confused that Omowura, as far back as early 1970s, asked listeners in need of good Fuji music to come learn from him – “Fuji t’o dara, e wa ko l’owo egbe wa…” Sorry, I digressed.
While KWAM 1 emerged with his Talazo music from the ashes of his being a music instrument arranger for Barrister’s musical organization in the early 1980s, the feud in the house after Barrister’s death erupted when narratives allegedly oozed unto the musical scene that KWAM 1 referred to himself as the creator of Fuji music. He however promptly denied the claim. For decades, Osupa and Pasuma were locked in horns over supremacy of the Fuji music genre. In August 2023, the two however seemed to have decided to thaw their feud as they shared stage with Wasiu Ayinde, at Ahmad Alawiye Folawiyo, an Islamic singer’s 50th birthday celebration in Lagos. KWAM 1 glibly acted as their senior colleague at the event.
As an indication that they are no bastards of the teething and recurrent supremacy battles that emblemize traditional Yoruba music, the three Fuji music icons seem to have gone into the trenches again. It first started with Taiye Currency, an Ibadan-based alter-ego of Pasuma picking a fight with the musician who self-styled himself Son of Anobi Muhammed’s Wife. In a viral video, Currency had disclaimed reference to Pasuma as his “father” in the music industry. In another video not long after, KWAM 1, like some kind of father figure, was shown asking Currency to apologize to Pasuma.
A few days ago, a video of Osupa went viral. Therein, he was chastising a particular hypocrite he called “Onirikimo” and “alabosi”, who is “stingy and is ready to shamelessly collect money from those under him.” Osupa also claimed that this “shameless elder” had strung a ring of corn round his waist and should be ready to be made fun of by hens. Watchers of the endless tiffs among these Fuji icons swear that KWAM 1 was the unnamed Fuji musician Osupa was casting aspersion on.
The trio of Sakara, Apala and Fuji music also witnessed such petty squabbles. While many claim that the fights were promotional gambits aimed at having their fans salivate for their hate-laced musical attacks against one another, some others claim that the rivalries were genuine. In the Apala music scene, Haruna Ishola and Kasumu Adio fought each other to the nadir, with Adio, who sang almost in the same voice and cadence as Ishola, suddenly vamoosing from the musical scene. Rumours and speculations had it then that a mysterious goat bit Adio and rendered him useless. While Ayinla Omowura also fought Fatai Olowonyo, Fatai Ayilara, among others in the Apala genre, the duo of Yusuff Olatunji and S. Aka also feuded till their last days. This is not to mention the interminable fight between Kollington Ayinla and Barrister.
If the tiff between the trio of KWAM 1, Osupa and Pasuma is about age and Yoruba traditional respect for elders, KWAM 1 would easily go away with the trophy of the best of the three. However, if philosophical depth, musical elan, research of lyrics and deployment of Yoruba language are at issue, none of the other two musicians can unbuckle Osupa’s sandals. Osupa began his musical career in 1983 as a teenager and has gone through the mills, his late father being a musician, too and Awurebe music lord, Dauda Epo Akara’s musical contemporary.
Unlike their predecessors, the three Fuji musicians are literate and should thus address their musical issues in more mature manner. Osupa even recently bagged a degree from the department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. One thing they should know is that, whether one is supreme to the other or not, their fans will readily queue behind the brand that delights them.
Opinion
Almajiri: Why Northern Leaders Must Look Themselves in the Mirror
Two incidents happened during the 1994/95 NYSC service year, which I was part of in Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State, and they gave me profound culture shocks that I still remember till today. I would equally say that those incidents probably justified the Federal Government’s decision to float the scheme.
We were told that part of the reasons General Yakubu Gowon floated the NYSC was to ensure national integration, cohesion and exposure of young Nigerians to cultures of other parts of the country other than where they were born.
First was the shock of seeing a director that I was attached to in the then Government House, who had just taken a new wife, and sat among drivers, gate men and other junior staff to dine. I saw them seated round a huge iron pot of Koko, a local delicacy, exchanging one big spoon made of calabash, as each took turns to use the spoon to eat the delicacy. It was as if I was witnessing a scene where children of a big family were struggling to catch a portion of food or where people were eating Saara, as they say it in Yorubaland.
As I walked past the noisy crowd, I was transfixed seeing the newly-wedded director among the lot. He saw me standing still, as I couldn’t comprehend what he was doing there, and he got the message. ‘Taiyo, (as he used to call me) you won’t understand,’ he said as he waved to me to keep going. When we later saw, he explained that what he just did was a way of assuring the commoners that ‘we are all one,’ as they felicitated him on the new bride. But I could not fathom how the occupant of a ‘huge office’ as that of a director in a Government House , would sit among “commoners” on a tattered mat to share a single spoon and eat in public.
The other incident was quite pathetic. My friend, Tunde Omobuwa, was posted to a school in Yauri, in the southern part of the state, for his primary assignment. But he found the place boring on weekends. So, he arranged to always be with me on weekends.
One such weekend, we decided to take a stroll round the streets near the Government House. We took off from the place of my primary assignment, the Federal Information Centre; bought corn beside the office, and started ‘blowing’ the ‘mouth organ’ as we strolled. We were too engrossed in our gist and the sweetness of the corn to note that some young boys were trailing us, praying that some leftovers of the corn would drop for them to scavenge. Somehow, the two of us dropped the corn cob almost simultaneously. We were more than taken aback by a commotion that erupted at our back. Four eight or nine year-olds had descended on the supposed leftovers and broken the corn cobs into pieces. I was again transfixed as if one was hit by an electric shock. Remember that feeling when you play with electric fish?
I was moved to tears as I had never ever seen a group of children scavenging on nothing as it were. I beckoned to the kids and offered them N20, which was the highest denomination at the time, and with some smattering Hausa words told them to go buy their own corn from the same place we got ours. As they left, heading to the corn seller, I couldn’t erase that ugly sight from my mind. Was it really possible that some people scavenge on nothing this way? I was later to see incidents of children swarming around restaurants and pouncing on near empty plates.
These incidents told me clearly that the North was a different place and that the life of the boy child is not only risky and endangered but sold to stagnation and deprivation, unless you are one of the lucky few.
Having benefited from the free education policy of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) between 1979 and 1983, when the Second Republic was terminated, I knew that there is a lot the government can do in educating the children. In my secondary school days, I was the Library Prefect at one point, and so I saw an excess of books supplied by the government to our school. So, I was an example of the feasibility of free education. It was the same way the Action Group government had handled education in the years preceding Nigeria’s independence and the First Republic.
So why can’t the state governments in the North declare free and compulsory education for the young ones out there? Why should children be made to scavenge on empty corn cobs just to see if they can find pieces of seeds left over?
And why was my director giving drivers and gate men in the Government House false hope that they were all the same, instead of him to challenge them to seek to lift themselves up the social ladder?
I think there was no excuse for the North not to have adopted a free education policy, just as Chief Obafemi Awolowo did in the South-West. And if we say the North needs to look itself in the mirror, you again remember the efforts by President Goodluck Jonathan to educate the multitude of Northern children through the Almajiri Schools. That government built more than 400 of such schools, which were abandoned because it could upset the oligarchy. The oligarchs forgot the truism that the children of the poor they refuse to train today won’t let their children sleep peacefully.
But the governor of Borno State, Prof Babagana Zulum, appears to have got the message. Last week, I was thrilled to see him organise a summit to reform the Almajiri system.
The Almajiri education system is a traditional Islamic method of learning widely obtained across states in northern Nigeria. Through that system, which is tied to Islamic teaching, youths, especially boys are kept out of the formal western education system. I don’t know why the teachings by Islamic scholars cannot go alongside that of Western education as it obtains in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq and other Islamic countries that are doing well economically and in the world of science, technology.
While addressing the summit, Zulum had mentioned the need to address the root causes of insecurity through the provision of education for citizens of Borno, adding that improper teaching of Islamic studies has contributed to the emergence of Boko Haram insurgents in the state.
According to him, to curtail whatever is the adverse effect of Almajiri education; the Borno State Government has established the Arabic and Sangaya Education Board to introduce a unified curriculum for Sangaya and Islamic schools. He said that the reform would include establishing Higher Islamic Colleges to cater for Almajiri children and blending the religious teachings with the secular curricula as well as skills.
He said: “The Sangaya Reform is a great development. It will give Almajiri a better chance in life, particularly the introduction of integrating western education, vocational, numeracy, and literacy skills into the centres, which are also described as Almajiri and Islamic schools.
“Distinguished guests and esteemed educationists, government’s intention was to streamline the informal and formal education systems to quality integrated Sangaya School for admission into colleges and universities.”
One would have thought that governors with radical postures like Nasir el-Rufai and others before him would have proposed this type of reform, but it is better late than never. Zulum should be supported to get something out of this.
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