In a political environment often dominated by familiar faces and conventional calculations, Ramon presents a profile shaped by technical discipline, structured thinking, and solution-driven engagement. His professional background, anchored in analytical precision and systems management, forms the foundation of his public service aspiration.

For him, representation must move beyond ceremonial presence to practical responsiveness — laws that reflect local realities, oversight that protects public resources, and advocacy that translates into visible development.

Ramon argues that the future of Ibarapa East lies in leadership that listens deliberately, plans strategically, and delivers measurably. He speaks of strengthening rural infrastructure, expanding youth-driven economic opportunities, and institutionalising transparency as core pillars of his agenda. In his view, governance must not merely be symbolic; it must be structured, accountable, and people-centred.

Rooted in Ile Odede, Isale Alubata Compound, Ward Seven of Ibarapa East Local Government, and maternally linked to Ile Sobaloju, Isale Ajidun Compound, Eruwa, Ramon’s story is not one of distant ambition but of lived experience. He is, in every sense, a son of the soil — shaped by the same roads, schools, and economic realities that define daily life in Ibarapa East.

“I was born here. I grew up here. I understand our struggles, our strengths, and our untapped potential,” he says. “Representation must go beyond occupying a seat; it must translate into preparation, competence, and genuine commitment to development.”

His academic journey mirrors that philosophy of steady growth. He began at Islamic Primary School, Lanlate (1995–2001), proceeded to Baptist Grammar School, Orita Eruwa (2001–2007), and later earned a National Diploma in Mechanical Engineering Technology from Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro, between 2009 and 2011. Refusing to plateau, he advanced his intellectual horizon and is now completing a Bachelor of Science in Business Administration at the University of Lagos. “Education,” he reflects, “is continuous capacity building. Leadership today requires both technical knowledge and administrative insight.”

That blend of engineering precision and managerial training has defined a professional career spanning more than a decade. Shortly after his diploma, Yusuf joined Mikano International Limited as a generator installer, gaining hands-on experience in industrial power systems — a sector central to Nigeria’s infrastructural backbone. He later transitioned into telecommunications at Safari Telecoms Nigeria Limited, where he received specialized training in Industrial, Scientific, and Medical radio bands, strengthening his expertise in network operations.

In 2013, he became a Field Support Engineer at Netrux Global Concepts Ltd., then a leading ISM service provider in Nigeria. Over four formative years, he immersed himself in telecom infrastructure deployment and maintenance, mastering field coordination, logistics management, and real-time technical problem-solving.

Since July 2017, he has served as a Field Support Engineer with Specific Tools and Techniques Ltd., a power solutions firm providing services to major operators including MTN Nigeria and Airtel Nigeria. In that capacity, he operates at the frontline of ensuring energy reliability and network uptime — responsibilities that demand discipline, accountability, and systems thinking.

For political observers in Ibarapa East, this trajectory matters. It reflects more than résumé credentials; it speaks to a mindset anchored in efficiency, coordination, and measurable outcomes — qualities increasingly demanded in legislative representation.

Beyond the private sector, Ramon’s political exposure is neither sudden nor superficial. A loyal member of the progressive political family in Lagos, he once served as a personal assistant to a former lawmaker, gaining practical insight into legislative procedure and constituency engagement. Within his community, he has quietly extended financial support to small-scale entrepreneurs and students — modest but consistent interventions rooted in personal responsibility.

“My interest is my people,” he states firmly. “Ibarapa East deserves strategic, responsive, and capable leadership at the State Assembly. We must move from rhetoric to results.”

Across the constituency — from Lanlate to Eruwa — development priorities remain clear: youth employment, vocational empowerment, rural road rehabilitation, stable power supply, agricultural value-chain expansion, improved educational standards, and stronger lawmaking that directly reflects community needs.

Political analysts argue that Ramon’s technocratic background positions him uniquely at the intersection of policy formulation and practical implementation. At a time when national discourse increasingly favours competence over grandstanding, his profile resonates with a broader generational shift toward performance-driven governance. His engineering discipline reinforces problem-solving; his business training strengthens administrative understanding; his grassroots roots anchor his empathy.

For Ibarapa East, the 2027 election cycle may represent more than a routine democratic exercise. It may mark a recalibration of expectations — a demand for representation that understands both the soil beneath its feet and the systems that drive modern development. As political alignments gradually crystallize in Oyo State, Yusuf Abiodun Ramon’s declaration signals the arrival of a candidate seeking to translate private-sector structure into public-sector impact.

One thing is clear: the conversation about the future of Ibarapa East has begun — and it is now framed around competence, credibility, and capacity.

Oluwasegun Idowu sent in this piece from Eruwa, Ibarapa East LG, Oyo State

The post Ibarapa East: Yusuf Ramon’s Quest for Responsive Representation first appeared on MegaIcon Magazine.

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In Nigeria’s skies, where flight delays and cancellations are often taken as routine, Ibom Air has quietly rewritten the rules. From the moment it launched in June 2019, the Akwa Ibom State–owned carrier has treated reliability not as a bonus, but as a core strategy—turning punctuality, discipline, and operational excellence into a competitive edge that passengers can count on.

While most airlines chase rapid expansion or flashy promotions, Ibom Air has chosen consistency. Flights depart on schedule, disruptions are minimal, and communication with passengers is clear and timely. This predictability has quickly earned the airline a loyal following among business travellers, professionals, government officials, and families for whom time is invaluable.

The airline’s approach is methodical. Every flight is treated as a commitment, and operational decisions are guided by structured planning, not improvisation. This discipline underpins everything from scheduling to fleet management, ensuring passengers experience flying without surprises.

Central to this model is Ibom Air’s modern fleet. Its Airbus A220-300 and Bombardier CRJ-900 aircraft are fuel-efficient, comfortable, and rigorously maintained to meet both manufacturers’ specifications and the regulatory standards of the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority and international aviation bodies. Safety here is a culture, not a compliance exercise.

Cabin cleanliness and aircraft health are equally prioritized. Passengers consistently step into neat, hygienic, and professionally maintained cabins, reinforcing confidence and comfort even before take-off. In a sector where small details signal operational quality, Ibom Air’s standards speak volumes.

Technology quietly drives reliability across operations. From booking and check-in to flight coordination and customer service, modern systems enhance efficiency, reduce disruptions, and ensure smooth communication. These tools allow the airline to anticipate challenges rather than merely react.

R–L: Dr. Solomon Oroge, a consultant, and Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, aboard an Ibom Air flight.

Service delivery follows the same disciplined pattern. Pilots, cabin crew, engineers, and ground staff operate under strict professional standards. Courtesy is paired with efficiency, and calm, structured service ensures passengers feel confident throughout their journey.

The Ibom Flyer loyalty programme reflects this structured approach, rewarding consistent passengers and fostering long-term engagement. It turns reliability into a tangible benefit for frequent flyers.

From its hub at Victor Attah International Airport, Uyo, Ibom Air serves major Nigerian cities including Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, Calabar, and Enugu, while extending its reach to West Africa with flights to Accra, Ghana. Expansion is deliberate, prioritizing sustainability over rapid growth that could compromise service quality.

Measured growth allows the airline to maintain operational excellence and service consistency even as demand increases—a strategy that contrasts sharply with competitors whose rapid expansion often strains resources.

Mr. Idowu Ayodele, journalist and media practitioner, pictured inside an Ibom Air aircraft.

Beyond commercial success, Ibom Air has become a national example. It has created employment, stimulated tourism, and strengthened regional connectivity, projecting a positive image of Nigerian aviation at a time when confidence in the sector is often fragile.

The airline has also challenged assumptions about government-owned enterprises. By combining professional management with operational autonomy, it demonstrates that public investment can achieve efficiency, accountability, and competitiveness.

Reliability, in the case of Ibom Air, is than a promise—it is a deliberate business philosophy. It shapes operations, informs decisions, and builds passenger trust consistently.

Technology, discipline, and attention to detail converge to produce an airline that works. Every element, from fleet maintenance to cabin service, supports the promise that Ibom Air delivers what it advertises—without surprises.

In a market where uncertainty has been the norm, Ibom Air has shown that consistency can be a strategic advantage. Passengers no longer fly with anxiety; they fly with confidence, knowing their schedules will hold and service will meet expectations.

Ultimately, Ibom Air is not just an airline—it is a model of operational excellence in Nigerian aviation. By prioritizing reliability over spectacle, discipline over improvisation, and planning over shortcuts, it sets a benchmark for the industry and a standard for passengers: in the skies, predictability is priceless

Idowu Ayodele – Journalist, Ibadan, Oyo State
0805 889 3736 | megaiconpress@gmail.com

The post Flying on Trust: How Ibom Air’s Reliability Became Its Winning Strategy first appeared on MegaIcon Magazine.

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In the past few days, both social and conventional media have been agog with reactions to President Donald J. Trump’s threat to the Nigerian government regarding terrorism. In his words, Nigeria must “address the genocide against Christians in the North and Middle Belt, or else the U.S. will cut aid to the country and, in addition, come into the country guns blazing in an attempt to flush out the terrorists.”

Sincerely speaking, the tweet made by the U.S. President sounded a bit comical to me, as did many other commentaries that followed. Comical not in a ridiculous sense, but in a comedic sense.

This piece is not written to support or oppose any particular view, but to lay down facts in the most succinct and objective manner, thereby allowing for the independence of a balanced position.

In 2009, a terror group named Jama’at Ahl al-Sunna li al-Da’wa wa al-Jihad (popularly referred to as Boko Haram) emerged with the aim of establishing Islamic rule across Nigeria. According to the group, Sharia was the only path to true progress, and any faith other than Islam was haram (forbidden).

Soon after, this group began launching vicious attacks against Christians and Christian places of worship. From singularly attacking Christians, their targets shifted to government institutions and facilities, and on 28 November 2014, one of the greatest attacks against fellow Muslims occurred with the bombing and mass shooting of Juma’at worshippers at the Kano Central Mosque. Over 120 worshippers were killed and another 260 critically injured.

The point here is to underscore the fact that Boko Haram—and indeed all other extremist groups in Nigeria—are not targeting Christians alone, as earlier claimed, but are pursuing a more sinister agenda of land grabbing with the colouration of economic, psychological and socio-political domination of conquered territories, with intentions of spreading across the country.

From the Northeast, the activities of wanton killing and destruction perpetrated by terrorists spread to the North Central region, particularly Plateau and Benue States. What originally began as farmer–herder clashes metamorphosed into full-blown village and community sackings, where Fulani invaders razed entire communities, leaving hundreds dead or wounded while survivors were displaced and left with harrowing experiences in IDP camps.

This wave of destruction continued, with one of the bloodiest in recent times occurring in Yelwata, Guma Local Government Area of Benue State, on the night of 13–14 June 2025. According to Amnesty/CE/UN/NGO, over 200 people were gruesomely massacred, several houses burnt to ashes, and about 3,000 people displaced and rendered homeless. In 2025 alone, Amnesty reported more than 10,000 additional people displaced in Benue across several local governments, ranging from Gwer West to Agatu, Ukum/Gbagir, Logo, Kwande and Guma.

From the North Central, terrorism—or better still, banditry—also found its way to the North West. The activities of bandits, kidnappers and other criminal elements were consistently reported in Zamfara, Kaduna, Kebbi, Sokoto, Kano, and even Katsina, which was once regarded as the true home of hospitality, as its state slogan depicts, and as I can also attest considering how much I enjoyed the peace and serenity of the state during my days therein as a Youth Corps member. Reuters.ng reports that as of 2025, approximately 2,456 people had been killed in the North West region across multiple states. In addition to this, about 7,260 people, including schoolchildren and commuters on highways, had been abducted, with several millions of naira collected by kidnappers as ransom payments. Some parts of the South West, South East and South South have not been spared the atrocities of terrorists and bandits.

Therefore, it is safe to say that the entire country has, at one time or the other, experienced the activities of bandits, terrorists and kidnappers. The intensity of attack, however, differs from region to region.

Late General Sani Abacha once said that “if any insurgency lasts for more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it.” This saying more or less amplifies the complexity of the terrorism–banditry–kidnapping problem in Nigeria. Nigeria is a country abundantly blessed with all manners of rich mineral resources. Apart from the vast arable land required for productive agriculture, there is virtually no region of the country that does not possess one valuable solid mineral or another.

From iron ore in Zamfara, Kogi and Enugu; gold in Kaduna, Kebbi and Osun; lithium in Nasarawa, Kwara, Oyo and the FCT; bitumen in Ondo, Edo and Ogun; plus other industrial minerals like gypsum, kaolin and limestone, with deposits of over one billion tonnes across many states—Nigeria is sitting on an incredibly underutilised treasure worth billions of dollars. The government’s inability to adequately manage these vast potentials provides fertile grounds for opportunistic scrambling, illegal mining, chaos and its attendant conflicts.

One can therefore boldly say that the chaos and violence camouflaged as terrorism and banditry is indeed a calculated campaign driven not just by Islamic extremism but by land grabbing and occupation for the purpose of blood mineral extraction and illicit mining.

Thus, a sophisticatedly armed radical Islamic Fulani ethnic militia, often operating under political protection, carries out multiple killings, displacements and kidnappings across the Northeast, North Central and North West, after which reports reveal that foreign miners appear following the death and displacement of indigenes to exploit the lands.

Amnesty International has also reported that Nigeria loses over $9 billion annually to illicit mining of gold, tin and lithium, with a significant portion—estimated at 10%—funding violence and corruption. The report further revealed that the involvement of some government elements in this corruption is not in doubt, as eyewitness reports of survivors and satellite surveillance footage revealed the connivance of certain government personnel. Some survivors have also repeatedly claimed that they witnessed helicopters in the middle of the night dropping weapons and ammunition for the bandits—a disclosure corroborated by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi in an interview on African Stream earlier this year.

So, it is right to say that the violence and carnage are just a smokescreen and a catalyst to a far-reaching economic, psychological and socio-political agenda of certain influential elements in the country. This is part of the reason why the billions of naira spent on security to equip the military to better fight insurgency have not yielded much result to date.

In addressing the threat of President Donald Trump, I would like to start by recounting a little history about the 47th President of the United States and his previous antecedents. In January 2018, at a news conference in the White House, President Trump referred to Haiti and some African countries—including Nigeria—as “shithole countries” that should not be accorded immigrant status in the U.S.

Furthermore, his government’s stern immigration policies and visa restrictions clearly reflect a hostile stance towards Africa and some other Global South countries. In light of this, it is hard to understand where the sudden genuine concern for Nigerian Christians is coming from—more so when a U.S. congressman earlier this year revealed that USAID played a significant role in the funding of Boko Haram and other terrorist groups. This concern was never mentioned when Late President Muhammadu Buhari visited the White House a few months after the “shithole” saga and was praised by the same Trump for his valiant efforts in fighting Boko Haram and ISWAP, despite staggering reports of attacks and killings in the Northeast and North Central during that period.

Under the erudite scholarship of Professor Kunle Ajayi, I learnt several years ago, in one of our Politics of Global Economic Relations lectures, that in world politics and global socio-economic relations, the overriding determinant of states’ decisions and actions is strategic interest. Altruism is hardly ever a factor.

Present realities of Nigeria’s economic relations are fast approaching self-sufficiency—particularly in the oil sector, where Nigeria was once a major importer of finished petroleum products from the U.S. The Dangote refinery, having begun domestic refining and production of petroleum products, is fast taking over a market once dominated by imports from the U.S. This shift, no doubt, is taking jobs away from American oil workers—no cheering news for the country’s oil conglomerates. Secondly, China has since replaced the United States as Nigeria’s foremost trading partner.

According to Nairametrics (2025), the value of trade between Nigeria and China between 2023–2025 totals approximately $50 billion compared to an estimated $30 billion with the U.S. This paradigm shift would certainly not be palatable to the U.S. or her president, who happens to be a dogged businessman that hates the word “no”. From this perspective, it is not difficult to see where President Trump is coming from.

Be that as it may, I think Nigeria needs to employ shrewd diplomacy in dealing with the U.S. under a president like Donald Trump. Regardless of international law and conventions, the U.S. has repeatedly proven itself willing to take unilateral military action against countries, defying the rule of law and popular global opinion. So those hinging on Nigeria’s sovereignty as a deterrent to the U.S. are not good students of history.

What is, however, more important in all of this is that global attention is once again drawn to the horrible atrocities of these criminal elements in Nigeria. The country cannot continue to behave as though it is normal headline news when people are slaughtered daily, and families and homes are torn apart.

I believe this is an opportunity for the government to rejig the entire security architecture of the country, with the needed political will, to once and for all end these killings. Strategic partnership with the United States in this regard is not a bad idea. With its extensive experience in counter-terrorism operations and access to sophisticated military technology and intelligence, the U.S. can assist in identifying and eradicating the major financiers and enablers of terrorism and banditry. It is not rocket science that when the financing of terrorists ends, terrorism ceases to exist.

However, this should be done only on the basis of shared interest, mutual respect, trust, and understanding reflective of a healthy and balanced foreign policy relationship. By prioritising constructive diplomacy, dialogue and partnership, Nigeria can work with the United States in a strategic alliance to restore peace, security and confidence across the nation. That is the way to go.

Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator

The post Help or Hegemony? Trump’s Threat and Nigeria’s Terror War | By Olusegun Hassan first appeared on MegaIcon Magazine.

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In an uncommon display of thoughtfulness, Oseni marked the coronation not only with glossy adverts, banquets, or billboards but with a grassroots-centered intervention. He released ₦500,000 to each of the 10 wards in Ido Local Government—totaling ₦5 million—alongside the donation of a cow per ward, among others. With this, he ensured that the coronation was not only a palace event but also a people’s festival, resonating through Ilaju, Ido town, Akufo, Gbekuba, Siba, Ologuneru, Apete, Omi-Adio, and other communities.

 

The Olubadan institution commands deep reverence. The monarch is not merely a traditional ruler but the custodian of Ibadan’s soul, history, and unity. That the new Olubadan is Oba Ladoja—a former governor, senator, and elder statesman—makes the occasion particularly significant. It fuses politics and tradition, governance and royalty, modern leadership and ancestral heritage.

For Oseni, the moment demanded not perfunctory gestures but a response deeply connected to cultural essence. Across Ido, excitement is palpable. Residents hailed the lawmaker’s gesture as a revival of Yoruba communal values. In Akufo, elders noted that he had brought the coronation closer to the people, while in Ologuneru, youths mobilized for festivities, describing it as “history shared.” The cows symbolized abundance and communal feasting, while the funds enabled merriment. Together, they created a blend of tradition and modernity—honoring the monarch while strengthening community bonds.

The symbolism is clear. Just as Oba Ladoja is remembered for his people-oriented governance as governor, Oseni’s gesture mirrors that inclusive spirit. Rather than a distant homage to royalty, he offered a practical reminder that leadership is most meaningful when it draws the people into history. By placing the grassroots at the center of the coronation, the APC chieftain deepened the sense of belonging that has sustained Ibadan’s traditional system for centuries.

Observers believe the move goes beyond generosity. It reflects a deliberate philosophy. While Oseni has established himself in Abuja as a strong voice on infrastructure, good governance, and effective legislative representation, at home he is increasingly seen as an empathetic leader attuned to the cultural pulse of his people. His action reflects a politics of maturity—bridging service with symbolism, ensuring governance is not divorced from tradition.

The coronation of Oba Ladoja itself is historic, not just for the man but for the uniquely predictable succession system of Ibadan, which again delivered stability to the throne. Ladoja’s journey embodies resilience, service, and statesmanship. That his coronation is marked in Ido with shared meals, drumming, and laughter—rather than distant observances—makes it one of its most enduring legacies.

Already, communities are alive with preparation. Women are cooking in anticipation, youths are setting up dances, and elders are readying the celebration grounds. The Olubadan’s name is on every lip. For the wards of Ido, the coronation is not a spectacle from afar but an experience lived in real time. And when history is written, it will not only be about a monarch enthroned but also about a people brought into the heart of celebration by their representative.

What Oseni has done is redefine political loyalty to tradition. He has shifted focus from grandstanding to grassroots impact, from empty gestures to meaningful engagement. His style resonates with culture while addressing modern realities of representation. Thus, the coronation of Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja stands not only as a royal ascension but also as a people’s festival in Ido Local Government. In the laughter of children, the chants of praise singers, and the communal feasts made possible by Oseni’s intervention, a bond has been sealed—between monarch, people, and representative. That bond, rooted in culture and strengthened by service, is the true essence of this historic celebration.

The post OLUBADAN: How Rep. Oseni Turned Oba Ladoja’s Coronation into a Grassroots Festival  first appeared on MegaIcon Magazine.

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A few weeks ago, an outburst of then aspirant for Nigeria’s presidential office, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, marked its third anniversary. On June 2, 2022, in Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital, Tinubu bit the bullet in what has now become an epochal ad-lib commentary. In a retort to attempts to deny him the Nigerian presidency, he had said, “Èmi l’ó kàn, ẹ gbé kinní yìí wá” – It is my turn, bring this thing. At a meeting with Ogun State governor, Dapo Abiodun, as well as leaders and delegates of the APC at the presidential lodge, Ibara, Abeokuta on that same day, Tinubu rained subtle invective on Muhammadu Buhari, Nigeria’s then sitting president. He had come to meet the party’s delegates in Abeokuta ahead of its presidential primaries slated for about a week to that day.

Like Sango, the Yoruba god of thunder, lightning and fire or an enraged cobra, Tinubu spat out the magical words. “If not for me who stood behind Buhari, he wouldn’t have become the president,” he began, in an audacity many believe was sterner than Barack Obama’s. “He tried the first time, he fell; the second time, he fell; the third, he fell… He even wept on national television and vowed never to contest again but I went to meet him in Kaduna and told him he will run again. I will stand by you and you will win, but you must not joke with Yorubas and he agreed. Since he became the president, I have never got ministerial slots, I didn’t collect any contract, I have never begged for anything from him. Èmi l’ó kàn, ẹ gbé kinní yìí wá”; it is the turn of Yoruba, it is my turn.”

Anyone in alignment with the Nigerian political barometer of this period in time would know that, as at the morning of June 2, 2022, Tinubu was not in the reckoning of the powers-that-be for a Buhari successor. For his presidential dream, in the words of immortal Nigerian nationalist, K. O. Mbadiwe, the come (has) come to become. Or better put, from the tone and timbre of Fela Anikulapo-Kuti’s saxophonist, “rẹrẹ (ti) run” – a political calamity was afoot. Shortly after the outburst, however, what was thought to be a speech fiasco morphed into a catapult that shot Tinubu up. In spite of his visible opposition to his candidacy, Buhari almost instantly got sucked into it, inexplicably. You could feel the grudge and reluctance in Buhari thereafter. The gang-ups against Tinubu thereafter melted like ice in the sun. Not long after, a major stumbling block, Godwin Emefiele’s Naira re-denomination, fell face flat on the floor. Before you could say Jack, what was thought to be Tinubu’s baggage became his greatest wattage.

What actually transpired in Abeokuta that day? Scholars have since then subjected that audacious and epochal Tinubu statement to different analytical studies. Was it a pure biting of the bullet? A daring Tinubu owns its patent since he hopped into third republic politics? Or, was it an omnivorous appetite for things magical that many claim cannot be divorced from Tinubu’s politics? After all, Yoruba say a child’s behavioural manifestation propels him to seek anti-machete protection charm (Ìwà omo l’óń mú omo se òkígbé). In other words, was that Abeokuta statement a product of unscience and metaphysics (òògùn ab’ẹnu gòngò), a flavour that has been known to be part and parcel of African politics?

In April 2024, during the beginning of the travails of former Kogi State governor, Yahaya Bello, a similar pronouncement, thought to have spiritual implication, went viral in a video. It had an enchanter recite an incantation with utmost fury. It went thus: “River Niger and River Benue, the confluence is in Kogi State. Except say River Niger and River Benue no come meet for Kogi; if River Niger and River Benue come meet for Kogi, dem no go fit arrest Bello… Dem dey use EFCC pursue am, dem no go succeed o. Dem go lay siege for im house for Abuja… Except say I no be born of Igala kingdom… EFCC dey front, you dey back; you dey back, dem dey front; you dey left, dem dey right; you dey right, dem dey left; you dey centre, dem come there, you jump dem pass!…a lion cannot give birth to a goat…”

Those in the know claim it would be ludicrous to claim that, since 2007 when he left the governorship of Lagos, Tinubu has welded his leadership of Lagos together only with political sagacity and tons of cash. Extra-terrestial intelligence in the form of occult practices, membership of a cult of leadership where allegiances are suborned in blood oaths, are alleged to be interwoven into the much-touted Lagos hold of power. In Africa as a whole, empirical evidence given by practitioners often interviewed to give participant observations of the phenomenon has shown that, while the electorate sees the formal practices of voting, primaries and elections, unseen, chilling, blood-curdling informal recourse to black magic is an unwritten but potent credential of African political practices. So, the question is, does metaphysics influence outcomes of electoral practices? Or put more succinctly, do politicians’ occult and traditional magical practices have any bearing on voter behaviour or electoral outcomes?

Of a truth, science has denounced the validity of the above reasoning. Austro-British philosopher of language, Ludwig Wittgeinstein, was one of those who rubbished it. In his Tractatus which contained criticisms of traditional metaphysical investigation like the Èmil’ókàn outburst, Ludwig considered such as “abstract speculations” and meaningless linguistic confusion. He even said that such engagements were “metaphysical chatter(s)”. It must be said that three centuries before Wittgenstein, that is the seventeenth century, were a period in which philosophy and science could not be sharply demarcated from the occult. There, occult and reason existed side by side.

To thus think that Nigeria’s electoral politics is solely what transpires in the physical will be naivety of the highest order. In my little interface with politicians in southern Nigeria, I can confirm that there is a spiritual dimension to political leadership. A most notorious example was the Chris Ngige and Chris Uba saga in the Okija shrine while the former was Anambra governor. Indeed, there exists a seeming incestuous relationship between politics and spirituality, especially rituals. It exists in northern Nigeria as well, solely cobbled together by the marabout system brought into Nigeria by hermitic and itinerant North African Islamic Malams. Because elections and electioneering are seen as war, Nigerian politicians visit spiritualists to fortify themselves with Òkígbé, a charm perceived to insulate them from piercing machetes, guns and machinations of political adversaries. With Òkígbé, it is said that someone thus fortified, if inflicted with machete, the metal breaks into two.

In southwest Nigeria, guests visiting homes of politicians where a mass of people throng will not fail to notice grains of millet and corns splashed on roads. They are rituals which are believed to attract a motley crowd to the sides of the politicians. Those in the know also say that, as we gravitate towards the 2027 elections, there will be a spate of ritual murders known to be handiwork of politicians in need of human parts to aid their political ambitions. Non-politicians also engage in it. When you go to road junctions where three footpaths meet (orítaméta) in the southwest, you cannot fail to see ritual offerings in calabashes which are many times spiritual electoral interventions. Election times are periods rituals, libations and incantations reign. Effigies of political opponents are sometimes also made, on which are poured frightening incantations. The belief is that such political opponents are caged and their political destinies padlocked. Nigerian politicians also visit spiritualists, either the Christian variant, the Islamic-flavoured ones or traditionalists.

In earlier pieces I did, both on September 26, 2021 and April 28, 2024, with the headlines, “Nigeria’s huge market of blood and human sacrifice” and “The marabouts of Yahaya Bello”, respectively, I explored the themes of magical and ritual practices as a pervasive phenomenon in power relations in Nigeria. I stated that this affirms that when complicated issues and challenges of life confront Nigerian politicians, they quickly run to their traditions and origins. These syncretic practices do not affect their worship in church on Sunday nor mosque on Friday. This equally demonstrates the ease with which politicians momentarily throw away their Christian and Islamic cloaks to hold on to the utilitarian purpose that magic and sorcery serve them.

Late University of Leiden scholar, Stephen Ellis, in a 2001 article, “Mystical Efforts: Some evidence from the Liberian war” (Journal of Religion in Africa, XXX1, 2) described how young fighters in the Liberian war, sporting amulets which assumably made them bullet-proof, filled the streets with corpses. Monrovians were shocked at how soldiers “(disemboweled) the bodies of their victims and (eat) their flesh or internal organs, particularly the heart.” The art of eating a human heart is borne of a residue of practices in Africa. The belief is that a person’s essence is contained in the heart and the blood. So, once the hearts and blood of these warriors are eaten and drunk, “the one who had just eaten them acquires some of the power formerly possessed by his victim.”

In prehistoric time, human rituals and cannibalism were racial-blind. So many works have historicized cannibalism and human rituals in Africa. Milan Kalous’ Cannibals and Tongo Players of Sierra Leone gave an account of deadly cannibalism practice in Sierra Leone during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries by a set of people called “were-animals” notoriously labeled “human alligators,” “human leopards” and “human chimpanzees.” Their renown was capturing and ritually slaughtering their victims and harvesting their vital organs to make wealth-producing charms.

Cannibalism isn’t strictly African as empirical documentation confirmed that during the trans-Atlantic trade, European cannibals were also on the prowl seeking the succulent fleshes of Africans to make delicacies. Andre Donelha, a Cape Verdean, who travelled in Upper Guinea from 1574 to 1585, recalled how the Mane, invaders who operated during the first half of the sixteenth century, attacked the Western coast of Africa from the eastern flank and “(ate) human flesh at any time and while at war, even that which belongs to one of their own nation. When they make war, the conquerors eat the conquered.” In fact, the Manes were reputed to bear the grisly and cruel name of Sumbas which, translated, means “eaters of human flesh,” a practice which Walter Rodney explained was “for courage and ferocity.”

With its domicile in West Africa in early to mid-20th century, Human Leopard, Alligator and Baboon Societies were dreaded secret societies originally active in Sierra Leone. They eventually spread to Liberia, Nigeria and Cote d’Ivoire. In Nigeria, it was predominant among the Efik of Calabar and bore the native name, Mforoekpe. Their appearance was in leopard skin dresses. At midnight, they waylaid travelers and were armed in sharp instruments that looked like a leopard’s teeth and claws. Once they succeeded in killing their prey, the Mforoekpe then cut the flesh into pieces which were then distributed to members of this dreaded secret society. Upon eating human flesh, members believed they were revitalised spiritually and physically while the entire Efik tribe received vitality thereby. Late Stephen Ellis in his The Mask of Anarchy: The Destruction of Liberia and the Religious Dimension of an African Civil War (1999 and 2006) also wrote about the cruelty of the Leopard Society.

So many myths surround the Yoruba Ogboni secret cult, Sierra Leone’s ancient Mende and Temne chiefdoms’ Poro (men) and Sande (women) cults and the Liberian Vai people’s Mende-Temne Poro cult called Beri and the Sande’s Bundu. The Yoruba Ogboni society of the old Oyo Empire was a powerful cult notorious for its power to enthrone and dethrone traditional rulers, as well as powers that permeated Yoruba political organizations like the judiciary, governance among others. Last week, I cited Peter Morton-Williams’ anthropological study of this dreaded ancient Yoruba secret cult, entitled The Yoruba Ogboni cult in Oyo.

There are a plethora of metaphysical powers that initiates of blood, especially in fraternities and cults like Ogboni, wield and which entrap those in search of political authorities. Believing in the potent power of the Earth as a binding force, Ogboni use the ẹdan (a twin object of a man and woman pegged on a cylindrical brass spare) in their lledi (shrine house) and sprinkles of blood to subtly encode obedience to rules and secrets. Not only does Ogboni ensure secrecy of affairs among its initiates, esprit-de-corps that is prized out of the initiates by blood oaths suborns potential squealers off revelations of Ogboni secrets.

Blood oaths, essential component of Ogboni cult rituals, are administered to safeguard secrets and ensure they do not leak to third parties. They were also to secure loyalty of one to another. Oaths also carve brotherhood where none exists.

Christianity and Islam have sought to wipe out blood oath, human sacrifice and cannibalism to no avail. The Ogboni itself was a recipient of this rout in 1948 in Oyo by Alaafin Raji Adeniran Adeyemi II, a pious Muslim monarch, who sought to de-link the palace from ancient voodoo practices. Hitherto, the palace held a great link to and derived its existence from the immense powers of the Ogboni fraternity.

Though a great attempt is made by the present cyber age to delink secret cults from the operations of society, they flower greatly among African elite, especially among political power cabals who run to them for metaphysical shields at moments of existential turmoil. Indeed, judges, politicians, lawyers and many leaders of societies are said to belong to these fraternal secret cults, all in the stampede for power and protection against inclement weathers of life. Pastors, Imams and many society leaders are said to be card-carrying members of the cult.

The question to ask is, how then do political leaders who take this syncretic path of rituals to power bear any allegiance to the electorate? It is believed that many of them, rather than to the electorate, show gratitude to leaders of cult groups, Babalawo, Pastors and Imams after their victory. So, what is the scale of harm of this practice on Nigerians?

Students of philosophy and traditional African religion would need to help us situate Tinubu’s June 2, 2022 outburst which culminated in the world-renowned phrase, “Èmi l’ó kàn, ẹ gbé kinní yìí wá”. To be where he is, did Tinubu have a dalliance with the elderly who are known to be spiritual leaders of his domain? Having hailed from a core Yoruba area of Iragbiji in Osun State, nobody needs to teach Tinubu the potent powers of autochthonous Yoruba people’s spiritual powers. For anyone who understands the lingo of the coven, the phrase “Èmi l’ó kàn, ẹ gbé kinní yìí wá” sounds more like an incantation ritual than the outburst of an enraged politician. It is almost synonymous with the chant, “Agbe, bring goodies to me,” Agbe, being a bird known in English as the Great Blue Turaco, a vibrant, culturally significant bird among the Yoruba which has blue plumage.

I have heard a sprinkle of scholars and practitioners say that the talismanic effect of that Tinubu outburst removes it from the ordinary. So, was it science, unscience, Realpolitik or spiritual politics that brought Tinubu to power? Did he, in 2023, realizing the eternal wisdom in the native Yoruba wisdom which says, if you do not have what elders fortify themselves with, you would remain a suckling, (B’á ò ní nnkan àgbà, bí èwe làá rí) decide to use what he had to get what he needed?

The post Is Èmil’ókàn audacity or incantation ritual? | By Festus Adedayo first appeared on MegaIcon Magazine.

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The rebuttal published by Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Abimbola Akeem Owoade I asking for the revocation of the announcement of Chief Sanusi Dotun, the Chairman/ Chief Executive Officer, Ilaji Resorts as the Okanlomo of Yorubaland by Ooni Adeyeye Enitan Babatunde Ogunwusi – Ojaja II came as a rude shock to some of us who had a rare privilege of witnessing the genesis of last Saturday’s reiteration and amplification of Chief Dotun Sanusi as Okanlomo of Yorubaland’s Designate.

The announcement which now generated unwarranted furore had first been made in 2020 at the palace of Ooni of Ife when Chief Dotun Sanusi in the company of prominent sons and daughters of Ibadan and some of his multi-billionaire friends paid a birthday homage to the highly revered monarch.

The homage which Chief Dotun Sanusi described ‘as a must’ was a return visit to the one paid by Ooni of Ife a year before when the Monarch visited Ilaji Resort to commission the then newly completed Ilaji Resort’s Yoruba Art Gallery.

Being birthday mates, Ooni of Ife drew the first blood, when he made a grand and majestic entrance into Ilaji Resort in 2019 to commission the Gallery which boasts of collections of Yoruba legends artefacts before he left for Ife to meet visitors who he said had been waiting for him in the palace to celebrate his birthday with him.

Chief Dotun Sanusi did not disappoint in the following year (2020) when he led dignitaries from all walks of life to pay a thank-you visit to the monarch. The visit which later turned into a mini party began with the introduction of the prominent personalities that accompanied Chief Dotun Sanusi. It also featured traditional chants, Chief Dotun Sanusi’s speech, and light entertainment.

Ooni of Ife while delivering his speech acknowledged Chief Dotun Sanusi’s contributions to the development of culture in Yorubaland and as a mark of his appreciation to the man who has done so much for the preservation of Yoruba culture, he announced Chief Dotun Sanusi as the Okanlomo of Yorubaland Designate.

But for the issue of coronavirus which was rampaging then, the official ceremony and staff of office would have been presented to Ilaji Resort Boss.

The news of Chief Dotun Sanusi’s announcement as Okanlomo of Yorubaland Designate was well publicized then and there was never a time that the then Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi condemned nor demanded the revocation of the announcement.

In fact, to show the level of cordiality that existed between Chief Dotun Sanusi and the then Alaafin, the late Monarch, publicly in his palace, endorsed a football competition tagged Ilaji Football League (IFL).

IFL, a ten-team competition envisioned and solely sponsored by Chief Dotun Sanusi, had the participating teams drawn from ten major towns in Oyo state.

The late Alaafin of Oyo during the presentation of the official Jerseys of Oyo FC by Mogaji Nurudeen Akinade, the representative of Chief Dotun Sanusi, lauded the Ilaji Resort’s Boss for creating a platform for the discovery of football talents that are scattered within the hinterlands of Oyo State with a view to making their footballing dreams a reality. The Monarch consequently gave his blessings for Oyo FC to participate in the competition.

The ten teams that participated in the competition include: Oyo FC, Ogbomoso FC, Iseyin FC, Eruwa FC, Igboho FC, Igbeti FC, Saki FC, Kishi FC, Ibadan FC, and Ilaji FC which happened to be the host team.

And true to the Monarch’s predictions not less than five of the players discovered from that competition are playing very well in some of the European Clubs thereby making their dreams materialize.

If the late Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi whom many knew and regarded as a repository of Yoruba history and custodian of Yoruba culture during his reign did not antagonize nor reject the announcement of Chief Dotun Sanusi as the Okanlomo of Yorubaland five years ago, it is then worrisome but not totally surprising that the present Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Abimbola Akeem Owoade I was only using the announcement as a cover to fester a supremacy battle.

Hazeez Ayansola a media consultant and a businessman man writes from Ibadan

The post A Predecessor’s Footsteps; Understanding the Context of Ooni of Ife’s Announcement of Chief Sanusi As Okanlomo of Yorubaland first appeared on MegaIcon Magazine.

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The Federal Constituency is bordered by the Akinyele-Lagelu, Egbeda-Ona Ara, Ibadan Northwest-Southwest, Ibadan Northeast-Southeast, and Ido-Ibarapa Federal Constituency(ies).

Ibadan North Federal Constituency is an urban centre. It is made up of several districts and streets, such as Bodija, Ashi, Ashi Village, Bashorun, Agodi, Oyelade Crescent, Ladoke Akintola Street, Ire Akari, Bola – St Stephen, Inalende Road, Aladorin, Adeoyo, Oke Apon, Oje, Isale Afa Area, Sabo, Oyo Road, and Sango, among several others. The estimated population of Ibadan North LGA is around one million inhabitants or more, and the vast majority of the area’s dwellers are members of the Yoruba ethnic group. The Yoruba, English, Pidgin, and Hausa languages are commonly spoken in the LGA, while Christianity and Islam are the commonly practised religions. The traditional religion also existed in the federal constituency. The Federal Constituency comprises two Constituencies – Ibadan North Constituency 1 and 2. Notable landmarks in Ibadan North LGA include the University of Ibadan and the University College Hospital, woodwork, and traditional medicine.

Meanwhile, the astonishing, interesting and vast history of Ibadan North, which is mostly entrenched in Ibadan North Constituency I & II, is a major factor that calls for quality and adequate representation in the Federal House of Representatives since the inception of the Fourth Republic, but the political culture and tradition in the area has been a major factor that inhibits such representation until the emergence of the late Prince Musiliu Olaide Akinremi Jagaban and other progressive representatives.

Since the demise of Akinremi Jagaban, it has called for immediate attention to rescue the federal constituency from substandard representation, which had been a bane of the constituency before Akinremi’s emergence.

When we are talking of efficient, quality and pro-people representation, which Ibadan North Federal Constituency deserves through competency, experience, capability, a prominent background such as social and political and the like, we are chanting no other name other than that of the political bigwig and aircraft engineer and accomplished businessman in the country, Honourable Wale Olatunji, popularly known as Murphy.

Murphy is the charismatic leader that Ibadan North Federal Constituency deserves. He is bestowed with vast political experiences and social capital which qualify him to represent the constituents of Ibadan North Federal Constituency.

Aside from his political and social experiences, Murphy is the most competent. He is intellectually resourceful, physically gallant, and legislatively loaded. Of course, he can never be a bench warmer in the lawmaking house due to the fact that he is very intelligent, brilliant, articulate, dynamic, and wise.

The influence of Murphy in the federal House of Representatives cannot and should not be underestimated due to the fact that, if elected, he will propose so many bills that will change the lives of the people in the federal constituency and Oyo State positively, and he will bring about socioeconomic developments (developmental legislation) to Ibadan North Federal Constituency and beyond.

Moreover, the influential leverage and professional and political prowess of Wale Olatunji Murphy will bring about the facilitation of so many developmental and substantial projects to his constituency and Oyo State at large.

Also, it is worth noting that Murphy is the first and the best among the candidates who want to slug it out in the coming bye-election on Saturday, which Ibadan North Federal Constituency deserves. However, the constituents and respected voters should take cognisance of this in order to elect the best for the Federal Constituency. We cannot afford to lose a vital and eminent representation in the Federal House of Representatives. Let us come out en masse and vote for the candidate of the All Progressives Congress APC on Saturday. So, help us, God.

The post Wale Murphy: The Charismatic Leader Ibadan North Federal Constituency Deserves | By Afeez Bello first appeared on MegaIcon Magazine.

The post Wale Murphy: The Charismatic Leader Ibadan North Federal Constituency Deserves | By Afeez Bello appeared first on MegaIcon Magazine.

Nigeria’s democratic experience, however, is one conundrum that classical and modern theorists of democracy never envisaged. When Robert Dahl, in his work Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition, opined that a modern representative democracy should be characterised by inclusive participation and competition where free and fair elections, freedom of expression and associational autonomy are guaranteed giving rise to a system that allows broad participation and meaningful competition, I’m sure he wasn’t referring to what is presently playing out in the Nigerian political space. A fiasco that should only be referred to as a comedy of errors, Awada kęrikęri in local yoruba parlance. And i say this with all sense of seriousness.

To begin with, i ask this fundamental question. What is a political party, and what is it actually meant for? Since this is a monologue, I’m compelled to answer the question myself. Maurice Duverger, a French political scientist in his work “Political Parties: Their Organisation and Activities in Modern States”, defined a political party as a group of people that is organised to gain political power, and influence government policies based on a shared ideology or a set of principles. The key elements to underline in this definition are: a political party is organised to gain political power; and should be based on a shared ideology.

The above raises further questions, and I’m prompted to ask what particular ideology permeates Nigeria’s political parties of this dispensation? The AG/UPN, NPC/NPN, NCNC/NPP of the first and second Republic had clear ideologies that represented the political interests of Nigeria’s political actors during those periods and therefore, party hopping, in the name of defections was not a trend.

Between January and July 2025 alone, well over ten key politicians have defected from one political party to another, mostly PDP to the APC. From a PDP that once held the reigns of power and ruled this country for 16 years, which one politician even said would continue ruling for the next 60 years, to the APC that is currently in power, and I’m sure nursing the same longevity ambition of late Chief Vincent Ogbulafo.

It is said that politics is a game of interest, no permanent friends, and no permanent enemies. But I ask yet again, is this interest self-motivated or geared towards public good, as politics itself is meant to authoritatively allocate scarce values for the benefit of people. If this noble cause alone motivated the founding fathers of PDP to form the party and had driven their policies all these years, I’m sure the party would not have disintegrated so much so that the centre could no longer hold as it was in Chinua Achebe’s “Things Fall Apart”.

Accusations and counter accusations of treachery, betrayal, and violations of agreements in the wake of the PDP presidential primaries of 2022 further worsen the already brewing tensions in the party following their loss to the APC in 2015 and their inability to regain power in 2019. And this, of course, has orchestrated the massive movement of major actors out of the party, some to the APC where it seemed rosy at the moment, others to form COALITIONS.

The Labour Party has had its own fair share of internal leadership tussle as well, with the party broken down to different factions under different party Chairmen. It was, therefore, no surprise that the main iconic figure of the party and its presidential flag bearer in the 2023 general elections, Peter Obi, decided to join seemingly strange bedfellows in the Coalition A group that already included the former Vice President and PDP Big Wig, Atiku Abubakar, Rotimi Amaechi, Nasir El-Rufai, Rauf Aregbesola and a host of others.

What is particularly puzzling about this union is that just few months ago, some of these key figures were staunch critics and antagonists of one another, but today, mutual interest has brought them together, or should I say the shared desire to re capture power that they once had and lost at one time or the other.
Thus, the conduct of politics is once again reduced to state capture and its adjoining paraphernalia of power and not necessarily for the public good.

When the ADC was adopted as the platform for the coalition and the newly appointed interim national chairman, David Mark spoke at the unveiling, he said that the coalition move was aimed at rescuing the country from a drift to authoritarianism, abject poverty, persistent insecurity and creeping civilian dictatorship. These indeed were very honourable objectives if they had come from a more justified source, that is. But since these were the same people that actually put us in the mess we are today, but are now pretending like the mess just began yesterday, i beg to differ.

Under this same David Mark’s watch as Senate President, there were allegations of financial misappropriation at the Senate, one being the payment of #2 billion into the Senate account for distribution to the senators as largesse. A case that warranted his summon by the EFCC. In the area of insecurity, this same period (2007-2015)witnessed the most intense state of insecurity in the country where Boko Haram practically claimed and took over territories in some parts of Borno State. Not forgetting the Chibok girls’ abduction in April 2014. This was equally the period when the other coalition members were also in government except for Atiku Abubakar, whose reputation is well known, though he left government earlier on, but had made several unsuccessful efforts to return.

So, truth be told, I don’t see any change this coalition is capable of bringing. Instead, i see a group of people who were once in power, lost that power, and desperately wanted it back. What is the moral Justification for an El-Rufai who was very instrumental in this present government’s rise to power to claim, he now seeks change when we all know that that desire only arose from a personal vendetta resulting from his alienation from the current scheme of things. A business gone wrong. Or an Amaechi who was a key player in President Buhari’s administration under the APC and only fell out when he failed to secure the party’s presidential ticket and couldn’t mend fences with President Tinubu. Or Aregbesola, for that matter. Arguably, the most loyal henchman of Tinubu who had been down with him since day one before ‘Trailer pass their middle’. So, in my candid opinion, the ADC will do well to spare us the BS and concentrate more on how they intend to wrestle power from the APC. And from my candid opinion again, the only thing i can say to that is ‘Dey Play’.
A President Tinubu who defied all odds to rise to power under circumstances that should be specially researched. Riding on the emi lo kan mantra, he secured victory, whether contestable or not, against the resistance, opposition, and machinations of the powers that be, both within and outside of his party. And he achieved these without wielding any executive power.

This is the kind of person one coalition wants to unseat now that he possesses all executive powers of the presidency and its adjoining paraphernalia of office. Permit me to say once again, ‘Dey Play’.

Sincerely, i would be surprised if this coalition survives beyond this year talk less of 2027, more so, when there is still a serious contention as to who picks up their presidential ticket. Also, from all indications, their foundation is defective. And no structure built on a defective foundation can stand. It’s only a matter of time.

Be that as it may, I believe in this country and in the potential of it’s Democratic experience. An experience that has been sustained for twenty-six years uninterrupted. Yes, the dividends of democracy are yet to be enjoyed by the common man. Yes, we are still miles away from the developed Western democracies. Building the road to that proverbial El dorado of true democracy is not a function of government alone. Everyone has a part to play. It’s highly hypocritical, if not unrealistic, to behave irresponsibly and dishonestly in our own little sphere of influence or wherever position of power we find ourselves, yet expect government to behave otherwise. Building true democracies requires the collective effort of all elements in society. Yes, the government may take the lead, but it also involves the civil society, media, private sector, business owners, and the entire citizenry. Each and every one has a role to play in fostering transparency, accountability, and inclusive participation. Democratic institutions in this country will only thrive when there is mutual trust, respect for the rule of law, and active civic engagement. Finally, enduring democracy demands a united commitment to shared values that uphold human dignity, freedom, fundamental human rights, equality, and social justice.

Olusegun Hassan, Ph.D
Public Policy Analyst and Social Commentator writes from Ibadan.

The post Defections, Coalitions, and the Erosion of Democratic Ideals in Nigeria  first appeared on MegaIcon Magazine.

The post Defections, Coalitions, and the Erosion of Democratic Ideals in Nigeria  appeared first on MegaIcon Magazine.

After the pleasantries over the phone, I explained the situation and she said,

“Well, Doctor is here. You can come now”. So I volunteered to deliver the envelope on Mr. Fagbamila’s behalf. It was already getting dark so I thought of maximizing time. As I handed her the envelope, she announced my arrival as she told her husband the parcel was from “Broda Oye”. I could hear Dr. Olunloyo asking “which of the Adejumos” and she said it was the one who worked with City People but had moved to the newly established university. She later told me a Doctor was attending to him, so I could wait to see him.

When I had waited a while, I took my leave and on my way home, I reflected on the frailty of life and its ephemerality. The once energetic Victor Omololu Olunloyo was being attended to by a physician! Of course he was already in his eighties and had been rumoured dead about thrice. Memories of the many tales about him started coming back to mind. Personally, I would say Dr Olunloyo’s reputation precedes him. My mum once told a story of how Olunloyo as a Commissioner in his 20s saw a schoolboy roaming the streets when studies were supposed to be ongoing. On sighting him, the boy reportedly ran and the youthful commissioner gave chase. The boy scaled a window but that was not enough to deter Dr. Olunloyo who jumped after him and continued the pursuit.

I could remember thinking about that event when we accompanied him to Idanre where the Owa, who was then celebrating the 30th anniversary of his coronation honoured Dr. Olunloyo. The monarch recognized his role as the then Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Matters in his ascension.
My cousin, Chief Adegboyega Adejumo who doubles as Mogaji of the Ikolaba Idiagbon Family of Agbeni where I come from, had also told me of how Dr. Olunloyo visited their house decades ago on his return from Cuba. What was strange was that he came with a gift for his dad, Reverend M.O Adejumo my Uncle, and the gift happened to be a box of Cuban cigars. The story had it that “Baba Alufaa” as we fondly called my uncle protested that “Mololu, ki ree? (Mololu, what is this?). His conclusion that the gift had been brought to the wrong place elicited explanation from Dr Olunloyo that the cigars were personally given to him by Fidel Castro, the legendary Cuban leader.

I didn’t realize the reason behind the move until the former Governor passed. Mogaji confirmed that he and his elder brothers gathered and asked their dad why he, a Reverend gentleman accepted cigars as gifts. That was when he told them that they, in their youthfulness could not understand that Olunloyo in his analytical mind knew that the only way to preserve the gift as a memento of his meeting with Castro was to put them in a safe place. Of course, giving them to a Reverend who would neither light nor smoke them was the surest kind of preservation.

His life was obviously an odyssey of achievements which climaxed in style with his exit days before his 90th birthday. As a Commissioner, Dr. Olunloyo oversaw the coronation of Oba Lamidi Adeyemi III, the immediate past Alaafin of Oyo, who bestowed the Balogun title on him. It was iconic that he waited to see the ascension of Alaafin Owoade Elewu Etu before taking his exit.
Those who knew him well would attest to the fact that his love for mathematics was glowingly manifest in all he did. Not many people have ever bothered to find out how many times “Halleluyah” came up in George Frideric Handel’s Halleluyah Chorus/ Well, Dr. Olunloyo did!

Another time he amazed me was at the reception held in his famous Garden after his son, Ayo’s wedding. Being a photojournalist, Wale Adenuga, my colleague from City People started taking pictures of the celebrities around. He was about to take a group photograph when Dr. Olunloyo furtively left the arranged group. Attempts to get him to rejoin were almost unsuccessful. His response was, “the best pictures are spontaneous”. That statement has refused to leave me and over the years, I have realized that the spontaneity of taking pictures has produced some astonishing images for me. A scuffle with armed policemen who dispossessed me of my camera some years after, was enough a reminder to stick to that principle. Though the camera was eventually returned with apologies by the Public Relations Officer of the Command, I saw sense in Dr. Olunloyo’s brilliant postulation.

At the reception, he held one of his grandchildren and told some of the guests that the boy had a great love for mathematics. He said he arrived at that conclusion when he asked a question from his grandchildren and it was only the boy that got the answer right. As the older guests left, Doctor Olunloyo simply told the boy, “let us go and work mathematics”. Wale and I exchanged glances and our thoughts were in sync, who on earth works mathematics with a three-year-old boy?

And talk of family traits, brilliance is one thing the Olunloyos have been known for over the centuries. When the first missionaries started their school in Ibadan, they requested all Ibadan chiefs to send one child each. While some did not, Balogun Olunloyo sent two of his children, a boy and a girl who became part of the first Ibadan indigenes to receive Western education. The young boy happened to be the grandfather of Victor Olunloyo.

Lest I forget, I adopted that appellation after hearing Aunty Ronke addressing him as “Good Old Victor”. Though his taste for wine and music were evocative of age-long connoisseurship, one other thing distinguished him from most of the others in his category; his politics was devoid of bitterness. Absolutely loyal to whatever he stood for, he would say his mind not minding whose ox was gored. He once explained how his friend, Professor Ogunmola told him that the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo was looking for him. He confirmed that he went to Awo’s Oke Bola residence in Ibadan, took a bottle of Guiness Stout and when the sage asked him to join his party, he declined. He said he told Baba Awolowo that he wouldn’t win an election in Nigeria because only liars could do so.

He remarked that he once asked Chief Bola Ige whether Nigeria was worth dying for. He went further that Ige in his response was not sure if Nigeria was worth dying for but he was sure the country was worth living for. He had also stated in an interview that Chief Ige should not have contested the 1983 governorship election as he pointed out that Chief S.M Afolabi should have been the candidate of the Unity Party of Nigeria (U.P.N).

That is one reason Dr. Kemi Olunloyo never surprises me. The unprecedented Olunloyo bluntness has become her epithet over the years. I had followed her on social media for some time before eventually meeting her at the memorial we organized for Bola Davies, who was my Bureau Chief at City People.

Following a disappointment by the young man who was supposed to anchor the programme, members of the organizing committee unanimously decided that I should take over as the anchor. The responsibility however came with a strict warning, “on no account should Kemi Olunloyo be allowed to have the microphone” and the reason was because “no one is sure of what she would say”.
After the event, I met her and she quipped, “you did a good job of anchoring the event, by the way, my name is Kemi Olunloyo, what’s your name?” My answer was followed by another question, “are you related to Gboyega Adejumo?” That led to a lengthy conversation that went on till the driver came to pick her.

Aunty Kemi’s decision not to attend her dad’s burial is hers and I respect that. But in my opinion, life is an equation, death is a common denominator and the differential is that there is an appointed time for each person. And as long as I remember that Good Old Victor is a man whose encyclopaedic knowledge would be sorely missed, I think he deserves every honour done in his memory.

Adejumo sent this piece from Ibadan, the capital city of Oyo State

The post Good Old Victor: Peculiarity of The Unconventional Olunloyo Equation | By Wole Adejumo first appeared on MegaIcon Magazine.

The post Good Old Victor: Peculiarity of The Unconventional Olunloyo Equation | By Wole Adejumo appeared first on MegaIcon Magazine.

Back then, the leaders debated the options that could enable the country to spend its way out of the problem of “too much money.” These, according to Legum included the debates on the increase in the number of states from 12 to 20 or 24, adoption of the Udoji Commission Report, introduction of the free universal primary education for all school age children, and the increased spending on defence ahead of education and agriculture. Somehow, successive governments have succeeded in spending Nigeria out of prosperity into economic doom. Fifty years down the line, the country now stands to be counted amongst the comity of poverty-stricken nations.

In deference to the postulations of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the administration of President Bola Tinubu adopted the twin policy of subsidy removal and floating of the naira in May 2023. The argument of the global financial conductors was that the Nigerian currency was “overvalued.” But when it shed weight, it was so massively done that local experts are already saying that the naira is undervalued to the tune of 26 per cent. Somehow, the twin Tinubu policies have returned Nigeria to the state it was when the statement credited to Gowon was made. Now, the tiers of government have money, but they are having problems managing it for future prosperity. But unlike the Gowon’s situation when Nigeria as a country had money, today, only the tiers of government are buoyant, while the people languish in economic travails. Pius Mordi, writing in his “Front Row” column in the Southerner on June 25 saw through the statement credited to the former Head of State when he wrote: “There is race among the state governors on who will build the most expensive and ineffectual and, perhaps, useless edifices. At first, it was airports in their capital cities. It costs a lot of money to build one, and only the Federal Government built new ones in the Second Republic.”

Mordi gave an example of Governor David Umahi of Ebonyi State, who built a N53 billion airport in Abakaliki, only for the terminal to be turned into a Pentecostal assembly until the first ever commercial flight landed there on June 13, 2025, two clear years after it was commissioned with fanfare. Meanwhile, Abakaliki is a distance of 68 kilometres to Enugu, which has an existing airport.

Since President Bola Tinubu made the famous ‘subsidy is gone’ statement on May 29, 2023, the Federal Government, the states and the local governments have had their monthly allocations from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) tripled from around N500 billion monthly under President Buhari, to more than N1.6 trillion. So, like Mordi said, the states are in a race to spend the money accruing from FAAC.

One way I think we can address the anomaly identified in Mordi’s “Frontrow” is to create more states across the six geopolitical zones. When government is closer to the people, there would be a sense of belonging and rather than collect money to cast votes, (amounting to sale of birthright), each citizen would see himself as a potential Rep member, senator, governor, or president. The state creation exercise this time should take the number of states to at least 50 and a corresponding increase in the number of local governments, which could rise to 1,000. The logic here is that we will reduce the amount of money available to be wasted. Luckily, the National Assembly is presently undertaking a constitution review exercise, where at least 31 requests for states have been submitted. It is a chance for the lawmakers to take the agitators for state creation through the process as contained in Section 8 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). My preference is that the states to be created should be made contiguous to tribal/ethnic/dialect orientations, such that can guarantee political self-determination by each tribe or dialect. For instance, if you take the South-West Nigeria, the Ibadan in the present Oyo State should own a state, while Ogbomoso can also choose to stand alone or seek alliance with neighbouring Oyo and Iseyin. The Oke-Ogun and Ibarapa people can jointly own a state. The Ijebu people of Ogun State have been seeking a state for years; nothing should stop that from coming into reality. The same should go for the people of the South-East. The Ukwa/Ngwa people of the present Abia State can own a state, while the Old Bende axis can unite in another. In the South-South, the people of Warri had designed the city as a potential state capital, and this exercise can bring that to pass. Ethnic groups and tribes in the South-South, North- Central, North- East, and North-West can come together to form states. In a state like Kogi, the Okun people should be given the option of either merging with Ekiti State or standing alone, while in Benue State, the Utukpo people of Benue South and their neighbouring communities shouldn’t find it difficult to form a state.

The Tiv in that state have already shown their capability to stand alone. Our people should be given the freedom to unite with those they see as their true kit and kin. One advantage of this is that it will help us solve the series of ethnic tension that usually erupt in different states and massively help ethnic nationalities control their political fortunes. There is also this reality that at least three types of political actors seek/grab power at the sub-national level in Nigeria these days. These include those who seek power for personal aggrandizement, those who seek power to develop themselves and the community, (of course this group has the fewest people on the line) and those who seek power as a business venture. They invest and must make their gains. These are the people who make it a duty to siphon the funds, which they relocate to some places they believed their fortunes are guaranteed. So, if these are the categories of people that would keep exchanging the batons of power among themselves in the states, why retain the IMF/World Bank model of amassing money in the hands of the states and expect a miracle.

Of course, the argument would be raised about the cost of governance and about the viability of new states. I will insist till tomorrow that every state is viable in Nigeria. The political actors are either lazy or spoilt by the feeding-bottle federal system or are insincere. If we create more states, it will enable the sub-nationals to explore the neglected sources of revenue and also spread the available resources among the citizens.

There would be less money to be packed in some mysterious boxes and landed in unknown locations outside our shores. If more states are created, there would be more government staff to be employed, more government secretariats to build, more Government Houses, more roads to dualise in the capital city and more public buildings to house government’s departments and agencies. A homogeneous state would allow the elders to speak to the office holders in the language of the ancestors (apologies here to the revered monarch, Omo N’oba N’Edo Eku Akpolokpolo, Oba Erediauwa) about development and if they fail to do so, they will have nobody to blame.

While no one can argue that government’s money is meant to be spent for the welfare of the people and infrastructural projects, because governments are not established as Profit and Loss (P& L) centres, it is equally undeniable that the resources are to be used to guarantee good governance. That is why different layers of government (in sane climes) ensure that they use the money accruing to the coffers to generate wealth and ensure a certain future for their people. The Yoruba would say owo laa fi peena owo (you use money to create more wealth). That may be the thinking behind IMF’s policy framework on subsidy removal. The drift should be that the government should make more money, and use is to transform the lives of its people. But merely seeking to translate European or American policy trust to an African setting cannot achieve the desired result. Here, with our kabiyesi mentality to governance, any money the government generates first goes to service the welfare of those in government. And the people would readily hail the government for doing so.
Yes, IMF has succeeded in amassing money in the hands of governments in Nigeria, but that is yet to translate into a good life for the citizens.

This is because, with more money in the hands of African governments, the leaders think more of how to dispense the funds, starch some away in foreign lands, and fritter the balance on frivolities. That is why one of the first steps the Nigerian Governors Forum took when the Tinubu government started the implementation of its IMF-inclined policies was a trip to Rwanda for a retreat on democratic governance. You want to ask what 36 state governors in Nigeria want to learn about democratic governance in Rwanda that would warrant them landing in that country with huge entourage. What is the nature of that retreat that can not be held in Transcorp, Abuja or Obudu Cattle Ranch, Port Harcourt, or Lagos? Some states even sponsored the entire members of their houses of assembly on tours of different countries, just to create avenues to spend the money. Meanwhile, the citizens have continued to languish under the pangs of skyrocketing inflation, rising consumer goods, debilitating insecurity, and an apartheid-like power supply policy.

Emeritus Professor of Communication, Andrew A. Moemeka, writing on the topic: “Development, Social Change, and Development Communication: Background and conceptual Discussion,” in a book of readings he titled Development Communication in Action, submitted that the Marshall Plan, used to rebuild Western Europe after the Second World War was hugely successful and that in less than ten years, it “turned destruction and devastation into construction and industrialization.” He stated that: “Europe was not just brought back to life, but given a higher standard of living than it had before the war.” He admitted, however, the Marshal Plan failed when applied in the developing countries in 1960s because the former colonial masters failed to see the peculiarities in the different societies and apparently confused information as a synonym for communication. He said that “in a cultural environment, where socio-cultural and material aspects of life are treated as a holistic entity, it is impossible to succeed with attempts to improve the material with little or no regard to the socio-cultural.” This is the same foul IMF/World Bank policy experts are committing with the implementation of their policies in Nigeria, especially. In the Western world, and largely Asia, these days, when governments make money, it translates to a good life for the citizens. But in Nigeria and Africa, government money is first meant for the good of the government and its system. The few people who benefit from the crumps are those who can roll at the feet of the power holders. That perhaps answers why the many years of implementation of IMF/World Bank policies have failed to redeem the aches of African economies.

The post It Is Now Time To Create More States | By Taiwo Adisa first appeared on MegaIcon Magazine.

The post It Is Now Time To Create More States | By Taiwo Adisa appeared first on MegaIcon Magazine.