Opinion
Commodore Olawunmi and the maladies this time
An early morning inferno broke out in Circus Maximus, Rome on June 19, 64 A.D. It spread like bushfire through the ancient city. Emperor Nero Claudius Caesar’s reaction was immediate: he scapegoated Roman Christians of the time and inflicted a persecution scarcely heard of in Roman history on them. Highly chagrined by the nauseating no-holds-barred interview granted by Retired Commodore Kunle Olawunmi on Channels television last week which exposed its security underbelly, the current Nigerian government found the template of this Roman emperor, renowned for debaucheries and political murders, fascinating. It thereby went on a route similar to Nero’s, unleashing the Nigerian Broadcasting Commission, (NBC) its broadcasting regulatory Rottweilers, on the journalists who conducted the interview.
The Roman fire had wrecked a colossal havoc. In nine days, of the 14 districts in Rome, it totally destroyed three, severely destroying additional seven later. While this fire was raging, classical sources among Roman elite claimed to have sighted Nero, the most infamous among Roman emperors, who had recently acquired an obsession for music and the arts, sitting on his palace rooftop, attired in theatre apparel similar to a performer about to enter the stage. He was said to be reciting by rote a line from the Greek epic, The Sack of Ilium. This new passion of Nero’s for music must have given birth to the typecast that he fiddled as Rome burned. The emperor then ordered the brutal persecution of these scapegoats. While he decreed some of his victims to be attired in animal skins, preparatory to getting dogs to tear them into shreds and eat their flesh, for some others, he ordered that they be burnt alive at nighttime pyres.
Last Tuesday, the Nigerian fire got so very intense too. Unprecedented in the history of Nigeria, terrorists caught the self chest-thumping Nigerian security apparatchik literally in flagrante. In the early hours of that day, these murderous elements, unconscionably named bandits, matched their infidel feet on the country’s military university, the Nigerian Defence Academy, (NDA) Kaduna. By the time they were done, they had murdered two officers as if they were snuffing life out of gnats and abducted another big-epaulette soldier. A few other soldiers sustained serious gunshot injuries. Like itinerant Mullahs, the terrorists walked out of this highly prized, foremost military training institution, unscathed, into the dusk. This came at a time when the whole world, except this government and its palace courtiers, knows and is aghast that, regarding security and governance of the space called Nigeria, Aso Rock lacks a rudder.
Now, entered Commodore Kunle Olawunmi. Clinical, bold and unconventional, the retired military top-brass dissected the malady of governance and leadership afflicting Nigeria to its basest form in that interview. Very seldom saying anything that Nigerians didn’t know already, as a top officer-participant in the Nigerian security equation, his revelation prised the bottom off government’s can of cant and hypocrisy. If you had a modicum of respect and regards for government hitherto, that no-holds-barred interview defrosted them all. It seemed to solve a long-time jigsaw puzzle on the epidemic of violence, banditry and Boko Haram insurgency that has held on tight to Nigeria’s jugular. With the recent take-over of Kabul without a shot being fired by the Talibans and the suspected compromise of Afghan leaders in this roulette, permutations are rife that there is a mathematical permutation to get insurgents to take over Nigeria.
Many analysts have demonised Olawunmi. Typically, they even alleged that his anger at that interview was as a result of the systemic frustrations he encountered in the twilight of his stay in the military. He was unprofessional, they alleged and his revelations were similar to prattles of a chatter-box, unbecoming of a highly placed military officer of his hue. Having been entrusted with sensitive information, he shouldn’t have exposed those information in the glare of the public, they pursued further.
To me, these criticisms are unmindful of the precipice that Nigeria has been pushed to. It is gross irresponsibility to be conventional at a critical moment like this when it is obvious that those who hold the Nigerian steering wheel are bent on crashing the ship of state. Except for the Islamization agenda alleged by Olawunmi which may seem a bit off-tangent, there was nothing the retired Commodore volunteered in that interview that was not in the public domain about this government. Were we hearing for the first time that this is the most divisive government in the history of Nigeria? Was it new on us that we are trapped with an unrepentant nepotist leadership?
Even Olawunmi’s allegation of Islamization agenda may sound logical when viewed from the background of his revelation that security breach was committed every Friday at the NDA. Even a dimwit will know that, by the opening of doors weekly to Jumat prayers and the ease of penetration of the Officers’ Mess, that breach could not but happen. In this kind of equation, it is trite knowledge that spying on this key military institution as a precursor to planning the NDA-type attack was a fait accompli.
The NDA attack may have awoken Nigerians from their slumbers. Allegations that some governors, ministers and Senators sponsor both the Boko Haram insurgency and the banditry of the northwest are ten a dime on Nigerian streets. Ditto, information that the Nigerian intelligence community and the defense headquarters were aware that Bureau De Change operators were covert sponsors of the Nigerian daily blood spillage. It is in the public domain that, recently, the government of Dubai sent lists of these sponsors to the federal government. The veracity of Olawunmi’s claim that the DMI, DSS and Police intelligence know the sponsors too can be easily interrogated, as well as claim that the DSS possesses files of the sponsors.
Shouldn’t it be logical, judging by Isa Pantami’s romance with Islamic extremism, details of which are in the public domain, that “our brothers” in the forest have his sympathy? Olawunmi merely ignited Nigerians’ sense of disgust at a government that chose hesitancy in bringing these sponsors to judgment, at the expense of taking action. When you now imagine the cheetah speed with which this government is mowing down “dots in a circle” who have scarcely spilled a pint of blood and those who are merely calling for self-determination, Olawunmi’s frustration with the escalating Nigerian riddle will come into focus.
The NDA compromise just won’t jell. Under whose purview was such colossal disaster that befell the Nigerian military? Government’s reaction to it too was very tepid, too simplistic and petty. Or a combination of all. Its claim that the attack might have been a ploy by a God-knows-who to embarrass it is sickening and weak.
Presidential spokesperson, Garba Shehu, had said that government was looking at so many scenarios. “Could this be truly a criminal attempt to violate the sanctity of that military institution? Was this an opportunistic crime? Is it political? Does somebody want to embarrass the government by doing this?” He then went on a needless voyage to recount what he called the string of victories achieved by the government: “Look at how Boko Haram is unravelling in the north; they surrendered. All of the victories that have been recorded even in the north-west — these bandits are being taken out in large numbers. So, in a climate — political climate — in which people seek to make political capital out of this unfortunate incident, you don’t rule in anything, you don’t rule out anything.”
What makes the above claim worthless is that sensible governments all over the world don’t talk like a sissy as this; they act. While it is in the province of malefactors to embarrass governments, the government’s job is to make life miserable for them. Did you hear President Joe Biden after last week’s Kabul blasts where 13 American soldiers were killed? Biden had said, not through any proxy going by the name, “presidency” as we have in Nigeria: “To those who carried out this attack, as well as anyone who wishes America harm, know this: We will not forgive. We will not forget. We will hunt you down and make you pay. I will defend our interests and our people with every measure at my command.”
Terrorists killed soldiers fighting your war and all the president did was to convey his disgust through a voluble character. Nigeria has an infamous policy of granting amnesty to insurgents who kill its people at will, without regard for the philosophy behind forgiveness. In this regard, we shouldn’t be surprised at the bedlam Nigeria has become.
The global concept of amnesty is very ancient. Its principle was taken from the ancient Greek literature, Odyssey written by the great philosopher, Homer. Homer, author of the Iliad as well, had written, “Let them swear to a solemn covenant, while we cause the others to forgive and forget the massacre of their sons and brothers. Let them then all become friends as heretofore, and let peace and plenty reign.” The concept of amnesty was reinforced by Carl Schmitt, a German lawyer, who argued that a war against everyone was a civil war and “even the cold war turns to civil war” without amnesty. Without amnesty, he said, non-forgiveness becomes a vicious circle of self-righteousness and revenge. Still on the foundation of amnesty, Algerian philosopher, Jacques Derida, said it can only be measured against the fact that “forgiveness, if there is such a thing, measures itself.”
Predicated on the ethics of forgetting and what is called “the politics of a rejected memory,” amnesty is reconciliation and imposes “silence on the memory of the unforgettable.” In other words, the one granting amnesty and the amnestied, though the infraction of the latter is normally unforgivable, must take an oath to make a clean break from their memory of the past.
From the first recorded amnesty in history which happened in Athens in 403 BC, to the pardon of war criminals of the World War II, people who worked as spies, soldiers, politicians, guards etc, amnesty is the banning of recalling of a certain misfortune. As said above, a major essential of amnesty is that both parties freeze the memory of the crime but with a proviso of non-occurrence of the act.
No doubt due to the confusion of the acts of the two criminal groups that have attacked the Nigerian state – Boko Haram and Niger Delta militants – this government has sought to follow the Umaru Yar’Adua route by granting amnesty to insurgents. In 2016, through the Defence Headquarters, government inaugurated what it called Operation Safe Corridor, (OSC) a counter-insurgency approach to rehabilitate what is called “low-risk repentant Boko Haram fighters” so as to reintegrate them into society. It comes with vocational training, de-radicalization and civic programmes. Two years ago, government claimed to have rehabilitated 893 ex-Boko Haram members with the Nigerian Identity Management Commission registering about 900 of them as citizens of Nigeria.
The truth however is that, Amnesty should not be a government-militants, two way without a third wave of victims’ involvement. In Nigeria, insurgents’ atrocity is still fresh in the minds of the victims. This freshness elicits stiff opposition to granting amnesty to those who killed their children, parents and consigned them to IDP camps. More instructively, the forgetting that this government forcefully midwives is apparently linear; on government’s side alone, without reckoning with the forgetting of the amnestied. Have the killers of yesterday renounced their atrocities? Have they taken the oath to forget? Have they forgotten their deeds indeed?
Apart from the tragedy of the NDA attack, last week also brought the tragic quality of government’s interface with the public by Aso Rock to the fore. No matter his personal imperfections, Samuel Ortom of Benue State represents the undisguised antagonism of the people of Benue to this government’s eerie silence to the spate of killings in Benue, alleged to be handiwork of armed Fulani herders. In response to the Benue people’s umbrage, Nigeria’s presidency willingly took a shuttle to the sewage.
Alleging that Ortom was engaged in “promotion of ethno-religious politics and divisive utterances,” and “sectarianism and ethnicity,” government walked on a predictable route that has become a convenient path to tread by ethnic warlords masquerading as governments. These are people whose governmental style does not represent what they verbalize. This is “the Rwandan genocide.” In the release, shamelessly, the presidency tacitly underscored its Acheulean grazing route while excoriating what it labeled “so-called” Benue’s own Ranches Establishment Law. It abused Ortom for this law which it said was “intended to withhold rights and freedoms from one ethnic group alone, whilst inciting race hatred against them, amongst all others.’’ Purely self-serving and nonsensical!
It is a dramatic irony that this government would label anyone an ethnic canvasser and their defence of their people “a copy of the language of Hutu Power.” What is the difference between the president’s labeling of Igbo people “dot in a circle” and Hutu’s profiling of Tutsi as “cockroaches,” preparatory to their genocidal rout? Just after that dot labeling, Imo and the east in general have witnessed killings the figure of which seeks to shake hands with the Rwandan genocide casualty. Aso Rock’s obsessive impunity has activated that narrative of some felon dipping the Quran in the sea. It is what is burning Nigeria. The killings of the last 6 years are about rivaling the figure of the Nigerian civil war and they can be linked to promotion of the narrative of a Fulani ethnic ascendancy, just like in Rwanda.
As much as we can blame Retired Commodore Olawunmi for violating the oath of secrecy he swore to as an officer, we must realize that this is a season of anomie and not a time to acquiesce to or be rigid to observance of any ancient norms of engagement. The man dies in him who keeps silent in the face of the brand of tyranny that confronts us in Nigeria today. We needed an Olawunmi kind of engagement to ensure our sanity and to be sure we are all on the same page about these locusts among us. I agree with him that this is the worst government in the history of Nigeria but Nigeria is greater than the runners of this government. We should endure this insanity. As interminable as the remaining two years look, before we wake up, the years will soon evaporate into nothingness. What we have endured is not up to what is left. Nigerians are the ones who must be resolved not to allow this affliction to rise a second time.
Dr. Adedayo writes from Ibadan
Two incidents happened during the 1994/95 NYSC service year, which I was part of in Birnin-Kebbi, Kebbi State, and they gave me profound culture shocks that I still remember till today. I would equally say that those incidents probably justified the Federal Government’s decision to float the scheme.
We were told that part of the reasons General Yakubu Gowon floated the NYSC was to ensure national integration, cohesion and exposure of young Nigerians to cultures of other parts of the country other than where they were born.
First was the shock of seeing a director that I was attached to in the then Government House, who had just taken a new wife, and sat among drivers, gate men and other junior staff to dine. I saw them seated round a huge iron pot of Koko, a local delicacy, exchanging one big spoon made of calabash, as each took turns to use the spoon to eat the delicacy. It was as if I was witnessing a scene where children of a big family were struggling to catch a portion of food or where people were eating Saara, as they say it in Yorubaland.
As I walked past the noisy crowd, I was transfixed seeing the newly-wedded director among the lot. He saw me standing still, as I couldn’t comprehend what he was doing there, and he got the message. ‘Taiyo, (as he used to call me) you won’t understand,’ he said as he waved to me to keep going. When we later saw, he explained that what he just did was a way of assuring the commoners that ‘we are all one,’ as they felicitated him on the new bride. But I could not fathom how the occupant of a ‘huge office’ as that of a director in a Government House , would sit among “commoners” on a tattered mat to share a single spoon and eat in public.
The other incident was quite pathetic. My friend, Tunde Omobuwa, was posted to a school in Yauri, in the southern part of the state, for his primary assignment. But he found the place boring on weekends. So, he arranged to always be with me on weekends.
One such weekend, we decided to take a stroll round the streets near the Government House. We took off from the place of my primary assignment, the Federal Information Centre; bought corn beside the office, and started ‘blowing’ the ‘mouth organ’ as we strolled. We were too engrossed in our gist and the sweetness of the corn to note that some young boys were trailing us, praying that some leftovers of the corn would drop for them to scavenge. Somehow, the two of us dropped the corn cob almost simultaneously. We were more than taken aback by a commotion that erupted at our back. Four eight or nine year-olds had descended on the supposed leftovers and broken the corn cobs into pieces. I was again transfixed as if one was hit by an electric shock. Remember that feeling when you play with electric fish?
I was moved to tears as I had never ever seen a group of children scavenging on nothing as it were. I beckoned to the kids and offered them N20, which was the highest denomination at the time, and with some smattering Hausa words told them to go buy their own corn from the same place we got ours. As they left, heading to the corn seller, I couldn’t erase that ugly sight from my mind. Was it really possible that some people scavenge on nothing this way? I was later to see incidents of children swarming around restaurants and pouncing on near empty plates.
These incidents told me clearly that the North was a different place and that the life of the boy child is not only risky and endangered but sold to stagnation and deprivation, unless you are one of the lucky few.
Having benefited from the free education policy of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) between 1979 and 1983, when the Second Republic was terminated, I knew that there is a lot the government can do in educating the children. In my secondary school days, I was the Library Prefect at one point, and so I saw an excess of books supplied by the government to our school. So, I was an example of the feasibility of free education. It was the same way the Action Group government had handled education in the years preceding Nigeria’s independence and the First Republic.
So why can’t the state governments in the North declare free and compulsory education for the young ones out there? Why should children be made to scavenge on empty corn cobs just to see if they can find pieces of seeds left over?
And why was my director giving drivers and gate men in the Government House false hope that they were all the same, instead of him to challenge them to seek to lift themselves up the social ladder?
I think there was no excuse for the North not to have adopted a free education policy, just as Chief Obafemi Awolowo did in the South-West. And if we say the North needs to look itself in the mirror, you again remember the efforts by President Goodluck Jonathan to educate the multitude of Northern children through the Almajiri Schools. That government built more than 400 of such schools, which were abandoned because it could upset the oligarchy. The oligarchs forgot the truism that the children of the poor they refuse to train today won’t let their children sleep peacefully.
But the governor of Borno State, Prof Babagana Zulum, appears to have got the message. Last week, I was thrilled to see him organise a summit to reform the Almajiri system.
The Almajiri education system is a traditional Islamic method of learning widely obtained across states in northern Nigeria. Through that system, which is tied to Islamic teaching, youths, especially boys are kept out of the formal western education system. I don’t know why the teachings by Islamic scholars cannot go alongside that of Western education as it obtains in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq and other Islamic countries that are doing well economically and in the world of science, technology.
While addressing the summit, Zulum had mentioned the need to address the root causes of insecurity through the provision of education for citizens of Borno, adding that improper teaching of Islamic studies has contributed to the emergence of Boko Haram insurgents in the state.
According to him, to curtail whatever is the adverse effect of Almajiri education; the Borno State Government has established the Arabic and Sangaya Education Board to introduce a unified curriculum for Sangaya and Islamic schools. He said that the reform would include establishing Higher Islamic Colleges to cater for Almajiri children and blending the religious teachings with the secular curricula as well as skills.
He said: “The Sangaya Reform is a great development. It will give Almajiri a better chance in life, particularly the introduction of integrating western education, vocational, numeracy, and literacy skills into the centres, which are also described as Almajiri and Islamic schools.
“Distinguished guests and esteemed educationists, government’s intention was to streamline the informal and formal education systems to quality integrated Sangaya School for admission into colleges and universities.”
One would have thought that governors with radical postures like Nasir el-Rufai and others before him would have proposed this type of reform, but it is better late than never. Zulum should be supported to get something out of this.
Nigeria stands as a paradox, endowed with immense natural wealth yet grappling with staggering poverty levels among its populace. The country is blessed with an abundance of resources, including diverse agricultural products, vast oil reserves, and a burgeoning tourism and entertainment industry, all of which hold immense potential for national prosperity. Despite this richness, many Nigerians endure dire economic conditions, raising questions about the effective management and equitable distribution of wealth generated from these resources.
The agricultural sector in Nigeria is a significant contributor to both the economy and food security. With favourable climatic conditions and arable land, Nigeria has the potential to become an important player in global agriculture. However, inefficiencies in farming techniques, lack of access to modern equipment, inadequate infrastructure, and insecurity impede growth, leaving many farmers in subsistence conditions. By addressing these challenges, Nigeria could harness its agricultural wealth to reduce poverty and strengthen its economy.
Similarly, oil and gas remain at the forefront of Nigeria’s natural resources, providing a substantial share of government revenue. Unfortunately, the oil riches have also been a source of conflict and corruption, leading to environmental degradation and social unrest in oil-producing regions. Although the sector can foster economic growth, the mismanagement of resources has prevented the country from fully benefiting from its wealth. Furthermore, the fluctuating oil prices on the global market create vulnerability, emphasizing the need for economic diversification.
The entertainment industry, particularly Nollywood, represents another facet of Nigeria’s wealth. This sector showcases rich cultural heritage, offers employment opportunities, and generates income. Despite its success, it has not yet been leveraged to bring about far-reaching economic change across the country. Without addressing existing systemic challenges, Nigeria’s abundant resources might continue to dance precariously on the edge of opportunity, further complicating the narrative of its natural wealth.
Leadership Challenges and Political Corruption
Significant leadership issues and pervasive political corruption have plagued Nigeria’s history. Since gaining independence in 1960, the nation has witnessed a succession of leaders, many of whom have failed to prioritize the welfare of their citizens. Ineffective governance has not only hampered Nigeria’s growth but has also led to a persistent cycle of political instability. This crisis of leadership has contributed significantly to the erosion of public trust in governmental institutions, weakening the social fabric of the country.
The impact of political corruption is deeply entrenched in Nigeria’s socio-economic landscape. Corruption permeates various layers of governance, leading to the misallocation of resources intended for public welfare. Essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure development suffer as funds are diverted for personal gain. The consequences of such malfeasance are evident in the rise of poverty rates, inadequate healthcare systems, and a significant lack of access to quality education. Consequently, these socio-economic challenges create a vicious cycle that further exacerbates the leadership crisis.
Historically, Nigeria has experienced a range of leadership styles, from military rule to civilian governments, yet the recurring theme remains the same: a failure to eradicate corrupt practices. Each new leadership regime often promises reform and better governance, but these assurances rarely translate into meaningful change. The lessons from past experiences underscore the importance of accountability and transparency in rebuilding trust between the government and the populace. As the nation grapples with its leadership crisis, the intersection of governance and corruption demands critical attention to chart a new course towards sustainable development and empowerment.
The Hardships Under the Current Administration
The current administration of Nigeria, under President Bola Tinubu, has ushered in an array of policies that have sparked significant public discourse due to their profound impact on the lives of ordinary Nigerians. Notably, the removal of fuel subsidies has been a pivotal move that has reverberated through the economy, leading to steep increases in fuel prices. This sudden change has not only made transportation costs soar but has also led to a ripple effect, dramatically affecting the prices of basic goods and services. Citizens are now grappling with the daily realities of inflated living costs, often on already strained budgets.
Furthermore, the naira floating, aimed at addressing exchange rate discrepancies, has instead resulted in further devaluation. The naira’s instability has posed challenges for local businesses and individual consumers, making it increasingly difficult to afford essential products. This monetary policy highlights the delicate balancing act required in governance, reflecting the complexity of addressing economic issues while ensuring the welfare of the populace. Many Nigerians report feelings of uncertainty and anxiety regarding their financial futures, emphasizing a general sentiment of disillusionment with the direction of government policy under the Tinubu administration.
A Path Forward: Hope or Despair?
Nigeria’s current circumstances present a dichotomy of hope and despair. Despite the numerous challenges confronting the country, including political instability, economic hardships, and social unrest, there is a glimmer of hope that reform is possible through concerted efforts by the populace and leadership. As the country reaches a crossroads, systemic reforms have the potential to catalyze change. These reforms must prioritize institutional strengthening, increase transparency, and promote inclusive and sustainable economic growth.
Public participation is critical in this endeavour. Citizens must reclaim their agency by actively participating in democratic processes, advocating for accountability from their leaders, and demanding that their voices be heard. Civic education should be promoted to ensure that the electorate is informed and empowered to make decisions that affect their future. Furthermore, civil society organizations can play a pivotal role in mobilizing resources and providing platforms for dialogue, where citizens can articulate their needs and aspirations.
Accountability from leadership is another cornerstone for progress in Nigeria. As the people seek a path forward, leaders must prioritize the needs of their constituents over personal interests. Regular assessments of governmental performance, transparency in budgeting and spending, and anti-corruption measures can help to restore public trust. Leaders who demonstrate commitment to these principles may inspire hope and foster collective action aimed at the common good.
Ultimately, the question remains: Who holds the key to Nigeria’s promised future? The answer lies within the collaboration between the government and its citizens, whereby both parties work towards common objectives. The road to prosperity for Nigeria is not easy, but through systemic reforms, public engagement, and accountability, there exists an opportunity to transform hope into reality, steering the nation towards a brighter tomorrow.
Mimiola, an Award-Winning journalist, sent in this piece.
The Presidency addressed several issues last Wednesday as the Special Adviser to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on Information and Strategy, Mr. Bayo Onanuga picked the microphone to give perspectives to certain developments. One of the issues he addressed was the lingering feud between the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) and Dangote Refineries Limited.
Onanuga said that President Tinubu would not intervene in the feud because the two entities “operate independently in a deregulated market.”
According to Onanuga, the Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) field has been deregulated, just as Dangote is a private company. The NNPCL is a limited liability company, he said. In the loaded statement, the presidential adviser was hinting Nigerians why the President cannot dabble into the huge but confusing feud between Dangote Refineries and NNPCL, over the pricing of petroleum products in the country.
The presidential adviser and Nigerians are not oblivious to the implications of his statement. First, a lot of hope had been invested in the Dangote Refineries by Nigerians, who had concluded that its coming on stream would yield them cheaper fuel and help end the perennial fuel scarcity that kept the pumps at the filling stations dry for most of the months. But as the refinery was about to fag off its full operations, officials of the refinery, the NNPC and its subsidiaries started singing some music with disparaging tunes. Accusations upon accusations were rampaging in the air, while some name calling and tagging were being spread openly and under the table. It became obvious that elements in the administration of President Tinubu were opposed to the operation of the local refinery. Such insinuations must have prompted the President of Dangote Group, Alhaji Aliko Dangote to speak out in some tones not easily attributable to him hitherto. He alleged that officials of the NNPC were running a blending plant in Malta, where fuel is imported into Nigeria. He equally offered to hand off the Lagos-based refinery if the government would buy him out.
As tension rose, between Dangote and NNPCL, the corporation was having the last laugh, as it chose the same time to unleash some violent strokes of koboko whips on the back of the Nigerian citizen. It galloped fuel prices at will and at the same time locked the products away from their reach. Queues got unwinding at filling stations and the agony was unending. The hunger and thirst for Dangote fuel grew, but the NNPC chose to remain the stumbling block. I guess that the cries of Nigerian citizens at one point got across the Aso Rock Villa, in Abuja and the presidency had to order a temporary ceasefire. NNPCL was directed to create avenues for the supply of crude oil to Dangote in Naira while the refinery too was to agree to a pricing model to be fashioned by the Federal Executive Council. Even at that, the two combatants have continued to throw jabs at each other, especially over what should constitute the exact price of Dangote petrol. While Dangote had claimed that fuel from its refineries would be far cheaper than imported ones, the NNPC had given a conflicting indication. The NNPC/Dangote tango has been a ding-dong and a topsy-turvy affair.
That was the situation as the October 1 date fixed for the start of crude supply to Dangote draws close. And Mr. Onanuga was speaking against that backdrop. If that stands, it would amount to classifying Tinubu in the mould of the biblical Pontius Pilate, as seen in the book of John 18:37-49 and 19:1-19. In that biblical encounter, leading to the final crucifixion of Jesus Christ, the Jews had brought Jesus to Pilate’s court for an indictment that would enable them to crucify him. Pilate asked questions of Jesus and even though Jesus answered in the spirit, the judge was still able to conclude that he found no fault in Jesus. And that was despite the mounting pressure from the multitude of Jews, seeking to crucify Jesus.
As we read in John 19:6; “When the chief priests therefore and officers saw him, they cried out, saying, Crucify him, Crucify him. Pilate saith unto them, Take ye him, and crucify him: for I find no fault in him.”
I believe that President Tinubu should not throw Nigerians at the NNPC, like sheep to wolves. If the declaration of his office is allowed to stand, he would be doing otherwise. To play the Pilate in this needless NNPCL and Dangote feud, he would have endorsed all the punishment his compatriots are suffering at the hands of the NNPCL. He would have said, even though I found no merit in the push to whip the population, I leave you to crucify them’ That would tell us that the President is not only shirking his responsibility as the Minister of Petroleum but also his overriding power as the President and Commander-in-chief.
Much as the officials of the NNPCL and other subsidiaries owned by the Nigerian people want to play the master by believing that they are independent limited liability companies, we will be hiding behind one finger if we believe any inch of that claim. And besides, which limited liability company would not be accountable to its shareholders or the chairman of its board?
If we don’t want to use agidi to light a gas cylinder, we have to agree that the matter of fuel supply in Nigeria is a basic unmistakable assignment President Tinubu must handle for his employers-the Nigerian people. He must be in a position to find answers to the puzzles. Why is fuel supply such a pain in the neck under his administration so far? Why is the locally imported fuel threatening to get more expensive under the watch of the NNPC he supervises? And why is the same NNPC seeking to suffer headaches for another person? When will NNPC’s refineries come alive after the several deadlines?
President Tinubu needs to intervene decisively too, by helping his employers find solutions to the endless hike in fuel prices, and why citizens of other oil-producing countries derive benefits from oil while the Nigerian situation is perpetually in the negative. The Daily Trust on September 23, published a report by Global Petrol Prices, a platform that tracks petrol prices across various countries, which claimed that four countries in Africa sell fuel cheaper than Nigeria. They include Libya which sells at $0.032 (approximately N52/litre), Egypt ($0.279), Algeria($0.342) and Angola, another oil-producing country, at $0.351 per litre.
Besides the above, Tribune columnist and renowned writer, Professor Farook Kperogi quoted data by some oil industry experts who claimed that the landing cost of imported petrol in Nigeria should stand at N1,107 per litre and that several cost components are not inclusive of locally imported fuel.
According to him, when such cost components are removed, Dangote’s fuel should not sell higher than N518.35 per litre. Indeed, investigations have revealed that Dangote fuel costs far cheaper than the amount quoted by him and the NNPC. You could see the fire in the eyes of the spokesperson of Dangote when he refuted the claim that NNPC got fuel at N890 per litre from the refinery.
President Tinubu should not play the ostrich, he cannot afford to play the Pontius Pilate in this case, if he wants a reversal of the oil curse in his tenure.
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