National Issues
Southern Kaduna Crisis: An Ethno religious Struggle Rooted in History.
THE reported bloodshed in Southern Kaduna over the last few weeks has been profound enough to break the sinews of the most heartless soul. Needless to say that such bloody siege in this ethnocultural bloc of Kaduna State has been a ubiquitous theme over the years.
Rather more melodramatic in this latest ethnoreligious conflagration, is the colouration of religious persecution and campaign of calumny as alleged by the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and the Association of Imams in the State. That nonetheless, does not still desensitize the grim fact the brunt was largely borne by Christian dominated settlements.
President Buhari as well has come under severe criticism for his seeming apathy over what has been described as a meticulously perpetrated genocide. Social networks in their usually uncensored fashion, have been awash with the Kaduna tales of horror gravitating towards biblical prophecies and political ploys aimed at Islamizing Nigeria.
Even as a bystander, one is almost tempted to take sides considering the partisan cum inflammatory antecedent of such clashes in the past. For the sake of posterity and the dire need to stem the frequency at which such ritual rear its ugly head, it behooves our collective bunch to prod deeper into the institutional malaise behind the ethnic minority tension in Southern Kaduna.
Chronicling the history of what is today known as Kaduna State brings to mind, the old Zazzau Emirate Province.
The Muhammadan Hausa-Fulani group constitutes the major cultural segment and occupies the Northern part of the province. While the other ethnocultural bloc occupying the Southern half of the province was still punctuated by few Hausa walled villages and enclaves, it was often derogatorily described as being comprised of a pagan population. The imbalance in their demographic spread was further aggravated by the feudal system of political governance in the Emirate.
The Lord and vassal relationship, unfavorably skewed against the politically inferior ‘pagan population’ made them legitimate target for slave-raiding and exaction of tribute. The prejudice shown towards the Southern Kaduna made the pagan population particularly receptive to Christianity when it was introduced by early Missionaries.
With an entrenched socio-political and religious cleavage, the tone was set for ensuing frictions when the Kaje ethnic group protested over perceived discrimination by the Native Authority administration in 1948. Prequel to the 1976 Local Government Reforms, claims of deliberate marginalisation raised by frontliners from Southern Kaduna often fuelled resentment among locals. Hausa traders sparked a riot in 1980 after laying sudden claims to Adara land in Kasuwan Magan, Kajuru Local Government.
In 1986, power mongers blamed the Kurama for daring to oppose the candidature of a prominent Bakurmi Muslim who contested for the district headship of Lere District.
Attacks by the Muslim Students Society against students of the College of Education in 1987 elicited the widespread Kafanchan riots, leading to wanton destruction of lives and properties. The SUG election won by a Christian student at the Ahmadu Bello University in 1988 stirred reprisal attacks from some Muslim students, leading to ethnoreligious riots as well. The Kaduna House of Assembly in 2000, arbitrarily proceeded to debate the imposition of Sharia in Kaduna State which eventually led to large scale riots not only in Kaduna but also in several Northern States.
Space would really not permit an exhaustive citation of the litany of misundertanding that has engulfed this ethnoreligious fabric reminiscent of the defunct Yugoslavia.
So how effective has been the regulatory responses of the Government to the series of crisis in this region? In retrospect, one can say that the series of White Paper Reports submitted by committees set up to identify the immediate and remote causes of some of these crisis, have failed to correct the inherent anomalies among rival ethnic groups. Against this backdrop, the onus is on the Buhari-led government to explore new policy options that deviates from what was obtained in the past.
It is equally imperative for lawmakers in the State to work towards the creation of more local governments and chiefdoms in volatile areas occupied by both Hausa-Fulanis’ and other tribes.
With respect to helping the psyche of most Nigerians, President Buhari needs to be more proactive in his response to issues that reverberates on the consciousness of the average Nigerian. His seemingly lackadaisical reaction sent the wrong signals and has heightened public scepticism concerning his ethnoreligious insularity. Following the general elections in 2015, this writer argued that President Buhari ought to have embarked on a nation-wide tour with emphasis on those areas where he was less popular.
By so doing, he would have worked on the minds of those who were sorely aggrieved with the ouster of the PDP and ex-President Jonathan. Beyond appealing as a jamboree, it would have also doused the misgiving which eventually fuelled the renewed struggle for a sovereign State of Biafra and militancy in the Niger Delta.
Keeping over 250 nations in one enclave is as delicate as reading the white lines in a marble column.
By Kadiri Tolani.
The Nigerian government spent a staggering $3.58 billion on servicing foreign debt within the first nine months of 2024, marking a significant 39.77% increase compared to the $2.56 billion expended over the same period in 2023.
This data, drawn from a recent report on international payment statistics by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), reflects a concerning rise in the country’s foreign debt obligations amid depreciating currency values.
According to the report, the most substantial monthly debt servicing payment occurred in May 2024, totaling $854.37 million. This is a substantial 286.52% increase from May 2023’s $221.05 million.
Meanwhile, the highest monthly payment for 2023 was $641.7 million in July, underscoring the trend of Nigeria’s escalating debt costs.
Detailed analysis of monthly payments further illuminates the trend.
In January 2024, debt servicing costs surged by 398.89%, reaching $560.52 million, a significant rise from $112.35 million in January 2023. However, February saw a modest reduction of 1.84%, with costs decreasing from $288.54 million in 2023 to $283.22 million in 2024. March also recorded a decline of 31.04%, down to $276.17 million from $400.47 million the previous year.
Additional fluctuations in debt payments continued throughout the year, with June witnessing a slight decrease of 6.51% to $50.82 million from $54.36 million in 2023. July 2024 payments dropped by 15.48%, while August showed a 9.69% decline compared to 2023. September, however, reversed the trend with a 17.49% increase, highlighting persistent pressure on foreign debt obligations.
With the rise in exchange rates exacerbating these financial strains, Nigeria’s foreign debt servicing costs are projected to remain elevated.
The central bank’s data highlights how these obligations are stretching national resources as the naira’s devaluation continues to impact debt repayment in dollar terms.
Rising State Debt Levels Add Pressure
The federal government’s debt challenges are mirrored by state governments, whose collective debt rose to N11.47 trillion by June 30, 2024.
Despite allocations from the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC) and internally generated revenue (IGR), states remain heavily reliant on federal transfers to meet budgetary demands.
According to the Debt Management Office (DMO), the debt burden for Nigeria’s 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) rose by 14.57% from N10.01 trillion in December 2023.
In naira terms, debt rose by 73.46%, from N4.15 trillion to N7.2 trillion, primarily due to the naira’s depreciation from N899.39 to N1,470.19 per dollar within six months. External debt for states and the FCT also increased from $4.61 billion to $4.89 billion during this period.
Further data from BudgIT’s 2024 State of States report illustrates how reliant states are on federal support. The report revealed that 32 states depended on FAAC allocations for at least 55% of their revenue in 2023.
In fact, 14 states relied on FAAC for 70% or more of their revenue. This heavy dependence on federal transfers underscores the vulnerability of states to fluctuations in federal revenue, particularly those tied to oil prices.
The economic challenges facing both the federal and state governments are stark. The combination of mounting foreign debt, fluctuating exchange rates, and high reliance on federally distributed revenue suggests a need for fiscal reforms to bolster revenue generation and reduce vulnerability to external shocks.
With foreign debt obligations continuing to grow, the report emphasizes the urgency for Nigeria to address its debt sustainability to foster long-term economic stability.
Engr. Aderemi Oseni, representing Ibarapa East/Ido Federal Constituency of Oyo State in the House of Representatives, has called for a prompt investigation into the increasing occurrences of building collapses in major cities across Nigeria.
In a motion presented to the House on Wednesday, Oseni expressed deep concern over the alarming frequency of building collapses, emphasising the threat they pose to the lives and property of Nigerians.
The APC lawmaker, through a statement by his media aide, Idowu Ayodele, cited the recent collapse of a two-storey school building at Saint Academy in Busa Buji, Jos, Plateau State, on July 12, 2024. The tragic incident, which trapped 154 people and claimed 22 lives, is the latest in a series of similar disasters, raising serious concerns nationwide.
Oseni also referenced a report from The Punch newspaper, which revealed that Nigeria had recorded 135 building collapse incidents between 2022 and July 2024.
“This figure is alarming and unacceptable,” he stated, stressing the urgency of preventing further occurrences.
The Chairman of the House Committee on Federal Roads Maintenance Agency (FERMA), Oseni reminded the House that the Council for the Regulation of Engineering in Nigeria (COREN) and other relevant professional bodies are responsible for ensuring compliance with building standards and practices.
“Despite these regulatory frameworks, the recurring collapses suggest that enforcement is lacking. The loss of lives, properties, and resources is staggering, and this disturbing trend must be addressed immediately,” he remarked.
He proposed the formation of an Adhoc Committee to investigate the underlying causes of these collapses and recommend both immediate and long-term solutions.
Also, he urged the House Committee on Legislative Compliance to ensure swift implementation of any recommendations.
The House agreed to deliberate on the motion and is expected to present its findings and proposed actions within eight weeks.
The Vice-chairman of the Oyo Council of Obas and Chiefs, Oba Francis Olusola Alao, has expressed deep concern over the increasing involvement of religious leaders in material pursuits, accusing them of abandoning their spiritual duties in favour of wealth and influence.
Oba Alao, who is also the Olugbon of Orile Igbon, made this statement during a visit from the leadership of the Cherubim and Seraphim Church Movement “Ayo Ni O,” led by Baba Aladura Prophet Emmanuel Abiodun Alogbo, at his palace in Surulere Local Government on Thursday.
The monarch accused some religious leaders of sharing part of the blame for the moral and political crises that have engulfed the nation. According to him, spiritual leaders, once seen as the moral compass of society, have become compromised by corruption, aligning themselves with the very forces they should condemn.
Oba Alao was unapologetic in his criticism, stating, “Ninety-five percent of Nigerian leaders, both political and religious, are spiritually compromised.”
He argued that this moral decay among clerics has made it impossible for them to hold political leaders accountable or speak the truth to those in power, as their integrity has been eroded by their pursuit of material wealth.
“Carnality has taken over spirituality. Our religious leaders can no longer speak the truth to those in authority because their minds have been corrupted. Most of the so-called General Overseers (G.O.) are corrupt and perverted,” Oba Alao added.
He stressed that this shift towards wealth accumulation at the expense of spiritual values has greatly contributed to the country’s stagnation in development and social justice.
Olugbon urged both religious leaders and traditional rulers to reflect on their actions, reminding them that they would be held accountable for their stewardship, both in this world and the next.
“The prayers of sinners are an abomination before God, hence the need for our leaders to rethink,” he warned.
The monarch concluded by reiterating the transient nature of power and the importance of staying true to sacred duties, regardless of the temptation to indulge in worldly gains. “I am a traditional ruler. I don’t belong, and will never belong, to any occultic groups,” he emphasised, drawing a clear line between his position and the corrupt practices of some leaders.
In response to the Cherubim and Seraphim Church Movement’s request for collaboration on community development projects, Oba Alao assured them of his support.
“Your requests are aimed at the development of the Orile Igbon community. I am assuring you that necessary assistance will be provided in this regard.”
Earlier, Prophet Alogbo requested the monarch’s collaboration on a range of community development projects. These initiatives include the establishment of a women and youth empowerment center, clean drinking water initiatives, a bakery, animal production facilities, and farm produce processing.
Other proposals included a diagnostic and medical center, a full-size recreational sports facility, and a home care facility for the elderly.
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